2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 SPECIAL SECTION COLLOQUIUM A figure game Jason J. Price, University of California, Berkeley This piece inhabits the history of anthropology in a nonteleological way to index (and advocate for) the joyfulness in prefiguration. Keywords: prefiguration, figuration, configuration a figure game his work is licensed under the Creative Commons | © Jason J. Price. T ISSN 2049-1115 (Online). DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.14318/hau6.2.021 Jason J. Price 346 I. Modernist anthropology begins with two magic words . . . Myth! She cries. Oh no . . . II. Under what conditions would writing a joyful history of anthropology be relevant? Joyful as defined as intensity of engagement, not a simple affirmation. Disenchantment, she replies. Apathy? I say. Indifference, she replies. Boredom, I say. But boredom and monotony are essential to the enterprise, I add. Yes, she says. I miss that, she adds. Malinowski dancing with Amparita on the shores of the Western Pacific? I say. But she bored him, and he drank himself to sleep with vermouth, right? She asks. You sound like Lévi-Strauss, I say. Well, boredom is not the same as indifference, she says. Yes, I say, maybe that’s the trick . . . What is the meaning of torpor? She asks. A good question, I say. How to achieve a profound boredom then? She asks. Yes, I think I get it, I say. Never do that! She exclaims. Why? I say. Contact zones, unruly edges—remember? She says. Oh yes, but . . . But what? G is worried, I say. G is always worried, she says. That’s not fair, I say. Oh come on, she says. Don’t you think the postmodern moment was an utter, spectacular political failure? I ask. Does it matter? she asks. What about the hyperprofessionalization of the discipline? I ask. It’s a game, she says. III. Let’s play a game then. What kind of a game? A figure game. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 347 IV. A figure game There is a certain agreeable occupation of mind which, from its having no distinctive name, I infer is not as commonly practiced as it deserves to be; for indulged in moderately—say through some five to six per cent of one’s waking time, perhaps during a stroll—it is refreshing enough more than to repay the expenditure. Because it involves no purpose save that of casting aside all serious purpose, I have sometimes been halfinclined to call it reverie with some qualification; but for a frame of mind so antipodal to vacancy and dreaminess such a designation would be too excruciating a misfit. In fact, it is Pure Play. Now, Play, we all know, is a lively exercise of one’s powers. Pure Play has no rules, except this very law of liberty. It bloweth where it listeth. It has no purpose, unless recreation. The particular occupation I mean—a petite bouchée with the Universes—may take either the form of aesthetic contemplation, or that of distant castle-building . . ., or that of considering some wonder in one of the Universes. . . . It is this last kind—I will call it musement . . . —Charles Sanders Peirce 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 348 V. More like castles made of sand! She jokes. Is that all you can see? I ask. You need to grow up. She remarks. No, I don’t—I’m an anthropologist—this is the point! I insist. What about militancy? She demands. You mean militant banality? I retort. Can we begin? She asks. Let us. I say. But I only have a few minutes. She reminds me. I know. But remember: we are here to vex each other. I remind her. That sounds familiar. She remarks. It should. I reply. You are permitted to be bored but not indifferent, ok? I say. Is that a rule? She inquires. There are no formal rules really. I explain. Then how will I know how to play? She asks. You’ll figure it out on your own. I continue. How? She asks. Practice. Trial and error. I respond. And how will I know when the game begins? She wonders. To some extent, this is entirely up to you. I say. This is a strange game. She says. Yes. I say. Is this really necessary? She asks. An important question. I say. Wait, that’s my phone. Give me a minute. She looks down. . . .[00:09] Ok, and who will be the judge? She asks. Some don’t think it’s necessary. I say. To judge? She asks. No—to play—remember? I say. Are you joking? She asks. Of course not! I maintain. Can you please be legible? She demands. That doesn’t make any sense. I protest. Why? She injects. The field is blunt, rounded . . . I explain. So the game is to straighten things out? She suspects. Not really. Not anymore. I argue. Then how to win? She exhales. As opposed to lose? I quip. What? She asks. Here’s a hint— 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 349 A figure game VI. Fig 2. “The blank page is only a pane of glass to which representation is attracted by what is excluded.” —Michel de Certeau 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 350 VII. That’s a hint? Yes. I told you to be legible. You’re missing the point—I don’t want to be violent! There’s nothing there. That’s untrue. You mean the Certeau quote? Yes. I wish I could have shown you the frog totem. Unchichera? It’s difficult to get my points across about representation without this image. Why not just show it to me then? Sacrilege! So have we begun? It’s up to you. Can you show me more? Yes and no. Another hint then? Ok—Cantor Dust. Seriously? Musement, remember? Yes, I remember. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 351 A figure game VIII. An everyday scene, showing groups of people at their ordinary occupations. 1922 Pounding acorns 1925 Parching caterpillars Chipping a bowlder 1929 Women in the water collecting shells. Cutting the white lily leaves Lousing. MEN IN FULL FESTIVE ATTIRE The Megalithic culture of Western Europe 1930 A burial 1934 Beehives Fowl pen A half-finished school. Supporting pillars, longitudinal beams. 1935 Completely cleared ground The first row of potatoes and greens ready to be covered 1936 with a row of heated stones. Suckling children sleep with their mothers A man debating. The war-like gestures of the transvestite women. The oldest son of a man recently dead 1938 A country village Cattle traveling 1940 August shower Girl in a millet garden. Thread-crosses as roof top decorations. Milaraspa singing to the doves 1950 Day-dreaming1955 Youth1956 Movement in wedding dance. Pipe Windscreen Prophet Planting seed cane 1960 Weighing produce in a local store Rain chart for Port Darwin. 1962 Taking snuff 1963 Huge trumpets Fire drills The gourd system 1966 Toucans Street vendor in Mexico City selling sliced pineapple, oranges, jicama, and coconut. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 1968 Jason J. Price 352 A sheath decorated with gummed feathers and provided with a pennant made of stiff straw. 1969 Women fetching water The larvae The roof 1972 1976 1973 A young housewife in Sefrou. Making silk buttons at home. 1977 1978 A student of the Quran. A young pupil studies a passage from the Koran while his teacher weaves a mat. 1981 The Comoro Islands Mid-morning breakfast with a worker Handclapping patterns Winnowing A moment’s release from the winnowing An independent old woman with her niece Rubber Stations of the Putumayo The postcard the soldier sent his mother, with his portrait inserted in the top corner. 1986 1987 Woman and her niece making tea on a kerosene burner with a windbreak made of an old olive oil tin. A lunch room for workers in a cigar factory in Pittsburgh Joining hands in a circle around the fire A woman crosses herself. 1989 Abi and his younger brother carried by their mother. Ana and her mother making string out of bark. Suela inspecting the contents of her net bag. Abi playing with an ax while Suela looks on. 1990 Maggie’s bedroom altar Fearless, hardworking Biu. 1992 Checkerboard cloth. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 353 A figure game Chase Manhattan’s flexible credit card. Friday prayer at the Sebi mosque Omi and Shanti. 1994 The stuffed animals arranged by the former superintendent of this abandoned building. 1996 Several photographs of Cristina Sánchez performing the kill. 1997 Contemporary netbags. Rudolph’s “corduroy” surface. The Roman maze at Pula. Tina showing off her bunda Mabel preparing dinner for herself and her boyfriend. The buying power of Zambian exports A typical bicycle The prize baby The mechanics who repaired our Toyota Crude death rates A girl playing with dolls in front of the house Equipment in an abandoned fish cannery At a lardo festival. Education booths in the control unit A research doctor in the computer room behind shielded glass Gray scale differences. Schizophrenia extremes. Carvings in the ravine wall at spring Nigerian oil revenues José on his way to the fields Drawing of the Great Serpent Mound of Ohio Felling of a fig tree Jim’s Dog Flying across the landscape The remains of the 1974 plane crash Embassy protestors demanding global inclusion Latino maintenance man at a Palm Springs, California, golf course. Frog making a survey A classic thermostat circuit that uses a bimetal coil and a mercury switch to turn a furnace for heating a room on and off. El in his studio making beats 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 1998 1999 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2010 2011 2012 Jason J. Price 354 IX. Chronological? What? From chronos to kairos. Or vice versa. Is that the same frog? Isn’t that the point? I hadn’t thought of that. Yes! Thinking in configurations! But what about science? You want to pretend? We can pretend, but it’s only pretense. “Let us pretend,” like grace before our actions. The pattern as mind trap. Yes! Glide reflection! Figure-ground reversal! I didn’t mean it that way. No? This is why images are dangerous. Why are you saying it like that? Stop that. This is crazy. It can’t be. I don’t have time for this. What problem? Maybe. Fine. May Be. May Be . . . May Be. May Be. Repeat after me: “May Be.” This is part of the game. Flexibility, remember! That’s part of the problem. The problem of joy! May Be. May Be. May Be. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 355 A figure game X. The Case of The Cow’s Four Limbs The Case of His Uncle’s Bed The Case of The Diminished Following The Case of Redressing the Balance The Case of The Independent Sister The Case of The Ambitious Nephew The Case of The Strong European “Medicine” The Case of The Gambler’s Folly and “The Slaughtered Beasts” The Case of The Greedy Son The Case of A Notorious Witch The Case of The Inedible Children The Case of The Virtuous Sister-in-Law The Case of The Jealousy of the Barren The Case of The Repossessed Garden The Case of The Carpenter’s Tools The Case of The Chief Who Judged His Own Case The Case of The Revenge through First Aid The Case of The Youthful Impudence Punished by Death The Case of The Death of the Disease of the Dogs The Case of A Disappointed Candidate’s Revenge The Case of A Maternal Uncle’s Schemes Foiled The Case of A Sawyer’s End The Case of A Refusal to Divide The Case of Not Merely Chicken-Pox The Case of A Mother’s Invention The Case of Money from Johannesburg The Case of The Disappointed Widow and The Backsliding Christian The Case of A Sister’s Treachery The Case of A Poison Ordeal Long Ago and The Coveted Cattle The Case of Children Shouldn’t Tell Tales and The Game that Ran Away The Case of Three Possible Causes and The Live Hare The Case of The Pretended Brother 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 356 XI. This is the game that ran away. May Be. Stop that! Just kidding. What’s that one about? Which one? “The Game that Ran Away.” I forget. How do you remember? The figure, full of joy. What figure? That’s the game. The game that ran away? No, ours. Wait a second. Let me just . . . That’s cheating! There are no rules! Oh yes. Ohhh. . . . I see now. Research! Thank God for Google. Formalized curiosity. Poking and prying with a purpose. But what’s the purpose? Resisting death, in all its possible forms. Agreed. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 357 A figure game XII. The Moon Goddess with rabbit. Incised on obsidian from sub-stelae caches. XIII. That’s lovely. Myth! I suppose I deserve that. Yes. The rabbit is so important. Lest we forget. But this won’t challenge the hyperprofessionalization of the discipline. Probably not. So what’s the use? “A bird that behaves normally is just a bird,” my dear. Not a flock? XIV. The spider covers up the taytu, Thy open space, the open space between thy branches, O taytu, the spider covers up. Thy soil, O taytu, the soil between thy vines, the spider covers up. The dry branches, O taytu, the dry branches on the trees left over from cutting, the spider covers up. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 358 XV. Still, I’m beginning to like these somehow—the image and the joy are entwined, suspended, thrown away into the imaginal. The absence indexes a perpetual interiorization, the lost joy turned onto itself. Yes, something like that. That’s why the blank page. Right, but it’s still pretty obtuse. That’s the word—obtusus!—he called it a miracle. This is the happiest I’ve seen you in a while. JOY! Game over then. You’ve won, right? We’ll see. Just a few more ok? I do have to go. Sure. But this time no linearity or repetition. Too easy? And you run the risk of fatalism. As always. So—Possibility—ok? Yes—Variety, Interchange—got it. Another way of telling. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 359 A figure game XVI. A young man puts on a decorated comb at the kwaya of the combs. Coincidence detection. Bespelled leaves House in a newly opened clearing. Town diversions and the corruptions of youth. Concentrations of cesium-137 in the air. Oil revenues Magical money Frog making a survey The Wolf Man’s Dream A wooden club for killing fish. The rise and fall of the Sobat River. Gifts set atop logs over the grave of a young girl. Eyebrows coated with wax. A man poisoning his arrows. A woman crosses herself. Active Human Brain A set of do-don’t messages. Brain slices Brain slice angles Instruments, incision, sutures, and bandages A stitched gourd resonator An obento cookbook shows strategies for reimagining food: ribboned carrots, sausages made into crabs or worms, an apple designed into a pineapple, a flower-tomato, carrots converted into a pair of shoes. Rudolph’s “corduroy” surface. Detail of chintz. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Breadth of face Breadth of face Breadth of face Breadth of face Jason J. Price 360 Cattle grazing on ridge. | Women fetching water. | Sugarcane in bloom. Perhaps no place on earth more clearly represents the realities of the industrial revolution—the consequences of progress—than does the city of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The “gaping wound” of the plaza: unbuilt tower. The doors that seal the pods. The coil reflected as an unfolded icosahedron. An unusual type of symmetry Tiger and Snoop in inverted roles Don Chu Chu Saint Michael Richard at ease in the Oliveraie, the last French bar in Sefrou. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 361 A figure game Prepared human head with animal teeth set in eye sockets and a suspension cord hanging from the mouth The sacred crocodile of Mokwa Black cats and white rats. A haunting history. The alchemy of blackness. Roger Casement in the Congo 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 362 Screenshot of Utopia Handclapping patterns X-ray record of Little Richard, “Tutti Fruttti” Tina showing off her bunda B = Light Blue, G = Dark Green, P = Pink, R = Red, S = Sooty Black, W = White, Y = Glossy Pale Yellow. Rivulets from the surrounding heights carve ever changing channels during the torrential season the penis sheath the penis is eliminated debonair assurance; sadness; reserve; self-abasement computer engineers dance the maypole Beehives Toucans Alphabet of birds Bird of prey with a sparrow, representing a parakeet, dangling from its beak. The broad end of a lalang wisp, or a palm leaf, is pulled through the interstice between two frame rods. It is then folded back and pulled through the next interstice below The herd takes off in wild flight. One of the hunters runs after it. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 363 A figure game Woman and her niece making tea on a kerosene burner with a windbreak made of an old olive oil tin. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 364 Simple oversewn coil Tone combinations: high, middle, low. Who sits above? Who sits below? The hawk is held for throwing A hawk held ready for throwing Rim-shapes, painted ware bowls. Diamonds zigzags diamonds Self-portrait of Luiz: “Begging.” Happy to be alive! False-face Doctor rubbing his rattle on a pine stump. Modern trappings, vials and bottles. Car bonnet re-used as a signpost. Bannerstones Rain-stones. Women fetching water. Women in the water collecting shells. Thirty years beyond, I went back to look ahead. A final scrutiny of the rough form. Flyers at a Moscow bus stop advertising dormitory accommodations. Milaraspa singing to the doves. A Kutenai berry-basket. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 365 A figure game XVII. A figure game? Yes. How did you settle on that one? Just felt right I guess. Can you describe it? I don’t think I could do it justice. That’s the point, right? Ok, well . . . It’s pretty grassy. We’re in an opening in a village. (Or how I’ve come to think of a village, right?) And there are some huts in the background and some palm trees. And there’s this man at the center of the frame. And he’s whipping this kid around. Spinning him around in the air by his leg. It’s spectacular. The kid is just there, hovering, mid-air. Suspended, aloft. The man’s body is completely tense. He’s smiling, but it’s a focused smile, a weighty smile. And the kid is smiling too, but it’s completely different. He looks totally light, completely free. Musement! Yes. {smiles} Is it just the two of them? No, there’s a crowd of children behind them. Some are crossing their arms, others are crossing their legs. Some are leaning left, others are leaning right. A few of them are holding one another sweetly. There’s a man on the left approaching the scene too. (I always imagined him as the boy’s father or uncle, though there’s no real way of knowing.) No women? At the very edge of the frame (of course!) standing before one of the huts. She’s very hard to see at first. She may be pregnant. There’s a toddler waddling toward the scene too, and what looks like two small dogs. A figure game. Yes, a figure game. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 366 XVIII. A FIGURE GAME [Ch. IX, I] 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 367 A figure game XIX. What were those two words by the way? What two words? At the beginning, when I cut you off . . . Oh yes, “Imagine yourself . . .” Of course. Imagine Imagination Image We could go on forever. In many ways. Where does it come from? ORIGIN Middle English: from Old French, from Latin imago; related to imitate. Imago. 1 Entomology—the final and fully developed adult stage of an insect, typically winged. Cool. 2 Psychoanalysis—an unconscious, idealized mental image of someone, especially a parent . . . I saw that coming. I prefer the first as well. So we should aspire to be insects, winged insects . . . Without stingers of course. No! Very much with! If a bird that behaves normally is just a bird what is one who behaves abnormally? It’s regarded as likely to be a spirit. Enchanting. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 368 XX. AUTHOR’S FOREWORD1 How to compose a joyful visual history of anthropology without the use of actual images? This became the question. By way of an answer, I turned to the caption. Ephemeral and relative, captions frame the imaginal. They link figures to grounds. The word derives from capere, to take or seize. This is the work of the caption: to seize, shape, and ground affective responses engendered by the precarious, arresting potential of the image. But what work might a caption do if relieved of that duty? What matter does it become when discovered out of place? What if we read captions autonomously? Or exclusively in light of one another? What kind of images or ideas might such an arrangement produce? These questions in mind, I revisited the desktop folder where I had collected hundreds of images from the history of anthropology and began to transcribe those captions that struck me as joyful. A curious catalog emerged—a series of rich, fleeting, referential fragments. I noticed trends, styles, types, and tropes. I came to appreciate the caption as a kind of microgenre in anthropological writing. Bronislaw Malinowski and E. E. Evans-Pritchard were lyrical—the former wistful, the latter shrewd.2 Victor Turner and Gananath Obeyesekere were illustrative within the context of process.3 Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Michael Taussig appropriated speech to infuse voice and animation.4 Nancy Munn and Lila AbuLughod occasionally code-shifted into the melodic—sometimes offering captions that simply begged to be read aloud.5 It was delightful. I felt like I had discovered a cipher long hidden in plain sight. Visual anthropologists, unsurprisingly, have been quietly conscientious of the epistemological prospects of the caption for some time. Sarah Pink notes that, in some cases, “the caption aims to provoke readers to question their interpretations of the photograph, and the ‘traditional’ symbol it represents” ([2001] 2013: 175). Similarly, David MacDougall (in a passage that strikes a chord with a central premise in this piece) highlights the form’s latent fertility: 1. This is a playful piece. As Johan Huizinga notes, “the exceptional and special position of play is most tellingly illustrated by the fact that it loves to surround itself with an air of secrecy” ([1944] 1980: 12). To insert an introduction at the beginning, therefore, runs the risk of spoiling the game. 2. “She is loving him, one of the few intimate attentions allowed in public between husband and wife” (Malinowski [1929] 1987: 25); “Ox with tassels hanging from its horns” (Evans-Pritchard [1940] 1968: 30–31). 3. “Doctor applies castor oil with the butt of his rattle to the exposed taproot of an ikamba daChihamba tree” (Turner 1975: 124); “Penitent hanging on hooks on a movable scaffold at Kataragama in fulfillment of a vow, uttering prophecies to other supplicants” (Obeyesekere 1981: 90–91). 4. “Can you give me some help so I can have these two refilled?” (Scheper-Hughes 1992: 201); “Do you want to see something incredible?” (Taussig 1987: 339) 5. “A garden specialist plants bespelled leaves next to a house post during the Bibira rite” (Munn [1986] 2007: 93); “Woman and her niece making tea on a kerosene burner with a windbreak made of an old olive oil tin” (Abu-Lughod 1986:192). 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 369 A figure game How are we to describe the difference between the words “A leopardskin chief,” the caption for the photograph in Evans-Pritchard’s The Nuer, and the photograph that accompanies it, attributed to F. D. Corfield? [Figure 23.] Or the caption “Youth (Eastern Gaajok) fastening giraffehair necklace on friend” and its photograph? [Figure 24.] Each could be the seed of a large work: the caption might grow into a book, the photograph into a film. The caption presents us with the written code for something one might say, an ostensive (or demonstrative) definition of the sort: “This is a Nuer youth.” (1998: 251–52) The subjunctive mood evoked in experimenting with floating captions—most of which I swear you saw6—has the capacity to evoke a shared imaginal history that I hope might function as a resource for the plotting of joyful futures, provided we engage in the kind of aesthetic contemplation that comes with play (in the Peircean sense). This is my answer to the question regarding what it would mean “to enliven our relation to the history of anthropology” (Singh and Guyer 2014). The nonteleological way I inhabit the history of the discipline—an experimental assemblage of floating captions set within the context of a quasihistorical polyphonic Batesonian metalogue masquerading as a game that only arose from the imagined constraint of copyright—could be understood, to some extent, as “prefigurative.” In “Anthropology and the rise of the professionalmanagerial class” (2014), David Graeber offers prefiguration as a means to recover a kind of latent lost joy: A prefigurative approach, it seems to me, would most of all mean abandoning the nervous defensiveness of the hyperprofessionalized academic entrepreneur, and admitting to ourselves that what drew us to this line of work was mainly a sense of fun, that playing with ideas is a form of pleasure in itself, and that the deal we are tacitly being offered in the process of professionalization, that we must make a ritual sacrifice of everything that most gave us joy about the prospect of undertaking an intellectual life in order to have a chance of achieving even a modicum of life security, is itself violent and unnecessary. (2014: 86) Because this piece demanded I bracket “nervous defensiveness,” because its core method has been that of play, and because its arrangement has been full of joy, I do think “A figure game” can be read as an unwitting response to Graeber’s call to begin to “act as if we were already free” (2014: 85). But this wasn’t really what I had in mind at the outset. The affective register that precipitated this engagement is probably more akin to sentiments outlined in a letter written nearly a century ago by Edward Sapir to Robert Lowie that is featured in Richard Handler’s book chapter, “The dainty and the hungry man” (1983). It deals with the relationship between Sapir’s art and anthropology, his desire for beauty of 6. To borrow a phrase from Michael Taussig (2011), but also to loop in Marilyn Strathern’s notion of disciplinary deja vu: “Perhaps the sense of deja vu is also a sense of habitation in a cultural matrix” ([1991] 2004: xxv). 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 370 form, and his concern for the experience of captivation.7 “Sapir’s dilemma,” according to Handler, “was that he was drawn to aesthetic phenomena (form) in an affective way” (1983: 215). I sympathized. And I suspect this is what drew me to the joyful provocation that frames the special section in this volume. I read it as an invitation to rejuvenate through an embrace of form as possibility within a register of joy, broadly conceived. * * * I initially proposed to craft a joyful history of anthropology as a discipline of images. Debates regarding the status of the image in anthropology have almost always been intense, so what better way to reimagine a collective past than via the polysemic instability of the image? I collected all manner of images at first. Photographs, illustrations, film stills, diagrams, charts, graphs, maps, and fieldwork sketches were all fair game. I began at home, removing volumes from shelves, leafing through them, reading passages, and collecting and collating images that struck me as joyful. I then shifted to the university library, named in honor of George and Mary Foster. Moving through the stacks in search of genuine surprise was strangely invigorating, almost nostalgic. (When was the last time I explored the shelves of an actual, material research library without a narrowly defined objective? It felt positively Borgesian.) The green hardcovers that bind old journals in annual intervals were my favorites. Most of these are now digitized. No one appeared to have taken them off their shelves in ages. (The dust itself was reminiscent, the scattered remains of a predigital universe.) I was especially struck by how the sheer presence of images ebbed and flowed through the anthropological past. A comprehensive timeline tracing anthropology as a discipline of images was possible,8 I suspected, but not in the limited time horizon I had for this project. What, then, to do with the collection of images I was amassing in a desktop folder labeled, “JOY”? John Berger and Jean Mohr’s Another way of telling (1982) offered a practicable and inspired way forward. Faced with the problem of communicating experience using only images and text, Berger and Mohr draw on the ambiguity of the photograph to suggest “another way of telling.” The book’s central story evokes a peasant woman’s life in the French Alps. It consists of a sequence of 150 images intuitively arranged and void of text. The experimental assemblage encourages readers to “play a game of inventing meanings” (1982: 86). Instead of relying on some fixed external narration, readers are invited to develop their own coherences. In the process, an ever-evolving stream of new ideas is meant to spring forth from what Berger calls “the half-language of appearances” (1982: 129). The result struck me as eminently joyful, so I set out to follow their method. 7. Particularly within the context of the kind of everyday bureaucratic violence that troubles Graeber and that Ann Cvetkovich recognizes and resists in her critical narrative, Depression: A public feeling (2012). 8. Something in the vein of Tristan Partridge’s “Diagrams in anthropology: Lines and interactions” (2014). 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 371 A figure game My aim was to produce “another way of telling” the history of anthropology. But not long after I began, an impasse. Craig Campbell is the Director of the Intermedia Workshop at the University of Texas, Austin and one of the curators of Ethnographic Terminalia. His “archival degenerator,” an experiment in surrealist archival science, plays with imaginal juxtapositions in a manner consistent with Berger and Mohr. As I was preparing my sequence, I had occasion to speak with him about the project. He listened closely and asked, “But what about the copyrights?” I was crestfallen. We discussed fair use, but I feared it would slow down the process, or simply not apply. What to do? (I would have to imagine ways to refer the reader to images despite their absence.) This is when I shifted to captions. I remained faithful to Berger and Mohr’s method but with one key reversal: substituting framing texts for images “not available” (to borrow a phrase found in many digital archives). The work of imagination that emerged—a montage of text conjuring absent images possibly once seen—is obtuse, a reality “I” admits (and embraces) in the text: “That’s the word—obtusus!—He called it a miracle.” The “He” here is Roland Barthes, who, after reflecting on the way Eisensteinian film stills had the uncanny capacity to “hold” him, argued for the reality of an obtuse level of meaning beyond the mere informational or symbolic:9 As for the other meaning, the third, the one “too many,” the supplement that my intellection cannot succeed in absorbing, at once persistent and fleeting, smooth and elusive, I propose to call it the obtuse meaning. The word springs readily to mind and, miracle, when its etymology is unfolded, it already provides us with a theory of the supplementary meaning. Obtusus means that which is blunted, rounded in form. . . . An obtuse angle is greater than a right angle: an obtuse angle of 100, says the dictionary; the third meaning also seems to me greater than the pure, upright, secant, legal perpendicular of the narrative, it seems to open the field of meaning totally, that is infinitely. (1977: 54–55) This “third meaning” has no objective existence, according to Barthes, and is best understood as a feeling: “The obtuse meaning carries a certain emotion. Caught up in the disguise, such emotion is never sticky, it is an emotion which simply designates what one loves, what one wants to defend: an emotion-value, an evaluation” (1977: 59). Reflecting on this piece, Barthes might encourage us to ask what feelings it engenders and what emotion-values and evaluations it defends. The answer to the former would be highly subjective, of course; but it is my hope that an answer to the latter might be something like: “the promise of anthropology as a discipline that resists death in all its possible forms.”10 This is the common ground where “I” and “she” finally meet in the metalogue, after all. 9. Taussig (2011: 6–7, 9, 11) writes of Barthes’ third meaning, linking it to surrealism and Walter Benjamin. 10. I introduced the phrase, “resisting death in all its possible forms” (Deleuze 1998: 19, in Biehl 2011: 22) in section XI. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 372 * * * A metalogue is a method and a literary form developed by Gregory Bateson in the service of his work toward an ecology of mind. He described it as “a conversation about some problematic subject [that] should be such that not only do the participants discuss the problem but the structure of the conversation as a whole” (Bateson [1972] 2000: 1). The problematic subject here is announced at the outset: “Under what conditions would writing a joyful history of anthropology be relevant? Joyful as defined as intensity of engagement, not a simple affirmation.” The value of a metalogue, according to Peter Harries-Jones, is that it can “reveal that any message is meaningless until it is related to a classifier or context which limits what the message can be about” (1995: 92). That tension was crucial. I had initially thought this piece would only be an experimental assemblage of sequenced captions (section VIII), but that approach failed to confer the affirmative joy I had experienced in wrestling with the challenges of its execution (or, if it did, was far too muted). How then to infuse the work with the same kind of joy that constituted its production?11 During a round of free-writing, a dynamic dialogue emerged between a pair of figures: “I” and “she.” The exchange proved to be a useful Barthesian vehicle for the obtusus of the assemblage. “Useful” because, as Barthes explains, “what the obtuse meaning disturbs, sterilizes, is metalanguage (criticism)” (1977: 61). Planting the obtusus in the fertile ground of metalanguage, then, became a way to produce an ironic tension that, I believe, generates the Peircean musement that reflects the joyful experience of its arrangement. Being half-finished (or written in a half-language, or partially blank) makes success precarious, but this is a condition of the game. As Harries-Jones writes of the metalogue writ large, “like poetry [it] does not necessarily lead anywhere. It is its own circle” (1995: 92). And this is precisely what “A figure game” actually is in Malinowski’s ethnography—a shared, invigorating, circular repetition that does not necessarily lead anywhere. * * * An important question that surfaces throughout the game deals with the point of playing. Johan Huizinga famously noted that we can approach play in one of two ways: “as a contest for something or a representation of something” ([1944] 1980: 13). Malinowski’s functionalism meant that he read Trobriand games through the lens of reproduction. This is an excellent demonstration of the classic weakness of functionalism. There’s little space for thinking “outside the purely physiological” (Huizinga [1944] 1980: 9), no opportunity for “spoil-sports in their turn to make a new community with rules of its own” (12). If there was a set of questions I would offer at the outset (or at the end) of this piece, then, it would be: What might be at stake in this figure game? What 11. A common question we ask ourselves as we write our ethnographies. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 373 A figure game might its play generate more broadly? And how might we respond to such formal experiments in our posteverything age?12 * * * The history of anthropology is a history of configuration. It has been violent. We have done some work in coming to terms with this violence. We must continue to do so. But we should also not blind ourselves to prefigurative wells that might enliven our engagements with the world. Thomas O. Beidelman once concluded that “anthropology as a discipline is a peculiar hodgepodge, manifesting shreds and patches of sociology, psychology, history, philosophy, linguistics, and comparative criticism of art and literature. This bridging of disciplines touching many but probably mastering none, makes anthropologists valuable synthesizers or sometimes jesters in the court of academe, outside and yet inside the more normative disciplines” (1993: 214). Can we get back in touch with this kind of vision of ourselves and of our field, only stripped of the contemporary bitterness and nervous defensiveness that constitutes so much of our affective relation to ourselves, one another, and the world?13 In his poem, “A pair of tricksters,” Sapir writes of two classic figures in Native American folklore (the raven and the bluejay): “one is a mind and one is a heart / And the two are a trickster pair; Croaker and screamer—each has an art / Of escaping from despair” ([1919] 1986). This is the art (and the great joy) of anthropology—escape from despair. 12. In this respect, Roberte Hamayon’s Why we play ([2012] 2016) is useful. Discussing play and games within the context of Siberian and Mongolian ritual actions, Hamayon asserts that “far from being a gratuitous and free amusement, [games] had to have a positive ‘effect’ on the state of things to come” ([2012] 2016: 6). 13. I pose this question as someone who is by no means immune from bitterness or nervous defensiveness. Cvetkovich’s Depression: A public feeling (2012) allowed me to appreciate how those feelings (which often felt so singular) were constitutive of broader “Public Feelings” endemic to academia. Her faith in “forms of flexibility or creativity” (2012: 21) as antidote to the depression, blockages, and impasses germane to the professional managerial class and corporate and market cultures was an important force that kept me moving through this project. 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 374 Sources Being a game, I do not include in-text citations. Sources are listed below. Quotations refer to my text. Some are direct quotations, others are paraphrased. I. “Myth!” (Puett [2012] 2016: xv) II. “Joyful . . . as intensity of engagement, not a simple affirmation.” (Singh and Guyer 2014) “Malinowski dancing with Amparita . . .”(M. Young 2004: 117) “But she bored him, and he drank himself to sleep . . .” (M. Young 2004: 117) “boredom is not the same as indifference” (Taussig 2004: 61) “What is the meaning of torpor?” (Taussig 2004: 63) “profound boredom” (Haraway 2008: 367–68, Taussig 2004: 61) “Contact zones, unruly edges” (Haraway 2008: 367–68) “the postmodern moment was an utter, spectacular political failure” (Graeber 2014: 81) “the hyperprofessionalization of the discipline” (Graeber 2014: 82) IV. This quotation from Peirce (1960) appears in footnote 6 in Daniel (2013: 106–7). V. “No I don’t. I’m an anthropologist. This is the point!” (Graeber 2012) “militant banality” (Barthes [1975] 1989: 175) “we are here to vex each other” (C. Geertz [1973] 2000: 29) “bored but not indifferent” (Haraway 2008: 367–68) “figure it out on your own” (e.g., Marcus 1998: 109; Wolcott 2008: 4) “Practice” (e.g., Ortner 1984) “This is a strange game” (e.g., Simmel 1950; Powdermaker 1966; Agar 1980) “Is this really necessary?” (e.g., Hymes [1966] 2002: 3–4) “The field is blunt, rounded . . .” (Barthes 1977: 55) VI. “The blank page is only a pane of glass . . .” (Certeau 1984: 152) VII. “I don’t want to be violent” (Barthes 1977: 55) “I wish I could have shown you the frog totem” (Taussig 1992: 124) “Cantor Dust” (Strathern [1991] 2004: xviii–xxv) VIII. “An everyday scene . . . ordinary occupations.” (Malinowski [1922] 1984: 16–17) “Pounding acorns” (Kroeber [1925] 1976: Bulletin 78/Plate 60) “Parching caterpillars” (Kroeber [1925] 1976: Bulletin 78/Plate 61) “Chipping a bowlder” (Lowie 1929: 96) “Women in the water collecting shells.” (Malinowski [1929] 1987: 444–45/Plate 80) “Cutting the white lily leaves” (Malinowski [1929] 1987: 252–53/Plate 44) “Lousing” (Malinowski [1929] 1987: 444–45/Plate 70) “MEN IN FULL FESTIVE ATTIRE” (Malinowski [1929] 1987: 124–25/Plate 14) “The Megalithic culture of Western Europe” (Forde 1930: 28) 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 375 A figure game “A burial” (Redfield and Rojas 1934: 183–84) “Beehives” (Redfield and Rojas 1934: 64–64) “Fowl pen” (Redfield and Rojas 1934: 41–42) “A half-finished school.” (Redfield and Rojas 1934: 40–41) “Supporting pillars, longitudinal beams.” (Malinowski [1935] 1978: 258) “Completely cleared ground” (Malinowski [1935] 1978: 64) “The first row of potatoes and greens ready to be covered . . .” (Ross 1936: 356–57) “Suckling children sleep with their mothers” (Bateson [1936] 1958: Plate XV/B) “A man debating.” (Bateson [1936] 1958: Plate VII/B) “The war-like gestures of the transvestite women.” (Bateson [1936] 1958: Plate VI/B) “The oldest son of a man recently dead” (Herskovits 1938: 384–85) “A country village” (Herskovits 1938: 384–85) “Cattle traveling” (Evans-Pritchard [1940] 1968: 186–87) “August shower” (Evans-Pritchard [1940] 1968: 120–21) “Girl in a millet garden” (Evans-Pritchard [1940] 1968: 104–5) “Thread-crosses as roof top decorations.” (Lindblom 1940: 105) “Milaraspa singing to the doves.” (Schmid 1950: 83) “Day-dreaming” (Lévi-Strauss [1955] 1997: 262) “Youth” (Evans-Pritchard [1956] 1977: title page) “Movement in wedding dance” (Evans-Pritchard [1956] 1977: 112–13) “Pipe” (Evans-Pritchard [1956] 1977: 36) “Windscreen” (Evans-Pritchard [1956] 1977: 132–33) “Prophet” (Evans-Pritchard [1956] 1977: 306–7) “Planting seed cane” (Mintz 1960: 192–93) “Weighing produce in a local store” (Mintz 1960: 192-93) “Rain chart for Port Darwin.” (Lévi-Strauss [1962] 1967: 92) “Taking snuff ” (Steward 1948: 759) “Huge trumpets” (Métraux 1948: 410–11) “Fire drills” (Métraux 1948: 435) “The gourd system” (Lévi-Strauss [1966] 1973: 470) “Toucans” (Lévi-Strauss [1966] 1973: 366) “Street vendor in Mexico City . . .” (Schrœder 1968: 82) “A sheath decorated with gummed feathers . . .” (Lévi-Strauss [1964] 1983: 62) “Women fetching water” (Hallpike 1972: 102) “The larvae” (Marshall 1976: 149) “The roof ” (Cunningham 1973: 214) “A young housewife in Sefrou.” (Rabinow [1977] 2007: 60) “Making silk buttons at home.” (Geertz, Geertz, and Rosen 1979: 244–45/Illustration 62) “A student of the Quran.” (Geertz, Geertz, and Rosen 1979: 244–45/Illustration 1) “A young pupil studies a passage . . . while his teacher weaves a mat.” (Lambek 1981: 24) “The Comoro Islands” (Lambek 1981: 1) “Mid-morning breakfast with a worker” (Dwyer 1982: 249) “Handclapping patterns” (Berliner [1981] 1993: 115) “Winnowing” (Dwyer 1982: 250) “A moment’s release from the winnowing” (Dwyer 1982: 251) “An independent old woman with her niece” (Abu-Lughod 1986: 151) “Rubber Stations of the Putumayo” (Taussig 1987: xi) “The postcard the soldier sent . . . in the top corner.” (Taussig 1987: 340) “Woman and her niece making tea on a kerosene burner . . .” (Abu-Lughod 1986: 192) “A lunch room for workers in a cigar factory in Pittsburgh” (Martin 1987: 99) 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 376 “Joining hands in a circle around the fire.” (Danforth 1989: 228) “A woman crosses herself.” (Danforth 1989: 33) “Abi and his younger brother carried by their mother.” (Schieffelin 1990: 51) “Ana and her mother making string out of bark.” (Schieffelin 1990: 218) “Suela inspecting the contents of her net bag.” (Schieffelin 1990: 226) “Abi playing with an ax while Suela looks on.” (Schieffelin 1990: 227) “Maggie’s bedroom altar” (Brown 1992: 247) “Fearless, hardworking Biu.” (Scheper-Hughes 1992: 53) “Checkerboard cloth.” (Napier 1992: 13) “Chase Manhattan’s flexible credit card.” (Martin 1994: 151) “Friday prayer at the Sebi mosque” (Gibbal 1994: 70–71) “Omi and Shanti.” (Raheja and Gold 1994: 120–21) “The stuffed animals . . . of this abandoned building.” (Bourgois 1996: 9) “Several photographs of Cristina Sánchez performing the kill.” (Pink 1997: 163) “Contemporary netbags.” (Clifford 1997: 184) “Rudolph’s ‘corduroy’ surface.” (Desjarlais 1997: 49) “The Roman maze at Pula.” (Gell 1998: 89) “Tina showing off her bunda” (Kulick 1998: 72) “Mabel preparing dinner for herself and her boyfriend.” (Kulick 1998: 119) “The buying power of Zambian exports” (Ferguson 1999: 9) “A typical bicycle” (Hunt 1999: 16) “The prize baby” (Hunt 1999: 230) “The mechanics who repaired our Toyota” (Verrips and Meyer 2001: 154) “Crude death rates” (Mueggler 2001: 189) “A girl playing with dolls in front of the house” (Stoler 2002: title page) “Equipment in an abandoned fish cannery” (Orlove 2002: 152) “At a lardo festival.” (Leitch 2003: 453) “Education booths in the control unit” (Rhodes 2004: 212) “A research doctor in the computer room behind shielded glass” (Dumit 2004: 58) “Gray scale differences.” (Dumit 2004: 92) “Schizophrenia extremes.” (Dumit 2004: 101) “Carvings in the ravine wall at spring” (H. Geertz 2004: 49) “Nigerian oil revenues” (Apter 2005: 26) “José on his way to the fields” (Vivanco 2006: 22) “Drawing of the Great Serpent Mound of Ohio” (Trigger 2006: 188) “Felling of a fig tree” (Riley 2007: 479) “Jim’s Dog” (Haraway 2008: 4-5) “Flying across the landscape” (Boellstorff 2008: 11) “The remains of the 1974 plane crash” (Piot 2010: 27) “Embassy protestors demanding global inclusion” (Piot 2010: 167) “Latino maintenance man at a Palm Springs, California, golf course.” (Starn 2011: 82) “Frog making a survey” (Taussig 2011: 99) “A classic thermostat circuit . . . on and off.” (Deacon 2012: 117) “El in his studio making beats” (Feld 2012: 367) IX. “From chronos to karios” (Collu, D’Arcy, Ng, and Price 2015) “Thinking in configurations” (Jane I. Guyer, personal communication, May 3, 2010) “We can pretend, but it’s only pretense.” (Rabinow [1977] 2007: 152) “‘Let us pretend,’ Like grace before our actions.” (Achebe [1988] 1989: 151) 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 377 A figure game “The pattern as mind trap. . . . Glide reflection! Figure-ground reversal!” (Gell 1998: 80) “This is why images are dangerous.” (Taylor 1996) “May Be.” (Feld 2012: 200–04) “Flexibility, remember!” (e.g., Martin 1994; Ong 1999) X. All cases found in Marwick (1965). XI. “Formalized curiosity. . . . Poking and prying with a purpose.” (Hurston [1942] 2006: 143) “Resisting death, in all its possible forms.” (Deleuze 1998: 19, cited in Biehl 2011: 22) XII. “The Moon Goddess with rabbit . . .” (Guillemin 1968: 14) XIII. “Myth!” (Puett [2012] 2016: xv) “The rabbit is so important.” (e.g., Boyle 1973) “the hyperprofessionalization of the discipline . . .” (Graeber 2014: 82) “A bird that behaves normally is just a bird,” (Firth 1966: 10, in West 2007: 95) XIV. “The spider covers up the taytu . . . the spider covers up.” (Malinowski [1935] 1978: 152) XV. “the image and the joy are entwined . . . the lost joy turned onto itself ” (Ashwak Hauter, personal communication, August 2015) “obtusus!—He called it a miracle” (Barthes 1977: 54) “Possibility. . . . Variety, Interchange” (Guyer 2009: 360) “Another way of telling” (Berger and Mohr 1982) XVI. “A young man . . . at the kwaya of the combs.” (Munn [1986] 2007: 210) “Coincidence detection.” (Dumit 2004: 73) “Bespelled leaves” (Munn [1986] 2007: 93) “House in a newly opened clearing.” (Stasch 2009: 58) “Town diversions and the corruptions of youth.” (Sharp 2002: 228) “Concentrations of cesium-137 in the air.” (Petryna 2002: 42) “Oil revenues” (Apter 2005: 26) “Magical money” (Apter 2005: 43) “Frog making a survey” (Taussig 2011: 99) “The Wolf Man’s Dream” (Taussig 2011: 16) “A wooden club for killing fish.” (Lévi-Strauss [1955] 1997: 250) “The rise and fall of the Sobat River.” (Evans-Pritchard [1940] 1968: 53) “Gifts set atop logs over the grave of a young girl.” (Stasch 2009: 222) “Eyebrows coated with wax.” (Lévi-Strauss [1955] 1997: 263) “A man poisoning his arrows.” (Marshall 1976: 150) “A woman crosses herself.” (Danforth 1989: 33) “Active Human Brain” (Dumit 2004: 20) 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 378 “A set of do-don’t messages.” (Hunt 1999: 270) “Brain slices” (Dumit 2004: 75) “Brain slice angles” (Dumit 2004: 76) “Instruments, incision, sutures, and bandages” (Martin 1987: 81) “A stitched gourd resonator” (Berliner [1981] 1993: 23) “An obento cookbook . . . carrots converted into a pair of shoes.” (Allison [1996] 2000: 101) “Rudolph’s ‘corduroy’ surface” (Desjarlais 1997: 49) “Detail of chintz.” (Taussig 2009: 162) “Breadth of face” (Boas [1894] 1940: 143–145) “Cattle grazing on ridge.” (Evans-Pritchard [1940] 1968: 200) “Women fetching water.” (Hallpike 1972: 102) “Sugarcane in bloom.” (Mintz 1960: 128–29) “Perhaps no place on earth . . . the city of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.” (Napier 2003: xvii) “The ‘gaping wound’ of the plaza: unbuilt tower.” (Desjarlais 1997: 50) “The doors that seal the pods.” (Deacon 2012: 22) “The coil reflected as an unfolded icosahedron.” (Napier 2003: 260) “An unusual type of symmetry” (Danet 2001: 263) “Tiger and Snoop in inverted roles” (Starn 2011: 88) “Don Chu Chu” (Taussig 1987: 470) “Saint Michael” (Taussig 1987: 207) “Richard at ease in the Oliveraie, the last French bar in Sefrou.” (Rabinow [1977] 2007: 12) “Prepared human head with animal teeth set in eye sockets . . .” (Horton 1948: 282–83) “The sacred crocodile of Mokwa” (Nadel 1954: 22–23) “Black cats and white rats.” (Jackson 2001: 48) “A haunting history.” (Jackson 2001: 47) “The alchemy of blackness.” (Apter 2005: 63) “Roger Casement in the Congo” (Taussig 1987: 12) “Screenshot of Utopia” (Boellstorff 2008: 41) “Handclapping patterns” (Berliner [1981] 1993: 115) “X-ray record of Little Richard, ‘Tutti Fruttti’” (Yurchak 2005: 184) “Tina showing off her bunda” (Kulick 1998: 72) “B = Light Blue . . . S= Sooty Black . . .” (Wickler and Seibt 1995: 395) “Rivulets from the surrounding heights . . . during the torrential season” (Linñe 1951: 144) “the penis sheath” (Lévi-Strauss [1955] 1997: 246) “the penis is eliminated” (Allison [1996] 2000: 157) “debonair assurance; sadness; reserve; self-abasement” (Messing 1960: 560–61) “computer engineers dance the maypole” (Martin 1994: 220) “Beehives” (Redfield and Rojas 1934: 64–65) “Toucans” (Lévi-Strauss [1966] 1973: 366) “Alphabet of birds” (Lévi-Strauss [1962] 1967: 148–49/Illustration 5) “Bird of prey with a sparrow . . . dangling from its beak.” (Mueggler 2001: 220) “The broad end of a lalang wisp . . .” (Malinowski [1935] 1978: 257) “The herd takes off in wild flight. One of the hunters runs after it.” (Marshall 1976: 138) “Woman and her niece making tea . . .” (Abu-Lughod 1986: 192) “Simple oversewn coil” (Committee of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 1951: 275) “Tone combinations: high, middle, low.” (Arewa and Adekola 1980: 193) “Who sits above? Who sits below?” (Toren 2007: 287) “The hawk is held for throwing” (Rosner 1960: 424–25) “A hawk held ready for throwing” (Rosner 1960: 424–25) 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 379 A figure game “Rim-shapes, painted ware bowls.” (Kidder 1920: 325) “Diamonds zigzags diamonds” (Boas [1927] 2010: 54) “Self-portrait of Luiz: ‘Begging.’ Happy to be alive!” (Scheper-Hughes 1992: 241) “False-face Doctor rubbing his rattle on a pine stump.” (Parker 1909: 183) “Modern trappings, vials and bottles.” (Janzen 1978: 106–7/Plate 12) “Car bonnet re-used as a signpost.” (D. Young 2001: 49) “Bannerstones” (Baer 1921: 446) “Rain-stones.” (Seligman 1932: 282) “Women fetching water.” (Hallpike 1972: 102) “Women in the water collecting shells” (Malinowski [1929] 1987: 444–45/Plate 80) “Thirty years beyond, I went back to look ahead.” (Richardson 1998: 11) “A final scrutiny of the rough form.” (Herskovits 1938: 96-97) “Flyers at a Moscow bus stop advertising dormitory accommodations.” (Reeves 2013: 515) “Milaraspa singing to the doves.” (Schmid 1950: 83) “A Kutenai berry-basket.” (Kissell et al. 1909: 530) XVII & XVIII. “A figure game” (Malinowski [1929] 1987: 284–85/Plate 53) XIX. “Imagine yourself ” (Malinowski [1922] 1984: 4) “If a bird that behaves normally . . . likely to be a spirit.” (Firth 1966: 10) “Enchanting.” (Huizinga [1944] 1980: 10) Acknowledgments I owe a great debt to Special Section Editors Bhrigupati Singh and Jane I. Guyer for their inspiration and encouragement in this unorthodox project, to the anonymous reviewers of Hau for their critical insight and willingness to take an unconventional work seriously, to the editors of the journal for their flexibility in inviting its publication, and to Michelle Beckett for her extraordinary work in copyediting. Publication made possible in part by support from the Berkeley Research Impact Initiative (BRII) sponsored by the UC Berkeley Library. A version of this piece was presented at the Anthropological Inquiry Working Group at UC Berkeley on September 15, 2015. I thank Julia Sizek, David Thompson, and Max Waterman for organizing, and Lawrence Cohen for his joyful reading as discussant. If the Experimental Ethnography Working Group at UC Berkeley had not invited Craig Campbell to campus on March 13, 2015, I never would have been captivated by the caption. Thank you to Annie Danis, Annie Malcolm, and Lisa Sang Mi Min for their industry and passion. No one read as many drafts of this piece or offered as much motive force in moving it forward as Ashwak Hauter. Her heart and soul are inscribed in the text in ways I have only begun to realize. A handful of colleagues at Berkeley agreed to play this game with me—shuffling pieces, premises, and landscapes on the board in brilliant turn after turn. Samuele Collu, Michael D’Arcy, Sam Dubal, Emily Ng, and Jerry Zee, you are the ravens and bluejays of my lifeworld. Future archaeologist and intrepid work-study librarian Charles Morse offered invaluable access in the George and Mary Foster Library and generously 2016 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6 (2): 345–387 Jason J. Price 380 reshelved stacks of volumes I leafed through day after day. Without the support of David Eaton, Daniel Fisher, Rebecca Howes-Mischel, Anna West, Brenden Willey and, as ever, Ya-Hsuan Huang, I would have fallen prey to the bitterness and nervous defensiveness ever looming. The arrival of Khora Huang Price during the revision process reminded me of the depth and necessity of pure play, musement, prefiguration, and most of all, enchantment. Lastly, with their trust and patience, Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Stanley Brandes opened up a space that allowed me to follow a path of genuine curiosity to its conclusion—a rare and invaluable gift. References Abu-Lughod, Lila. 1986. Veiled sentiments: Honor and poetry in a Bedouin society. Berkeley: University of California Press. Achebe, Chinua. (1988) 1989. Hopes and impediments: Selected essays. New York: Doubleday. Agar, Michael H. 1980. The professional stranger: An informal introduction to ethnography. New York: Academic Press. Allison, Anne. (1996) 2000. Permitted and prohibited desires: Mothers, comics, and censorship. Berkeley: University of California Press. Apter, Andrew. 2005. The Pan-African nation: Oil and the spectacle of culture in Nigeria. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 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