Excerpts from the Virginia Company’s Instructions
to Sir Thomas Gates
Concerning the Natives (May 1609)
17. Your enemies can be but of two sorts strangers and natives, for the first your defense must be upon
advantage of the place and way into it for forts have no other use but that a few men may defend and dispute
their frontage with them against a greater number and to win time . . . Besides it is not safe to let any of the
Savages dwell between you and the Sea--least they be made guides to your enemies. . . .
18. The second enemy is the Natives who can no way hurt you but by fire or by destroying your Castle, or
hindering your works by Stealth or your passages in small numbers, and in this sort of war, there is most pill if
you be not very careful, for if they may destroy but one harvest or burn your towns in the night they will leave
you naked and exposed to famine and Cold, and convey themselves into woods, where revenge will be as
difficult as unnecessary to prevent that you must keep good watches in the field and suffer none of them to
come near your corn in those dangerous seasons and continual sentinels without the walls or uttermost defenses
in the night, and you must give order that your Castle be kept in herds waited and attended on by some small
watch or so enclosed by themselves that they destroy not your corn and other seed provisions:
19. For Powhaton and his warriors it is clear even to reason beside our experience that he loved not our
neighborhood and therefore you may no way trust him, but if you find it not best to make him your prisoner yet
you must make him your tributary, and all other his warriors about him first to acknowledge no other Lord but
King James and so we shall free them all from the Tyranny of Powhaton [space in manuscript] upon them
Every Lord of a Province shall pay you and send you into your forte where you make your Chief residence so
many measures of Corn at every Harvest, and many baskets of Dye so many dozens of skins so many of his
people to work weekly, and of everything somewhat, according to his greatness of Territory and men, by which
means you shall quietly draw to yourselves an annual revenue of every Commodity growing in that Country and
this tribute paid to you for which you shall deliver them from the exaggerations of Powhaton, which are now
burdensome and protect and defend them from all their enemies shall also be a means of Clearing much ground
of wood and of reducing them to labor and trade singe [for] this rent only; they shall enjoy their houses, and the
rest of their travel quietly and many other commodities and blessings of which they are yet insensible:
20. If you hope to win them and to provide for yourselves by trade, you will be deceased for already your
Copper is embased by your abundance and neglect of pricing it, and they will never feed you but for fear.
Wherefore if you perceive that they upon your landing, fly up into the Country and forsake their habitat you
must seize into your custody half their corn and harvest and their warriors and all other their known successors
at once whom if you intreate well and educate those which are young and to succeed in the government in your
Manners and Religion, their people will easily obey you and become in time Civil and Christian:
21. If you make friendship with any of these nations, as you must doe, Choose to do it with those that are
farthest from you and enemies into those among whom you dwell for you shall have least occasion to have
differences with them, and by that means a surer league of Amity And you shall be surer of their trade for
Covetousness and to serve their own ends, where the Copper is yet in his primary estimation which Pohaton
hath hitherto engrossed and partly for fear of Constraint. Monocon to the east and head of our River, Powhatons
enemy and the Manahockes to the Northeast to the head of the River of Moyompo in the neck of the land to the
west between our bay and the sea. Cathcatapeius a greater warrior then he is, also his enemy to the Southeast
and South. He hath no friend to the North. The Masawoymekes make continual incursions upon him and upon
all those that inhabit the Rivers of Bolus and Myomps and to the Northwest. Pocoughtuwonough infected him
with a terrible war, with those you may hold trade and friendship good Cheap for their emotions will prevent all
offence which must needs happen between us and them which we are mingled with to the north. At the head
Bay is a large town where is store of Copper and Furs called Cataaneon that trade and discovery will be to great
purpose, if it may be settled yearly:
22. Such trade as you shall find necessary or profitable for you with the Indians you shall endeavor to draw
them to seek of you and to bring their Commodities into your fort which will greatly ease the employment of
many men, and this you may bring to pass by seeming to make little estimation of trade with them, and by
pretending to be so able to consist within yourselves as that you need care for nothing of theirs, but rather that
you do them a Courtesy to spare such necessaries as they want as little Iron tools or copper or the like such as
are convenient for traffic and so one officer or two in every forte, whom you must only appoint to be
trainmasters may dispatch the whole business of trade which will cost you may men’s labors, if you seek it far
from home. And besides these you must by proclamation or edict publicly affixed prohibit and forbid upon pain
of punishment of your discretion all other persons to trade or exchange for anything, but such as shall be
necessary for food or clothing and upon all such commodities of yours as shall pass away from you. . . .
23. You must constitute and declare some sharp law with a penalty there-on to restrain the trade of any
prohibited goods especially of Swords, Pike-heads, Guns, Daggers, or anything of Iron that may be turned
against you and in case of such offence punish severely have also especially regard that no arte or trade tending
to arms in any wise as Smithy or Carpentry of or such like be taught the Savages or used in their Presence as
they may learn therein:
The Virginia Company's appointment of Sir Thomas Gates as Governor brought many changes to the colony. In
its instructions to Gates, the Company finally stated clearly its policy concerning the Indians. These
instructions, as you saw above, were quite detailed.
What is the Company's views concerning the Indians?
What specific directions does the Company give to Gates in terms of demanding tribute from the Indians,
forming treaties with them, trading with them, and defending the colony?
Excerpts from The Virginia Company’s Instructions
Concerning the Justification for
Converting Natives to Christianity (1610)
First, if it be unlawful: it must be so, either in respect of the law of God, or in regard of the law of man. If in
respect of Gods law, (considering our primary end is to plant religion, our secondary and sub alternate ends are
for the honor and profit of our nation) I demand a resolution of this plain question: whether it be not a
determinate truth, that the Gospel should be preached, to all the world, before the end of the world? If, it must
be preached, (as heaven and earth must pass away, but Gods word shall not pass away) then must it be
preached, one of these three ways: Either merely Apostolically, without the help of man, (without so much as a
staff) or merely imperially, when a Prince, hath conquered their bodies, that the Preachers may feed their souls;
Or mostly, by discoveries, and trade of merchants; where all temporal means are used for defense, and security,
but none for offence, or cruelty. For the first (to preach Apostolically) it is simply impossible: except we had the
gift of tongues, that eerie nation might hear the word of God in their own language; or the gift of miracles, that
it might be confirmed, with wonders from heaven; which two being ceased, question-less the identical
commission of the Apostles is expired: Or if yet the matter bee urged, that God by fishers did concert Emperors
and therefore that we must adventure our lives without humane help; yet must it be remembered, that there is no
Apostolically preaching, but where we may expect either their conversion, or our martyrdom. But we can
expect neither, not their conversion who cannot understand us, nor our martyrdom, when the people of Florida,
did devourer the Preachers of the word, without speaking any word. Non quia Christiani, sed quia homines, not
because they were Christian men, but because they were men, we cannot be said to be martyrs, when we are not
killed because we are Christians. And therefore the Jesuit Acosta confessed (notwithstanding Bella mines
relation of Indian miracles) that they have no tongues, they have no signs from heaven, and they can have no
martyrdom, and by consequent there is no means left of apostolically preaching.
For the second, to preach the Gospel to a nation conquered, and to set their souls at liberty, when we have
brought their bodies to slavery; It may be a matter sacred in the Preachers, but I know not how justifiable in the
rulers. Who for their mere ambition, doe set upon it, the gloss of religion. Let the divines of Salamanca, discuss
that question, how the possessor of the West Indies, first destroyed, and then instructed.
The third, belongs to us, who by way of merchandizing and trade, doe buy of them the pearls of earth, and sell
to them the pearls of heaven; which action, if it be unlawful, it must proceed from one of these three grounds,
either because we come to them, or trade with them, or tarry and dwell and possess part of their country
amongst them.
Is it unlawful because we come to them? Why is it not a duty of Christianity, to behold the imprinted footsteps
of Gods glory, in every region under heaven? Is it not against the law of nations, to violate a peaceable stranger,
or to deny him harbor. The Ethiopians, Egyptians, and men of China, are branded with a foul mark of
sanguinary and barbarous inhumanity, for blessing their Idols, with the blood of strangers. It is not unlawful to
trade with them, except Salomon shall be condemned for sending for gold to Ophir, Abraham for making a
league with Abimilech, and all Christendom shall be traduced, for hauling commerce with Turks and
miscreants.
Finally, it is not unlawful, that wee possess part of their land and dwell with them, and defend ourselves from
them. Partly because there is no other, moderate, and mixed course, to bring them to conversion, but by daily
conversation, where they may see the life, and learn the language each of other.
Partly, because there is no trust to the fidelity of humane beasts, except a man will make a league, with Lions,
Bears, and Crocodiles.
Partly because there is room sufficient in the land (as Sachem sometime said) for them, and us: the extent of an
hundred miles, being scarce peopled with 2000 inhabitants.
Partly, because they have violated the law of nations, and used our Ambassadors as Ammon did the servants of
David: If in him it were a just cause to war against the Ammonites, it is lawful, in us, to secure our selves,
against the infidels.
But chiefly because Paspehay, one of their Kings, sold unto us for copper, land to inherit and inhabit. Powhatan,
their chief King, received voluntarily a crown and a scepter, with a full acknowledgment of duty and
submission.
Principally when Captain Newport was with Powhatan at Warow a comaco he desired him to come from James
town as a place unwholesome, and to take possession of another whole kingdom which he gave unto him. If any
man a ledge, that this was done in subtlety, not that they ever meant we should possess them, but that they
might first gain by us, and then destroy us. This makes our cause, much the luster, when God turned their
subtlety, to our vitality: giving unto us a lawful possession, (as Pharaoh gave Goshen to Israel; or Ephron sold
his cause to Abraham) and freeing us, from all impious and sinister construction. If any man a ledge, that yet we
can possess no farther limits, than was allotted by composition, and that . . . fortitude without justice, is but the
firebrand of iniquity. Let him know that Plato defined it, to be no injustice, to take a sword out of the hand of a
mad man; That Austen hath allowed it, for a lawful offensive war, quod vlcisitur iniurias that reuengeth bloudie
iniuries. So that if just offences shall arise, it can be no more injustice to war against infidells, than it is when
upon just occasions wee war against Christians. And therefore I cannot see, but that these truths will fan away
all those chaffy imputations, which any Rakish boasters (that challenge a monopoly of all conversions) will cast
upon it, or any scrupulous conscience can impute unto it. . . .
When therefore, it is a sweet smelling sacrifice, to propagate the name of Jesus Christ, when the Babylon’s
Enchantresses . . . hath compassed sea, and land, to make, six, eight, or ten millions, of Rakish proselytes. When
there is no other, mixed, moderate, course, to transport the Virginian soules to heauen. Where there hath beene a
reall concession from their rurall Emporour, that hath licensed us to negotiate among them, and to possess their
country with them. When there is more un-peopled continent of earth, than wee and they . . . can ouerburden
with multitude. . . .
When therefore this noble enterprise, by the rules of Religion is expressly justified; when the passages by Sea
are all open and discovered, when the climate is so fruitfully tempered; when the natural riches of the soil are so
powerfully confirmed: will any man so much betray his own inconsiderate ignorance, and betray his rashness;
that when the same Sun shined, he should not have the same eyes to behold it; when the same hope remains, he
should not have the same heart to apprehend it? At the voyage of Sir Thomas Gates, what swarms of people
desired to be transported? What alacrity and cheerfulness in the Adventurers by free will offerings, to build up
this new Tabernacle? . . . We are too effeminate in our longings, and too impatient of delays. God’s al-disposing
providence; is not compellable by mans violence: Let any wisdom give a solid reason, why his purpose should
be changed, when those grounds which gave life to his first purpose, are not changed. It is but a golden slumber,
that dreamed of any humane felicity, which is not sauced with some contingent misery. Dolor & voluptas,
indices cadent, Grief and pleasure are the cross sails of the world’s ever-turning-windmill. Let no man therefore
be over wise, to cast beyond the moon and to multiply needless doubts and questions. Hannibal by too much
wisdom, lost opportunity to have sacked Rome. Charles the eighth of France, by temporizing, lost the
Kingdome of Naples, and the government of Florence: Henry the seventh by too much over-warn, lost the
riches of the golden Indies. Occasion is pretious, but when it is occasion. Some of our neighbors would join in
the action, if they might be joint inheritors in the Plantation; which is an evident proof, that Virginia shall no
sooner be quitted by us, then it will be rein habited by them. A dishonor of that nature, that will eternally
blemish our Nation . . . It, is time to wipe away such an imputation of Barbarism, especially since the
consequence is so pregnant, that without this or the like, the state cannot subsist without some dangerous and
imminent mutation. He is over blind that doth not see what an inundation of people doth overflow this little
Island: Shall we vent this deluge, by indirect and unchristian policies? Shall we imitate the bloody and
heathenish counsel of the Romans, to leave a Carthage standing, that may exhaust our people by foreign war?
Or shall we nourish domestically faction, that as in the days of Vitellius and Vespasian, the son may imbrue his
hands in the blood of the father? Or shall we follow the barbarous foot-steps of the state of China, to imprison
our people in a little circle of the earth, and consume them by pestilence? Or shall we like the beast of Babylon,
deny to any sort the honorable estate of marriage, and allow abominable stews, that our people may not over
increase in multitude? Or shall we take an inhumane example from the Muscovite, in a time of famine to put ten
thousand of the poor under the ice, as the Mice and Rats of a state politique? If all these be diabolical and
hellish projects, what other means remains to us, but by setling so excellent a Plantation, to disimbarke some
millions of people vpon a land that floweth with all manner of plenty? . . .
And therefore, he that desireth to purchase infallible hope of private utility; he that aimed at the honor & wealth
of his native country; he that esteemed his own repute as deer as his own eyes; he that endeavored to enlarge the
dominions of his Prince, and the Kingdome of his God: let him remember what he hath already spent, which is
all buried; let him consider the consequences of state, which are all vanished into smoke; let him conceive what
a stern we shall be made to the maligners of our state abroad, and our ill affected at home; let him meditate, the
external riches of other Kingdoms, able to buy and sell the monarch of the west; let him hear the triumphant
boasting of the Beast of Rome, as though God would not suffer our schismatic all and heretical Religion, to be
infused into a new concerted Region: O all ye worthies, follow the ever-sounding trumpet of a blessed honor;
let Religion be the first aim of your hopes, & cater adjacent, and other things shall be cast unto you: your names
shall be registered to posterity with a glorious title; These are the men, whom God raised to augment the State
of their country, and to propagate the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
The Virginia Company published A True Declaration of the Estate in Virginia in 1610. This pamphlet was part of a public
relations campaign by the Virginia Company to solicit continued support for the Jamestown colony.
According to the author, William Barret, what were the primary justifications for the Jamestown colony?
How might these justifications affect the Indians living around the colony?
Excerpts from Edward Waterhouse’s Report to the Virginia Company
About the Barbarous Massacre in 1622
and the Positive Effects it might have on the Colonies
To The Honorable Company of Virginia.
Right Honorable and Worthy:
The fame of our late unhappy accident in Virginia, hath spread itself, I doubt not, into all parts abroad, and as it
is talked of all men, so no question of many, and of most, it cannot but be misreported, some carried away with
over-weak lightness to believe all they hear, how untrue sourer; others out of their disaffection possibly to the
Plantation, are desirous to make that, which is ill, worse; and so the truth of the Action, which is only one, is
varied and misreported. I have thought it therefore a part of some acceptable service in me towards you, whose
favors have preferred me to be a member of your Company, to present you with these my poor labors, the
Collection of the truth hereof, drawn from the relation of some of those that were beholders of that Tragedy, and
who hardly escaped from tasting of the same cup . . . That so the world may see that it was not the strength of a
professed enemy that brought this slaughter on them, but contrived by the perfidious treachery of a false-hearted
people, that know not God nor faith. No generous Spirit will forbearer to go on for this accident that hath
happened to the Plantation, but proceed rather cheerfully in this honorable Enterprise, since the discovery of
their brutish falsehood will prove (as shall appear by this Treatise following) many ways advantage able to us,
and make this forewarning a forearming for ever to prevent a greater mischief. . . .
To conclude (but out of certain advertisements so often reiterated from thence, as well as by the constant
relations of many hundreds now yearly coming & going) they avow, that it is a Country which nothing but
ignorance can think ill of . . .
In the three last years of 1619. 1620. and 1621. there hath been provided and sent for Virginia forty two Sailing
of ships, three thousand five hundred and seventy men and women for Plantation, with requisite provisions,
besides store of Chattel, and in those ships have been about twelve hundred Mariners employed. . .
By this (though it be but in part) the Reader may understand the great riches and blessings of this excellent
Country . . . But . . . we freely confess, that the Country is not so good, as the Natives are bad, whose barbarous
Savageness needs more cultivation then the ground itself, being more overspread with incivility and treachery,
then that with Briers. . . . But the Savages though newer Nation used so kindly upon so small desert, have
instead of that Harvest which our pains merited, returned nothing but Briers and thorns, pricking even to death
many of their Benefactors: yet doubt wee not, thorough our sides, have more wounded themselves then us, God
Almighty making way for severities there, where a fare gentleness would not take place. The occasion whereof
thus I relate from thence.
The last May there came Letters from Sir Francis Wiat Governor in Virginia . . . he found the Country settled in
a peace (as all men there thought) sure and unavoidable, not only because it was solemnly ratified and sworn . .
. but as being advantageous to both parts; to the Savages as the weaker, under which they were safely sheltered
and defended; to us, as being the easiest way then thought to pursue and aduance our proiects of buildings,
plantings, and effecting their conuersion by peaceable and fayre meanes. And such was the conceit of firm
peace and amity, as that there was seldom or never a sward worn, and a Peace seldom, except for a Deere or
Fowl. By which assurance of security, the Plantations of particular Adventurers and Planters were placed
shatteringly and startlingly as a choice vein of rich ground invited them, and the further from neighbors held the
better. The houses generally set open to the Savages, who were always friendly entertained at the tables of the
English, and commonly lodged in their bed-chambers. The old planters . . . placed with wonderful content upon
their private dividends, and the planting of particular Hundreds [an English land and civil division] and
Colonies pursued with an hopeful alacrity, all our projects (said he) in a faire way, and their familiarity with the
Natives, seeming to open a faire gate for their conversion to Christianity.
The Country being in this estate, an occasion was ministered of sending to Opachankano the King of these
Savages, about the middle of March last, what time the Messenger returned back with these words from him,
That he held the peace concluded so firm, as the Sky should sooner fall then it dissolve: yea, such was the
treacherous dissimulation of that people who then had contrived our destruction, that even two days before the
Massacre, some of our men were guided through the woods by them in safety. . . and as well on the Friday
morning (the fatal day) the 22 of March, as also in the morning, as in other days before, they came unarmed into
our houses, without Bowes or arrows, or other weapons, with Deere, Turkeys, Fish, Furs, and other provisions,
to sell, and truck with us, for glass, beads, and other trifles: yea in some places, sat down at Breakfast with our
people at their tables, whom immediately with their own tools and weapons, either laid down, or standing in
their houses, they basely and barbarously murdered, not sparing either age or sex, man, woman or child; so
daine in their cruel execution, that few or none discerned the weapon or blow that brought them to destruction. .
. . And by this means that fatal Friday morning, there fell under the bloody and barbarous hands of that
perfidious and inhumane people, contrary to all laws of God and men, of Nature & Nations, three hundred forty
seven men, women, and children, most by their own weapons; and not being content with taking away life
alone, they fell after again upon the dead, making as well as they could, a fresh murder, defacing, dragging, and
mangling the dead carcasses into many pieces, and carrying some parts away in derision, with base and brutish
triumph. . . .
. . . [T]hat whilst all their affairs were full of success, and such intercourse of familiarity, as if the Indians and
themselves had been of one Nation, those treacherous Natives, after five years peace, by a general combination
in one day plotted to subvert their whole Colony, and at one instant of time, though our several Plantations were
an hundred and forty miles up one River on both sides.
But before I go any further, for the better understanding of all things, you shall know that the wild naked
Natives live not in great numbers together, but dispersed, and in small companies; and where most together, not
above two hundred, and that very rare, in other places fifty or forty, or thereabouts, and many miles distant from
one another, in such places among the Woods where they either found, or might easiest make some cleared
plots of ground, which they employ wholly in setting of Corn, whereby to sustain their lives. . . .
That the slaughter had been universal, if God had not put it into the heart of an Indian belonging to one Perry, to
disclose it . . . Perries Indian rose out of his bed and reveals it to Pace . . . And thus the rest of the Colony that
had warning given them, by this means was saved. . . .
Pace upon this discovery, securing his house, before day rowed over the River to James-City (in that place near
three miles in breadth) and gave notice thereof to the Governor, by which means they were prevented there, and
at such other Plantations as was possible for a timely intelligence to be given; for where they saw us standing
upon our Guard, at the sight of a Peace [gun] they all ran away. . . . . . .
Thus have you seen the particulars of this massacre . . . wherein treachery and cruelty have done their worst to
us, or rather to themselves; for whose understanding is so shallow, as not to perceive that this must needs bee
for the good of the Plantation after, and the loss of this blood to make the body more healthful, as by these
reasons may be manifest.
First, because betraying of innocence never rests unpunished . . .
Secondly, Because our hands which before were tied with gentleness and fair usage, are now set at liberty by
the treacherous violence of the Sausages, no untying the knot, but cutting it: So that we, who hitherto have had
possession of no more ground then their waste, and our purchase at a valuable consideration to their own
contentment, gained; may now by right of Warre, and law of Nations, invade their Country, and destroy them
who sought to destroy us; whereby we shall enjoy their cultivated places . . . and possessing the fruits of others
labors. Now their cleared grounds in all their villages (which are situate in the fruit fullest places of the land)
shall be inhabited by us, whereas heretofore the grubbing of woods was the greatest labor.
Thirdly, Because those commodities which the Indians enjoyed as much or rather more than we, shall now also
be entirely possessed by vs. The Deere and other beasts will be in safety, and infinitely increase . . . The like
may be said of our own Swine and Goats, whereof they have used to kill eight in ten more than the English have
done. . . .
Fourthly, Because the way of conquering them is much more easier then of civilizing them by faire means, for
they are a rude, barbarous, and naked people, scattered in small companies, which are helps to Victory, but
hindrances to Civilities: Besides that, a conquest may be of many, and at once; but civility is in particular, and
slow, the effect of long time, and great industry. Moreover, victory of them may be gained many ways; by
force, by surprise, by famine in burning their Corn, by destroying and burning their Boats, Canoes, and Houses .
. . By these and sundry other ways, as by driving them (when they fly) upon their enemies, who are round about
them, and by aimating and abetting their enemies against them, may their ruin and subjection be soon effected.
So the Spaniard made great use for his own turn of the quarrels and enmities that were amongst the Indians, as
thoroughly understanding and following that Maxime of the Politician, Diude & impera, Make divisions and
take Kingdoms . . . In Virginia the many Princes and people there are at this day opposite in infinite factions one
unto another, and many of them bear a mortal hatred to these our barbarous Savages, that have been likely as
false and perfidious heretofore to them, as unto us of late. So as the quarrels, and the causes of them, and the
different humors of these people being well understood, it will be an easy matter to overthrow those that now
are, or may be our enemies hereafter, by aiding and setting on their enemies against them. . . .
Fifthly, Because the Indians, who before were used as friends, may now most justly be compelled to servitude
and drudgery, and supply the room of men that labor, whereby even the meanest of the Plantation may employ
themselves more entirely in their Arts and Occupations which are more generous, whilst Savages perform their
inferior works of digging in mines, and the like, of whom also some may be sent for the service of the Summer
Islands.
Sixthly, This will forever hereafter make us more cautious and circumspect, as never to bee deceived more by
any other treacheries, but will serve for a great instruction to all posterity . . . He that trusts not is not deceived:
and make them know that kindnesses are misspent upon rude natures, so long as they continue rude . . .
Lastly, we have this benefit more to our comfort, because all good men doe now take much more care of us then
before, since the fault is on their sides, not on ours, who have used so fare a carriage, even to our own
destruction. Especially his Majesties most gracious, tender and paternal care is manifest herein . . . As also his
Royall favor is amply extended in a large supply of men and other necessaries throughout the whole Kingdome,
which are very shortly to be sent to Virginia. . . .
. . . To conclude then, seeing that Virginia is most abundantly fruitful, and that this Massacre must rather be
beneficial to the Plantation then impair it, let all men take courage, and put to their helping hands, since now the
time is most seasonable and advantageous for the reaping of those benefits which the Plantation hath long
promised: and for their own good let them do it speedily, that so by taking the priority of time, they may have
also the priorities of place, in choosing the best Seats of the Country, which now by vanquishing of the Indians,
is like to offer a more ample and faire choice of fruitful habitations, then hitherto our gentleness and faire
comportment to the Savages could attain unto. . . .
Lastly, it is to be wished, that every good Patriot will take these things seriously into his thoughts, and consider
how deeply the prosecution of this noble Enterprise concerned the honor of his Majesties and the whole Nation,
the propagation of the Christian Religion, the enlargement, strength, and safety of his Majesties Dominions, the
rich augmenting of his Revenues, and employment of his Subjects idle at home, the increase of men, Mariners
and shipping, and the raising of such necessary commodity, for the importation of which from foreign Countries
so great and incredible summers are continually issued and expended. Some may help with their purses, some
with their persons, some with their favor, some with their counsel.
When Powhatan died in 1620, Openchancanough became the primary leader of the alliance of Indian tribes around
Jamestown. Although rather cool to the English at first, he was not openly hostile. Openchancanough even agreed, in
principle, with George Thorpe to a project in which some Indian families would live among the English and some English
families among the Indians. However, Openchancanough had years of experience in dealing with Europeans, and he was
just biding his time. On March 22, 1622, he showed the English that he did not share their vision of an integrated
community.
Even though the above document is written from an English colonist's point of view, what things does (Edward
Waterhouse mention that may have been of concern to the Indians in the region?
According to Waterhouse, how did the Indians manage to convince the colonists they had no malicious intent?
Why were the Indians unable to completely annihilate the Jamestown colony?
In that latter part of his report, what primary reasons does Waterhouse give for claiming that the massacre was a blessing
in disguise?
What did the massacre change with respect to colonists' views of the Indians?
How would William Barret, author of Converting Indians to Christianity, have reacted to Waterhouse's conclusions?
Excerpts from John Martin’s Proposal for
Subjugating the Natives (Dec 1622)
The manner how to bring in the Indians into subjection without making an utter extirpation of them together
with the reasons.
First by disabling the main body of the Enemy from having the Sinews of all expeditions. As namely Corn and
all manner of victuals of any worth.
This is to be acted two manner of ways.
First by keeping them from setting Corn at home and fishing.
Secondly by keeping them from their accustomed trading for Corn.
For The first it is formed by having some 200 Soldiers on foot, continually harrowing and burning all their
Townes in winter, and spoiling their wares. By this means of people securely may follow their work. And yet
not to be negligent in keepeinge watch.
For the seacond there must provided some 10 Shallopps, that in May, June, July and August may scourer the
Bay and keep the Rivers yet are belonging to Opichankanoe.
By this arise two happy ends.
First the assured taking of great purchases in skinners and Prisoners.
Secondly in keeping them from trading for Corn on the Eastern shore and from you southward from whence
they have five times more then they set themselves.
This Course being taken they have no means, but must yield to obedience, or fly to bordering Neighbors who
neither will receive them Nor indeed are able, for they have but grounds Cleared for their own use.
The keeping of them from trading with the Eastern shore produced two worthy effects to exceeding profit
First assurance of Corn at all times.
Secondly the venting [selling] of much Cloth.
for the Certainty of Corn it is best known to myself for yet by sending & discovering those places, first I have
not only reaped the benefit, but all the whole Colony since; who had perished had it not been discovered before
Sir George Yardley came in by my Ancient Thomas Savage & servants, besides necessities hath made those
Savages more industrious than any other Indians in or Bay, which followed to appear in this second profit.
For the assured venting of Cloth it followed consequently two ways.
First by Varying [barring?] them of trade for skins they having none themselves.
Secondly by the necessity of having clothing which by us shall & may be tendered at all convenient times.
Reasons why it is not fitting utterly to make an extirpation of the Savages yet. . . .
Holy writ sayeth . . . not to utterly destroy the heathen, least [lest] the woods and wild beasts should over run
them
My own observation hath been such as assured me yet if the Indians inhabit not amongst us under obedience
And as they have ever kept down ye woods and slain the wolves, bears, and other beasts . . . we shall be more
oppressed in short time by their absence, then in their living by us both for or own security as also for our
Cattle.
Secondly when as by ye means before spoken of, they shall be brought into subjection and shall be made to
deliver hostages for their obedience, there is no doubt by god’s grace but of the saving of many of their souls
And then being natives are after for work then yet or English are, knowing how to attained great quantity of silk,
hemp, and flax, and most exquisite in the dressing thereof for or uses fit for guides upon discovery into other
Countries adjacent to ours, fit to row in Gallies & frigates and many other pregnant uses too tedious to sett
down.
Now for avoiding future danger in or Colony that may grow two especially irrevocable laws are to be made
upon severe penalties.
First yet none of what rank sourer doe ever trinket or trade with in the late precinct of Opichankanoe nor any
bordering neighbors that aided him in this last disaster.
Secondly for our own people to set & sow a sufficient proportion of corn for their own uses, and yearly to lay
up into a granary for which if they have no use for themselves the next year then to be should and every man to
have his dews paid him.
My reason for the first is yet by this means the Savages shall be frustrated of all means of buying any manner of
victuals, and clothing, but what they shall have from us for their labor and industry . . .
for the second how beneficial the setting and sowing of Corn and laying up thereof for store, will succulently
appear by their now enduring want being disturbed by these Savages at this time, And likewise other
unexpected accidents may happen both by forayed and domestic enemies hereafter.
John Martin, author of the document above, was even more forthright than Waterhouse had been concerning the
opportunities presented by the massacre of 1622, for he suggested practical strategies for subjugating the Indians in the
region.
According to the excerpts above, what strategies does he suggest for dealing with the Indians?
Given the fact that the Virginia colony was still having trouble feeding itself, how would these strategies have affected
the colony itself?
How would they have affected the Indians?
What were the long-term consequences of the massacre?
Excerpts from a Letter by Ab Wood Describing the Incidents surrounding
The Journeys of James Needham and Gabriel Arthur in 1673 - 1674
To my Honoured Friend, Mr. Richards in London, present.
. . . . . . . . .About the 10th of April, 1673, I sent out two Englishmen and eight Indians with accommodations for
three months, but by misfortune and unwillingness of the Indians before the mountains that any should discover
beyond them, my people returned affecting little, to be short.
On the 17th of May, 1673, I sent them out again, with a like number of Indians and four horses. About the 25th
of June they met with the Tomahittans as they were journeying from the mountains to the Occhonechees. . . . .
They journeyed nine days from Occhonechee to Sitteree, west and by south, past nine rivers and creeks which
all end in this side the mountains and empty themselves into the east sea. Sitteree being the last town of
inhabitance and not any path further until they came within two days' journey of the Tomahittans. They travel
from thence up the mountains upon the sun setting all the way, and in four days get to the top, sometimes
leading their horses sometimes riding. . . . . . They passed five rivers and about two hundred paces over the fifth
being the middle most half a mile broad all sandy bottoms, with pebble stones, all fordable and all empty
themselves northwest, when they travel upon the plains, from the mountains they go down, for several days they
see straggly hills on their right hand, as they judge two days journey from them. . . . . . .
By this time they have lost all their horses but one, not so much by the badness of the way as by hard travel, not
having time to feed. At the end of fifteen days from Sitteree they arrive at the Tomahittan's river, being the sixth
river from the mountains. This river at the Tomahittan's town seemed to had an abundance of corn and all
manner of fish and other game, as turkeys, deer, elk, bear, wolf, and other vermin very tame. . . . . . . .
Eight days' journey down this river lives a white people who have long beards and whiskers and wear clothing,
and on some of the other rivers live a hairy people. Not many years since the Tomahittans sent twenty men
laden with beaver to the white people. They killed ten of them and put the other ten in irons, two of which ten
escaped and one of them came with one of my men to my plantation as you will understand.
After a small time of rest one of my men returns with his horse, the Appomatock Indian guide and 12
Tomahittans, eight men and four women. One of those eight is he which hath been a prisoner with the white
people. My other man remains with them until the next return to learn the language. The 10th of September my
man with his horse and the twelve Indians arrived at my house, praise be to God. The Tomahittans have about
sixty guns. Not such locks as ours be, the steels are long and channeled where the flints strike. The prisoner
relates that the white people have a bell which is six foot over which they ring morning and evening, and at that
time a great number of people congregate together and talk he knows not what. They have many blacks among
them, oysters and many other shellfish, many swine, and cattle. Their building is brick. The Tomahittans have
among them many brass pots and kettles from three gallons to thirty. They have two mullato women. All the
white and black people they take they put to death since their twenty men were barbarously handled. . . . . . . .
All this I presented to the Grand Assembly of Virginia, but not so much as one word in answer or any
encouragement or assistance was given.
The good successes of the last journey by my men performed gave me great hopes of a good success in the
latter . . . . . . But now begins the tragic scene of mishap. Upon the 27th of January following (1764), I received
a flying report by some Indians that my men were killed by the Tomahittans passing over their river as they
were returning. . . . . I sent another man out to inquire what might be found out of truth in the business, but
before his return upon the 25th of February came one Henry Hatcher, an Englishman, to my house who had
been at Occhonechee trading with those Indians, and tells me that . . . . . Mr. James Needham was certainly
killed at his going out, but by whom he knew not . . . .
My poor man Gabriel Arthur was captivated all this time in a strange land, where never Englishman before had
set foot, in all likelihood either slain, or at least never likely to return to see the face of an Englishman, but by
the great providence and protection of God almighty still survives which just God will not suffer just and honest
endeavors to fall quite to the ground. . . . . . .
The 18th of June 74, which was the day Gabriel arrived at my house in safety with a Spanish Indian boy (related
the story of) how Mr. James Needham came to his end by the hands of the barbarous rogue Indian John. . . . .So
died this heroic Englishman whose fame shall never die if my pen were able to eternalize it . . . . . I wish I could
have saved his life with ten times the value.
Now we return to my man Gabriel Arthur . . . . . . . . it seems that some of the Tomahittans, who were great
lovers of the Occhonechees, went to put Indian John's command in speedy execution by tying Gabriel Arthur to
a stake and laid heaps of combustible canes about him to burn him. But before the fire was put to, the King
came into the town . . . . . . and ran to Gabriel and with his knife cut the thongs that tied him and had him go to
his house. . . . . .
Now after the tumult was over they made preparation for to manage the war, for that is the course of their living
to forage, rob, and spoil other nations. And the king commands Gabriel Arthur to go along with a party that
went to rob the Spaniards, promising him that in the next spring he himself would carry him home to his master.
Gabriel must now be obedient to their commands. In the deplorable condition he was in was put in arms, gun,
tomahawk, and target, and so marched away with the company, being about fifty.
They travelled eight days west and by south as he guessed and came to a town of Negroes, spacious and great,
but all wooden buildings. . . . . The next day they marched along by the side of a great cart path, and about five
or six miles as he judged came within sight of the Spanish town, walled about with brick and all brick buildings
within. . . . The 7th day a Spaniard in a genteel habit, accoutered with gun, sword, and pistol. One of the
Tomahittans, spying him at a distance, crept up to the path side and shot him to death. In his pocket were two
pieces of gold and a small gold chain, which the Tomahittans gave to Gabriel. . . . . .
Now the king must go to give the Monetons a visit which were his friends, "mony" signifing water and "ton"
great in their language. Gabriel must go along with him. They set forth with sixty men and travelled ten days
due north and then arrived at the Moneton town situated upon a very great river, at which place the tide ebbs
and flows. . . . . When they had taken their leave of the Monetons, they marched three days out of their way to
give a clap to some of that great nation, where they fell on with great courage and were as couragously repulsed
by their enemy. . . . . .
And here Gabriel was shot with two arrows, one of them in his thigh, which stopped his running, and so was
taken prisoner . . . . . These Indians thought this Gabriel to be no Tomahittan by the length of his hair, for the
Tomahittans keep their hair close cut to the end so an enemy may not take an advantage to lay hold of them by
it. They took Gabriel and scoured his skin with water and ashes, and when they perceived his skin to be white
they . . . . . . . . seemed to rejoice at it and carried him to a path that carried to the Tomahittans. They gave him
Rockahomony for his journey and so they departed, to be short.
After they had made an end of it, about the 10th day of May 1674, the king with eighteen more of his people
laden with goods began their journey (with Gabriel) to come to Fort Henry at the falls of Appomattock river in
Charles City County in Virginia. This King came to my house upon the 21st of June, and gave a relation of
these events . . .
Thus ends the tragedy. . . . . . Ab Wood, From Fort Henry, August the 22nd, 1674.
Source: The Travels of James Needham and Gabriel Arthur through Virginia, North Carolina, and Beyond, 1673-1674,
edited by R. P. Stephen Davis, Jr. Southern Indian Studies 39:31-55, 1990