Changing the geography of apartheid education in South Africa
Etienne Nel and Tony Binns
(published in Geography ,1999, volume 84, issue 2, pp. 119-28)
ABSTRACT: The South African education system in the late 1990s is still trying to come to
terms with the deep spatial and social divisions engendered by the apartheid past. School
curricula have traditionally been devised at the centre with little collaboration from the
practitioners in schools. With the end of apartheid, an attempt is being made to redress past
imbalances and introduce a radically new curriculum. At present it seems that the position of
geography in the new curriculum structure is somewhat precarious. However, it is suggested
here that geographical education has a key role to play in the ‘new’ South Africa.
Introduction
The re-modelling of South Africa, both politically and socially, since 1994 has already had a
considerable effect on the nature and ‘geography’ of education in that country. In its turn,
education has played, and will continue to play, a vital role in the remodelling process:
‘Education in South Africa has become directly linked to the national programme of
reconstruction and development initiated by political changes’ (Van Harmelen and Irwin,
1995, p. 35).
Geographical education, in particular, has a special role to play in this process due to its
concern with such issues as cross-cultural and international understanding, and its focus on
people–environment relationships. As things currently stand, however, it would appear that
the position of geography within the school curriculum is by no means secure.
This article addresses these issues, starting with an outline of the educational system as it
was organised before the dismantling of apartheid, and as it is organised now. It goes on to
consider the post-apartheid school curriculum and finally focuses on geographical education,
concluding with an example of a recent school geography syllabus in Western Cape province.
The apartheid education system
The system of apartheid in South Africa, which existed prior to 1994, was designed to enforce
racially-based inequality in spatial, social and economic terms. People were confined to
selected parts of urban areas on racial grounds through the Group Areas Act, and Black rural
dwellers could only gain tenure rights in 13 per cent of the country (the Black racial reserves
known as ‘Homelands’) (Roberts, 1994). Separate facilities were provided for the different
racial groups in all aspects of society, ranging from hospitals and schools to lifts, staircases,
toilets and cemeteries.
Educational provision closely reflected these entrenched spatial divisions and the obvious
bias in facilities and financial expenditure in favour of white schools. As late as 1991,
government per capita expenditure on Black pupils was only 28 per cent of that on White
pupils, an imbalance which has yet to be eliminated (Lemon, 1995; Mather and Paterson,
1995). Administratively, radically different systems existed which were based on both racial
and spatial differences. An examination of the map of apartheid South Africa reveals the
complexity of the system as it was before 1994 (Figure 1). At that time South Africa was subdivided into four provinces and a series of ten Homelands. The Homelands were nominally
independent areas allocated to the ethnic reserves of each of the major Black tribal groups,
as identified by the apartheid government.
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Figure 1: Apartheid South Africa.
With regard to educational administration and schooling, excluding the network of private or
‘independent’ schools, representing only 2 per cent of the school populace, the picture in
terms of government education was as follows:
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White education was administered by four provincial education departments and a
national ministry – the Department of Education and Culture.
Black education in the ten Homelands was administered by the respective
Homeland education ministries.
Black education outside the Homelands was under the control of a national
ministry called the Department of Education and Training, based in Pretoria.
Asian education was controlled by a national ‘Own Affairs’ ministry for Asians
based in Durban.
Education for the so-called ‘Coloured’ population was controlled by a national ‘Own
Affairs’ ministry based in Cape Town.
In addition, there was a ministry known as the Department of National Education,
which dealt with national policy, sport, cultural and library services (Lemon, 1995;
Mather and Paterson, 1995).
Because of the complex nature of this system, it was quite common to have up to six
educational departments operating in a single urban area, each with its own independent
administrative system and associated school.
Until recently, the guiding educational philosophy in South Africa was a system known as
‘Christian National Education’. It was characterised by a centralised, authoritarian system,
rote-learning, and an unquestioning allegiance to nationalist and Calvinistic ideologies, as
expressed by the White minority National Party government.
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Education for Black children within the apartheid system acquired the additional stigma of
being so-called ‘Bantu (or Black) education’. This referred to an inferior system, compared
with that for Whites, and was one geared to producing a proletarian class at a low cost to the
apartheid state. Another feature of the apartheid education regime was the effective
suppression of what had been a very significant system of missionary and church education
for Blacks, because of the ideological conflict with the state. Differences between racial
groups were further entrenched by average class sizes, which were up to three times greater
for Blacks than Whites, and by funding disparities (Lemon, 1995). One of the results of these
inequalities was gross differences in the marks attained by students in their final schoolleaving certificates. Pass rates of less than 50 per cent were common in Black schools,
compared with pass rates frequently in excess of 90 per cent in White schools. This tended
further to entrench racially-based inequalities in education (Nel, 1997).
The legacy of the apartheid education system
When the new government was established in 1994, the provinces and the Homelands were
abolished, and nine new provinces, each with their associated administrative systems, were
created (Figure 2). This meant that 19 education departments, their schools, authority chains
and administrative procedures had to be reconstituted to form nine new provincial ministries
and one national department.
Figure 2: Post-apartheid South Africa.
Bringing schools within single urban areas and provinces under one administrative system
naturally makes practical sense, though as one can imagine, having different systems of
funding, staffing and administration led initially to many unavoidable complications. Gradually,
during 1994 and 1995, the new system emerged and inherited difficulties are being
addressed (Mather and Paterson, 1995).
Clear problems, however, still exist. For example, in certain areas middle-management
structures were still not in place in 1997, and in a government report on the state of education
in Gauteng province, it was noted that ‘management has an overwhelming sense of crisis’
(Financial Mail, 1997). The same report also noted that amongst educators there was ‘… a
feeling of panic … about the future of education’ (Financial Mail, 1997).
A major issue facing the new government has been the training of teachers. Although the
overall national philosophy in post-apartheid South Africa might have shifted, the reality is that
there are today many thousands of teachers who were themselves schooled in a rigid,
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authoritarian education system. This legacy will probably take many years to redress. The
capacity of teachers to cope with radical paradigm shifts needs to be effectively addressed
through a major in-service training (INSET) initiative, designed to encourage the use of more
creative teaching strategies to prepare children for a nation which no longer requires
unquestioning obedience to an autocratic system (Nel, 1997).
An equally problematic issue has been the Black schools which, due to politicisation since the
1980s, are characterised by the so-called ‘boycott culture’ and, in many cases, are effectively
dominated by their local Student Representative Councils. This created an undesirable legacy
of pupil and teacher non-attendance, boycotts and political power-play between students and
staff in schools resulting in demoralised staff and under-educated students, many of whom
miss out on large portions of the teaching year. While the post-apartheid state is determined
to re-establish a ‘culture of learning’ in the nation’s schools (ANC, 1994), again this may take
many years to fully accomplish.
Another legacy of the apartheid era is inequality in school facilities. Schools in former White
areas have inherited significantly better facilities than Black schools in terms of buildings,
grounds, educational equipment, materials and sports provision. Administratively, these White
schools also have strong governing bodies, a feature which, until the 1996 Schools Act, was
effectively alien to Black schools. Under what was known as ‘Model C’ schooling, introduced
in the early 1990s, parents gained significant control over the operation of what were then still
largely White schools. This situation contrasts markedly with that in what were formerly
exclusively Black schools where access to similar pools of resources, skills and potential
private capital is lacking. It is significant to note that many middle class Black people have
either moved to former exclusively White areas, or are prepared to transport their children
sometimes over long distances to former White schools. This clearly illustrates, how in postapartheid South Africa, behaviour is increasingly related to class and wealth, not simply to
race. Also interesting to note is the fact that the compulsory school fees paid by all pupils at
state schools are significantly higher in former White schools than they are in township and
Homeland schools (Nel, 1997).
South Africa’s post-apartheid education system
As one might expect, education has been an important focus of attention for the new
government since 1994. This is reflected in a number of key pieces of legislation, the three
main ones being:
1. The 1996 Constitution – guaranteeing the right and access to basic education
2. The 1996 National Education Policy Act – providing for new, national education policy
and guidelines for the employment of educators.
3. The 1996 South African Schools Act – regulating aspects such as school attendance,
language and religious policy (RSA, 1997, 1996a,b)
Although individual provinces can now control and develop their own policies and syllabuses,
these have to be within the parameters laid down by national government.
In an effort to bring about greater equality in education, the government has set certain pupilteacher ratios, known as ‘right-sizing’, which relate to the number of teaching posts which the
state is prepared to fund in a school. The designated ratios are 1:40 in junior schools and
1:35 in senior schools. This, in theory at least, should provide some relief for many former
Black schools, where teacher:pupil ratios were often more than 1:80 compared with a typical
1:18 ratio in former White schools. In practice, however, class sizes in primary schools will still
be higher than is desirable in the vital early learning years. Also, although the target teacher:
pupil ratio of 1:35 is more favourable at high school level, this conceals the reality than in the
last three years of education, when pupils choose their option courses, classes can still range
from six to 80, depending on the subject and teacher availability (Van Harmelen, personal
communication, 1997).
In 1996 there were 11.5 million pupils in the country and 341 903 teachers, giving a
teacher:pupil ratio of 1:34. However, there were great disparities. For example, Asian primary
school teachers in North West province had a ratio of 1 teacher for every 99 pupils, compared
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with a ratio of 1:14 for White teachers in secondary schools in Mpumalanga province
(Hofmeyr and Hall, 1996).
One of the effects of developing an integrated education system and ‘right-sizing’, as detailed
above, has been the creation of a vast surplus of teachers in certain areas. In the Western
Cape province, in 1996 some 12 000 of the 34 000 teachers expected to be made redundant
or to take voluntary severance packages. (Mail and Guardian, 1996) Furthermore, throughout
the country there were large numbers of resignations in response to the government’s offer of
early retirement packages, an offer designed to reduce teacher numbers. Many of those who
resigned were more senior staff who often went on to be recruited by new, elitist private
schools. Balanced against these are areas of teacher shortage, such as the former
Homelands, where it is very difficult to get staff, particularly in maths and the sciences. The
traditional reliance on emigrants from West and East Africa and India in these areas has been
threatened by the government’s tightening of immigrant control (Nel, 1997).
Although full racial integration is undoubtedly desirable, it has had the effect, primarily in
urban areas and at the junior primary phase, of introducing pupils into school from different
language backgrounds. Education in South Africa has traditionally been based on mothertongue instruction for the first three years, followed in subsequent years by instruction in
English or Afrikaans. In a country which now has 11 ‘official’ languages, the challenges for
teachers who are not used to multi-lingual situations are enormous.
Whilst former White schools appear to have a level of resourcing which is not dissimilar to
that in many British institutions, the picture is radically different in former Black schools. Of
particular concern is the lack of facilities in the former Homelands. Recent research
undertaken by the Department of Education at Rhodes University, in a typical Homeland
school located in the Dwesa area of the former Transkei Homeland (now Eastern Cape
province), revealed the following:
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out of the eight schools in the District, only one had toilets (six toilets for 600
children) and a water tank, the rest had no sanitation provision;
none of the schools had electricity or a telephone, and it is a two-hour drive down a
dirt road to the nearest education office;
in one school, where most of the research was undertaken, there were 600 pupils
and nine teachers yet there were only four functional classrooms, with abandoned
huts and an old church serving as teaching areas. The state of the buildings was so
bad that school had to be cancelled when it rained. There were no store-rooms, and
the only teaching aids in the entire school were one globe and two maps. Average
class size was 36, but in reality there were up to 100 children per classroom in the
junior classes, and as few as 14 in older groups, since older children were often
required to forego school in order to supplement family income (Van Harmelen,
personal communication, 1996b).
What is described above is by no means atypical of schools in similar situations. Quite clearly,
radical physical improvements are needed to create an acceptable learning environment.
Until these are made it is not possible to contemplate introducing new teaching approaches.
These considerations need to be borne in mind when examining the radical syllabus changes
which are being proposed.
The new curriculum
During the apartheid era, the rigid, centralised nature of the education system meant that
teachers had very little involvement in the making of policy. Since 1994, however, teachers
have been heavily involved in educational debate and the planning of the post-apartheid
education system and curricula. The highly innovative early stages were marked by the
publication of numerous progressive policy documents by the National Educational
Productivity Initiative and the African National Congress (Van Harmelen, personal
communication, 1996b).
Unfortunately, however, these initiatives had no legal status and the influence which it was
expected they would have over the post-apartheid government has not fully materialised. In
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fact, even new syllabus planning tends to be centrally determined, with notions of democratic
participation being given lip-service only. Concern and debate about specific syllabus content
since 1994 has largely been marginalised by broader debates concerning radical changes in
the nature of education itself.
In keeping with trends elsewhere in the English-speaking world, South Africa opted to
introduce a system of ‘outcomes based education’ (OBE) (to be phased in from 1998), which
is officially known as ‘Curriculum 2005’. According to policy documentation, this approach
focuses on:
‘… what learners know and can do. OBE … (has as its) starting point the intended results of
learning, in terms of knowledge, skills and values, rather than the prescription of content to be
learnt’ (Van Harmelen, 1996a, p. 1)
In terms of its theoretical underpinnings, OBE has direct parallels with similar curriculum
transformations in Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom, New Zealand and the USA.
However, whereas other countries have taken up to ten years to phase in such systems, in
South Africa there appears to be a political imperative to introduce the new programme in just
four years, to enable it to start before the 1999 general election.
While the move to OBE represents a significant step towards an innovative approach to
education, many issues remain to be addressed, most notably:
1. Although broad learning area outcomes have been developed, such as problem
solving, group work and critical evaluation, there are as yet no clearly identified
subject outcomes.
2. Teachers are expected, in principle, to develop their own learning area programmes,
but this is impossible in the current absence of a syllabus based on OBE. Teachers
are in fact being told to design syllabuses with little guidance, and simultaneously to
apply outcomes-based learning. At a broader level, burgeoning classes, the
persistence of conflict in classes, and shortage of resources complicate the picture
and impede the prospects for success.
3. The generally low levels of training of teachers in an inferior system, and the failure to
institute effective in-service training in anticipation of radical change is some cause
for concern. As most teachers have been trained under the positivist and
behaviouralist schools of thought, it seems likely that most will continue to operate
within these parameters for the foreseeable future.
4. Concern over the rushed nature of the changes has been expressed by professional
organisations such as the National Professional Teachers’ Organisation of South
Africa and the Eastern Cape Higher Education Association. The former has argued
that there will be a ‘faulty’ end-product as a result of the ‘rushed approach’ and the
latter has raised serious concerns about the lack of time allowed for comment and
implementation.
5. One of the results of the concern felt about the nature and rapidity of change is that
many private schools are either considering or actually opting to sit British A-Level
exams (Financial Mail, 17 January 1997).
Geographical education and the evolving curriculum
The focus of the article now shifts to an examination of how the school geography syllabus is
changing in South Africa. The narrative is informed by in-depth discussions with geography
teachers and teacher-educators in Eastern Cape province, and a case-study of syllabus
change in Western Cape province.
Past and present syllabuses
At present, geography is introduced in the fourth year of formal schooling, namely Standard 2
(age 10), and is compulsory until the end of Standard 7, whereafter it becomes an optional
subject.
A top-down approach to syllabus formulation was common in the past, and all too often
school syllabuses were merely simplifications of those used in tertiary institutions.
Furthermore, past syllabuses were largely dictated from the ‘centre’, with little, if any,
consultation at the chalk-face.
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Attempts by the state to change the geography syllabus in the early 1990s met with
resistance from teachers, who felt that another centralist imposition was unacceptable. As a
result, the 1985 syllabus remains in force for the time being in high schools, and the 1979
syllabus in primary schools. These syllabuses have little relation to socially critical thinking
and, despite, generally laudable preambles, in real terms they do not encourage teachers to
be innovative in their teaching strategies (Van Harmelen, personal communication, 1997).
In terms of skills acquisition in school geography this has too often been limited to the
interpretation of maps. The first objective of the 1985 geography syllabus is described as the
acquisition of a ‘fundamental body of knowledge’, showing the rigidity and lack of creativity
which have dominated past planning (Provincial Administration of the Cape of Good Hope,
1985). An issue such as environmental awareness, although mentioned, is not a major focus
and while fieldwork and the use of local examples are encouraged, in practice the sheer bulk
of the syllabus means that there is often only time to ‘plough through’ textbooks of several
hundred pages in order to answer examination questions based on almost exclusively factual
recall.
The geography syllabus has been dominated by the thinking of western academic geography,
and has a strong ‘eurocentric’ focus, reflecting the traditional values of ‘White’ South Africa.
Teachers in the Eastern Cape expressed concern about the fact that the focus is on First
World issues and aspects of ‘White’ South Africa, whilst issues which are more representative
of the life-worlds of the majority of pupils are ignored. In addition, it was noted that the
absence of local examples in physical geography and the failure to encourage local, fieldbased study led to a reliance on centrally determined core concepts (Eastern Cape Teachers,
personal communication, 1998; Van Harmelen, personal communication, 1998). Clearly,
these issues need to be addressed in order to make syllabuses more relevant to the needs of
the country’s young people.
Unfortunately, geography has been declining in popularity among school students. Reasons
for this include its factual difficulty, unattractive textbooks, content overload, relatively poor
examination results and the perception that geography does not prepare them for
employment. It seems that geography is losing some ground as an option relative to more
vocational subjects such as accountancy. Furthermore, in comparison with other subjects,
fewer students achieve distinction grades and this deters those who wish to maximise their
university entrance qualifications. Teachers also complain that the geography syllabus is
grossly overloaded, making it difficult to cover during available school time. Eastern Cape
teachers (personal communication, 1998) reported that it was actually difficult to obtain copies
of the syllabus, and that they are forced to rely heavily on textbooks in the absence of any
external guidance in the shape of INSET. They confirmed that the nature of the examination
system encourages rote learning, rather than project work and the consideration of attitudes
and values. There is strong agreement among teachers that mapwork is the weakest area in
the geography syllabus. It is a compulsory section, but many schools lack maps, particularly
of their local areas, and teachers experience difficulties in training students in spatial skills,
especially those from disadvantaged backgrounds (Eastern Cape Teachers, personal
communication, 1998).
Outcomes based education (OBE) and geography
It would be true to say that school geography in South Africa in the late 1990s is in a rather
precarious position. The education system provides for 12 years of formal education, with a
school-leaving or matriculation certificate written in the last year. For the first eight years,
education is focused around eight key learning areas, namely: Human and Social Sciences;
Technology; Numeracy and Mathematics; Life Orientation, Economic and Management
Sciences; Arts and Culture; Natural Sciences; Communication, Literacy and Language
Learning (National Department of Education, 1997). As it is clearly apparent, geography is not
specified as such, though human geography is included in Social Sciences along with history
and religious education, while physical geography and earth sciences are included in the
Natural Sciences. It seems likely that the focus will revert to distinct subjects for the last three
years, and it is to be hoped that geography may be one of these.
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Recent interviews with Eastern Cape teachers revealed that, in the classroom, there is much
concern and confusion. Teachers, quite understandably, cannot understand the reasons for
splitting their subject and are concerned about the implications of doing so. It is clear that
teachers are inadequately informed and have not been given the resources or training to cope
with change. According to one teacher, ‘We are not clear about it [OBE] yet and we don’t
know how it will work’ (Eastern Cape Teacher, personal communication, 1998).
Although the future of geography would, superficially appear to be rather bleak, there are
some encouraging signs. These include the fact that geographers took a dominant role in
devising the Social Sciences programme. In addition, the strong developing focus on
environmental education in the country is finding clear expression in OBE, and environmental
education features in all the learning areas as a key rationale. The field of environmental
education is also largely dominated by geography educators and is one in which many
fundamental core elements of geography would appear to be explicit. The concept of the
environment is interpreted in a very broad fashion, having a bio-physical base which interacts
closely with social, political and economic systems, which in turn relate to the broader foci of
democracy, development, conservation and peace. It is anticipated that environmental
education will become a key focus of OBE curricula as a result of its integrative perspective,
the use of the local environment for problem solving, the fact that it is a subject focus in its
own right, and its application in particular modules within the learning areas (Environmental
Education Curriculum Initiative, 1996).
Recent developments in geographical education: an example from Western Cape
province
Although OBE encourages local level syllabus development, in the effective absence of a
post-apartheid syllabus to date, some provincial ministries of education have started taking
pro-active steps to give their teachers guidance in what should be taught. Probably the most
advanced in this area is the Department of Education in Western Cape province (Western
Cape Provincial Government, 1996). An examination of this syllabus is instructive in terms of
its perceived focus of what geography is, particularly with regard to helping pupils understand
the country’s past and future. It should be point out, however, that this syllabus could change
when OBE is properly instituted. The mission statement contained in the geography syllabus
of the Western Cape is as follows:
‘ … to enable teachers, students and parents to use geographic knowledge and
understanding, and to develop appropriate skills, attitudes and values, in order to contribute to
the intellectual growth and personal development of the people who will sustain and even add
to the resource base of the Western Cape environment and the country as a whole’ (Western
Cape Provincial Government, 1996, p. 1).
This new syllabus makes a significant break with the past in a number of ways:
 It has a much greater vocational and life-skills focus
 It tries to develop a far greater environmental awareness
 It aims to involve parents within the educational process
 Relevant ideas and concepts are accorded equal status with factual knowledge
 It encourages pupil adaption to a rapidly changing world and country
 It strives to encourage questioning, problem solving and evaluation of the world and
to contribute to the achievement of peace, justice and harmony.
Two broad approaches to the teaching and learning of geography are identified in this
syllabus, namely regional and thematic approaches. There is a focus on trying to combine
approaches and to encourage problem solving, inquiry, interdisciplinary study and application
to real life. Although such approaches are praiseworthy, the actual syllabus document fails to
provide teachers with adequate guidance on utilising these approaches. Although the
philosophy and strategies are new, the majority of the topics from the old syllabus have been
retained. For example, the section on the regional geography of South Africa appears to be
identical to the 1985 Standard 10 syllabus, with the exception of a new section in tertiary
activity (Provincial Administration of the Cape of Good Hope, 1985; Western Cape Provincial
Government, 1996).
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The development of socially relevant education is clearly appropriate and essential in South
Africa, as is the move to a broader education, and the development of life-skills and
environmental awareness. It is imperative, however, that these noble ideals do not remain
mere words on paper, but are actually applied. The previous concern about the need for
appropriate support for teachers and teacher re-training needs to be reiterated at this point.
To the credit of the Western Cape Education Department, their new syllabus does try to give
far greater guidance to teachers than was the case before. Details of content to be taught are
supplemented with clear sections on:
 what learners should be able to do
 general techniques and skills to learn and practice
 ideas for teachers, and
 some guidance questions for teachers.
An examination of the content of this new syllabus suggests that its writers are striving to
encourage a more appropriate form of education, and one which is trying to come to terms
with the needs of the country and its past. Some brief examples should serve to illustrate
these points:
 In physical geography
… the relationship between people and the environment and the mutual interaction
between the two is a key theme, as is the need to understand the relevance of the
processes and information examined to the pupils’ life-world.
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In settlement geography
… emphasis is now placed on distinctive local issues, such as rural depopulation in
the South African context. Links to national development strategies, past socioeconomic and political factors and a focus on the pupils’ life-world suggest a
conscious attempt to explain the difficult past of the country and to relate it to the
present needs and development challenges of the country. This is indeed
praiseworthy, but will probably necessitate the drafting of new textbooks and course
material if it is to be taught effectively.

In regional geography
… the focus is on attempts to understand socio-economic differences between
countries, and to integrate concepts such as environmental, demographic and
economic change with a broader understanding of South Africa itself. There appears
to be a clear move here towards the encouragement of critical thinking (Western
Cape Provincial Government, 1996).
Despite the emergence of this draft syllabus, there is a recognition that much more needs to
be done in terms of teacher re-training programmes. There is also uncertainty about the
future of geography within the proposed OBE framework.
Conclusion
Geography and education in general are going through exciting and challenging times in
South Africa. Clearly, there is an opportunity to develop and apply radically different
syllabuses and educational strategies appropriate to a new democracy. However, care needs
to be taken not to rush through changes, otherwise the majority of teachers and pupils will be
ill-prepared for the demands placed on them. A systematic approach is clearly a necessity.
Radical paradigm shifts in curricula may be meaningless in areas where teachers are poorly
trained; where they lack modern facilities; and where are teaching classes of up to 80 pupils.
Teacher training and re-training, school building, the re-establishment of a ‘culture of
learning’, and respect for the process of education are all key issues which need urgent
attention.
Educational reform has a vital role to play in promoting development in the ‘new’ South Africa.
Decades of apartheid policies divided the population and created tensions between different
racial groups. Education can now help to empower disadvantaged communities and
individuals, raise their aspirations and, it is hoped, assist people to achieve their ambitions
(National Department of Education, 1997). Realistically, however, it will take generations
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rather than years to transform South African society and reduce the marked inequalities which
exist today. Yet socially critical and relevant education, perhaps more than anything else,
does have the potential to influence this. This accords with the Reconstruction and
Development Programme, which asserts that:
‘Education must be directed to the full development of the individual and community, and to
strengthening respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms’ (ANC, 1994, p. 60).
Geographical education has a significant role to play in this process, because of its unique
ability to enhance cross-cultural and international understanding, and its essential focus on
people-environment relationships. Furthermore, valuable geographical skills such as field
investigation, data collection and analysis, and the appreciation of a range of different
attitudes and values provide additional justification for geography to occupy a central position
in the school curriculum of post-apartheid South Africa. It is important that action is taken at
local level to preserve and enhance the status of geography. However, as Eastern Cape
teachers expressed so forcefully, there is no local body, equivalent to the UK Geographical
Association, to argue their case and offer support in the face of curriculum change. Of equal
concern to teachers is the perceived lack of interest and support which they receive from
academic geographers (Eastern Cape teachers, personal communication, 1998). A real
challenge exists for geography educators at all levels in the South African education system
to work together both to rescue and enhance their discipline.
Acknowledgement
The positive support and advice of Ursula Van Harmelen of the Department of Education,
Rhodes University, is gratefully acknowledged.
References
African National Congress (ANC) (1994) Reconstruction and Development Programme.
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Lemon, A. (1995) The Geography of Change in South Africa. Chichester: Wiley.
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st
Nel, E.L. (1997) ‘Issues facing geographical education in the “new” South Africa’, paper
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Dr E. Nel is in the Geography Department, Rhodes University, Grahamstown 6140, South
Africa, e-mail: [email protected] and Dr J.A. Binns is Senior Lecturer in Geography in
the School of African and Asian Studies, University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9SJ, email: [email protected]
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