RECONSTRUCTION OF SAN DIEGO IDENTITIES AND ATTITUDES
THROUGH 19TH AND 20TH CENTURY GRAVESTONE SYMBOLS
_______________
A Thesis
Presented to the
Faculty of
San Diego State University
_______________
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Arts
in
Anthropology
_______________
by
Keshia Marie Montifolca
Fall 2013
iii
Copyright © 2013
by
Keshia Marie Montifolca
All Rights Reserved
iv
Symbols can be so beautiful, sometimes.
—Kurt Vonnegut
Breakfast of Champions
v
ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS
Reconstruction of San Diego Identities and Attitudes through 19th
and 20th Century Gravestone Symbols
by
Keshia Marie Montifolca
Master of Arts in Anthropology
San Diego State University, 2013
Cemeteries are reflections of society revealing cultural values at the individual,
community and regional level. The symbols engraved onto these memorials demonstrate
changing realities, designed to embody culturally important features representing identity.
Through the analysis of gravestone symbols between the years of 1891 and 1960, taken from
46 cemeteries located throughout San Diego County, California, I explored San Diego’s past
attitudes towards death and the diverse representations of identities. Geographic spatial
patterns were examined by splitting the county into rural and urban areas and were compared
against each other to reveal the speed of mortuary styles across the region. Additionally,
gender symbol patterns were analyzed by examining how the representations of gender
identity and roles were expressed through funerary art and mirrored the changing social
environment. Lastly, ethnic mortuary symbol trends were investigated through the preference
of heritage language and folk religious symbolism. The decision to display ethnic folk traits
indicates cultural retention, whereas similar patterns to American mortuary culture illustrate
assimilation. Past mindsets are revealed through material culture, and analyzing these
shifting gravestone symbol trends have provided insight into San Diego’s changing social
and cultural environments. Structuralist, Marxist and interpretive anthropological
perspectives were used as guides in the creation of symbol typologies that were analyzed
against 10-year increments to demonstrate shifting mortuary symbol trends. These seriation
evolution diagrams documented the rise in popular styles, and the examination of local
phenomena that paralleled the dates of the symbol trends further enriched the understanding
of San Diego’s mortuary symbol patterns. The exploration of San Diego’s past attitudes
towards death and the representation of identities through mortuary art contributed to the
reconstruction of San Diego’s multicultural history. This thesis on gravestone symbolism
illustrated how cemeteries mirrored the changing cultural patterns across the region and
through time, provided context into the evolving ideologies expressed in the archaeological
record through mortuary material expressions, and highlighted the value of using gravestones
as supplemental resources to research communities that are often not studied or absent from
historical literature.
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
ABSTRACT ...............................................................................................................................v
LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................. viii
LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................... xiii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................... xvi
CHAPTER
1
INTRODUCTION .........................................................................................................1
Historical Background of San Diego .......................................................................4
Ethnic Background of San Diego ............................................................................7
African-American ..............................................................................................8
Chinese-American..............................................................................................9
Filipino-American ............................................................................................10
Japanese-American ..........................................................................................11
Mexican-American ..........................................................................................12
2
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORY .................................................................15
Structuralism ..........................................................................................................15
Marxism .................................................................................................................19
Ethnic Mortuary Behavior .....................................................................................24
Gender Bias of Gravestones...................................................................................29
3
METHODS ..................................................................................................................32
Study Site ...............................................................................................................32
Data Collection ......................................................................................................32
Data Analysis .........................................................................................................34
4
ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION .....................................................................43
No Symbol versus Symbol.....................................................................................44
No Symbol, Fraternal, Nature and Religious Combined, And Other ....................45
All San Diego County Cemeteries (Excluding Mount Hope) ...............................45
Mount Hope Cemetery...........................................................................................51
vii
Oceanview Cemetery .............................................................................................53
Home of Peace Cemetery (Beth Israel Cemetery) .................................................54
Odd Fellows Community Cemetery (Fallbrook Cemetery)...................................55
Fallbrook Masonic Cemetery.................................................................................55
Valley Center Cemetery.........................................................................................57
Dearborn Memorial Park .......................................................................................57
Glenn Abbey Memorial Park .................................................................................58
La Vista Memorial Park .........................................................................................59
San Marcos Cemetery ............................................................................................60
Nuevo Memory Gardens ........................................................................................61
El Cajon Cemetery .................................................................................................62
Alpine Cemetery ....................................................................................................63
Haven of Rest (Julian Pioneer Cemetery) ..............................................................64
San Diego Microscale Cemeteries .........................................................................65
Macroscale Spatial Pattern Analysis and Interpretation ........................................67
San Diego Urban West Cemeteries Combined ................................................69
San Diego Rural East Cemeteries Combined ..................................................70
Gender Differences in San Diego County Cemeteries ..........................................72
Ethnicity through Epitaph Heritage Language ......................................................76
English Language.............................................................................................77
Spanish Language ............................................................................................79
Other Languages ..............................................................................................81
Mount Hope Ethnicity Data ...................................................................................83
Chinese-American Gravestone Symbols .........................................................83
Japanese-American Gravestone Symbols ........................................................84
Muslim-American Gravestone Symbols ..........................................................86
5
CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................88
REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................92
APPENDIX
A RAW COUNTS AND PERCENT TABLES .............................................................101
B MICROSCALE CEMETERY BATTLESHIP CURVE DIAGRAMS AND
TABLES ....................................................................................................................125
viii
LIST OF TABLES
PAGE
Table 1. San Diego County Gravestone Symbol Trend Explanations .....................................43
Table 2. San Diego Symbol versus Symbol (Raw Counts) ...................................................102
Table 3. San Diego Symbol versus Symbol (Percent) ...........................................................102
Table 4. San Diego No Symbol, Fraternal, Nature and Religion Combined, and Other
(Raw Counts) .............................................................................................................102
Table 5. San Diego No Symbol, Fraternal, Nature and Religion Combined, and Other
(Percent) .....................................................................................................................103
Table 6. Total for all of San Diego County (excluding Mount Hope) (Raw Counts) ...........103
Table 7. Total for all of San Diego County (excluding Mount Hope) (Percent) ...................103
Table 8. Mount Hope Cemetery (Raw Counts) .....................................................................104
Table 9. Mount Hope Cemetery (Percent) .............................................................................104
Table 10. Oceanview Cemetery (Raw Counts)......................................................................104
Table 11. Oceanview Cemetery (Percent) .............................................................................105
Table 12. Home of Peace Cemetery (Raw Counts) ...............................................................105
Table 13. Home of Peace Cemetery (Percent) .......................................................................105
Table 14. Odd Fellows Community Cemetery (Raw Counts) ...............................................106
Table 15. Odd Fellows Community Cemetery (Percent).......................................................106
Table 16. Fallbrook Masonic Cemetery (Raw Counts) .........................................................106
Table 17. Fallbrook Masonic Cemetery (Percent) .................................................................107
Table 18. Valley Center Cemetery (Raw Counts) .................................................................107
Table 19. Valley Center Cemetery (Percent) .........................................................................107
Table 20. Dearborn Memorial Park (Raw Counts) ................................................................108
Table 21. Dearborn Memorial Park (Percent)........................................................................108
Table 22. Glenn Abbey Memorial Park (Raw Counts)..........................................................108
Table 23. Glenn Abbey Memorial Park (Percent) .................................................................109
Table 24. La Vista Memorial Park (Raw Counts) .................................................................109
Table 25. La Vista Memorial Park (Percent) .........................................................................109
Table 26. San Marcos Cemetery (Raw Counts).....................................................................110
ix
Table 27. San Marcos Cemetery (Percent) ............................................................................110
Table 28. Nuevo Memory Gardens (Raw Counts) ................................................................110
Table 29. Nuevo Memory Gardens (Percent) ........................................................................111
Table 30. El Cajon Cemetery (Raw Counts) .........................................................................111
Table 31. El Cajon Cemetery (Percent) .................................................................................111
Table 32. Alpine Cemetery (Raw Counts) .............................................................................112
Table 33. Alpine Cemetery (Percent) ....................................................................................112
Table 34. Haven of Rest (Raw Counts) .................................................................................112
Table 35. Haven of Rest (Percent) .........................................................................................113
Table 36. San Diego Microscale Cemeteries Combined (Raw Counts) ................................113
Table 37. San Diego Microscale Cemeteries Combined (Percent)........................................113
Table 38. San Diego Urban West Cemeteries Combined (Raw Counts) ..............................114
Table 39. San Diego Urban West Cemeteries Combined (Percent) ......................................114
Table 40. San Diego Rural East Cemeteries Combined (Raw Counts) .................................114
Table 41. San Diego Rural East Cemeteries Combined (Raw Counts) .................................115
Table 42. Males in all San Diego County Cemeteries, Excluding Mount Hope (Raw
Counts) .......................................................................................................................115
Table 43. Males in all San Diego County Cemeteries, Excluding Mount Hope
(Percent) .....................................................................................................................115
Table 44. Females in all San Diego County Cemeteries, Excluding Mount Hope (Raw
Counts) .......................................................................................................................116
Table 45. Females in all San Diego County Cemeteries, Excluding Mount Hope
(Percent) .....................................................................................................................116
Table 46. Males at Mount Hope Cemetery (Raw Counts).....................................................116
Table 47. Males at Mount Hope Cemetery (Percent) ............................................................117
Table 48. Females at Mount Hope Cemetery (Raw Counts) .................................................117
Table 49. Females at Mount Hope Cemetery (Percent) .........................................................117
Table 50. All San Diego County Gravestones using English (Excluding Mount Hope)
(Raw Counts) .............................................................................................................118
Table 51. All San Diego County Gravestones using English (Excluding Mount Hope)
(Percent) .....................................................................................................................118
Table 52. Gravestones using English at Mount Hope (Raw Counts) ....................................118
Table 53. Gravestones using English at Mount Hope (Percent) ............................................119
x
Table 54. All San Diego County Gravestones using Spanish (Excluding Mount Hope)
(Raw Counts) .............................................................................................................119
Table 55. All San Diego County Gravestones using Spanish (Excluding Mount Hope)
(Percent) .....................................................................................................................119
Table 56. Gravestones using Spanish at Mount Hope (Raw Counts) ....................................120
Table 57. Gravestones using Spanish at Mount Hope (Percent) ...........................................120
Table 58. All San Diego County Gravestones using other Languages (Excluding
Mount Hope) (Raw Counts).......................................................................................120
Table 59. All San Diego County Gravestones using other Languages (Excluding
Mount Hope) (Percent) ..............................................................................................121
Table 60. Gravestones using other Languages at Mount Hope (Raw Counts) ......................121
Table 61. Gravestones using other Languages at Mount Hope (Percent)..............................121
Table 62. Chinese-American Gravestone Symbols at Mount Hope (Raw Counts) ...............122
Table 63. Chinese-American Gravestone Symbols at Mount Hope (Percent) ......................122
Table 64. Japanese-American Gravestone Symbols at Mount Hope (Raw Counts) .............123
Table 65. Japanese-American Gravestone Symbols at Mount Hope (Percent) .....................123
Table 66. Muslim-American Gravestone Symbols at Mount Hope (Raw Counts) ...............123
Table 67. Muslim-American Gravestone Symbols at Mount Hope (Percent) .......................124
Table 68. Carmel Valley Cemetery (Raw Counts) ................................................................127
Table 69. Carmel Valley Cemetery (Percent) ........................................................................128
Table 70. Buena Vista Cemetery (Raw Counts) ....................................................................129
Table 71. Buena Vista Cemetery (Percent)............................................................................129
Table 72. El Campo Santo Cemetery (Raw Counts) .............................................................130
Table 73. El Campo Santo Cemetery (Percent) .....................................................................131
Table 74. San Luis Rey Pioneer Cemetery (Raw Counts) .....................................................132
Table 75. San Luis Rey Pioneer Cemetery (Percent) ............................................................132
Table 76. Olivenhain Cemetery (Raw Counts) ......................................................................133
Table 77. Olivenhain Cemetery (Percent) .............................................................................134
Table 78. Pioneer Park (Raw Counts)....................................................................................134
Table 79. Pioneer Park (Percent) ...........................................................................................135
Table 80. Ellis Ranch Cemetery (Raw Counts) .....................................................................135
Table 81. Ellis Ranch Cemetery (Percent) .............................................................................136
Table 82. Flinn Springs Cemetery (Raw Counts) ..................................................................136
xi
Table 83. Flinn Springs Cemetery (Percent)..........................................................................137
Table 84. San Pasqual Cemetery (Raw Counts) ....................................................................137
Table 85. San Pasqual Cemetery (Percent) ............................................................................138
Table 86. Tico Family Cemetery (Raw Counts) ....................................................................139
Table 87. Tico Family Cemetery (Percent)............................................................................139
Table 88. Portrero Cemetery (Raw Counts) ..........................................................................140
Table 89. Portrero Cemetery (Percent) ..................................................................................140
Table 90. Ortega Family Cemetery (Raw Counts) ................................................................141
Table 91. Ortega Family Cemetery (Percent) ........................................................................141
Table 92. Mission San Antonio de Pala Cemetery (Raw Counts) .........................................142
Table 93. Mission San Antonio de Pala Cemetery (Percent).................................................142
Table 94. Mount Olivet Cemetery (Raw Counts) ..................................................................143
Table 95. Mount Olivet Cemetery (Percent)..........................................................................143
Table 96. Mission San Luis Rey de Francia Cemetery (Raw Counts) ..................................144
Table 97. Mission San Luis Rey de Francia Cemetery (Percent) ..........................................144
Table 98. All Saints Episcopal Cemetery (Raw Counts) .......................................................145
Table 99. All Saints Episcopal Cemetery (Percent)...............................................................145
Table 100. Linda Vista Cemetery (Raw Counts) ...................................................................146
Table 101. Linda Vista Cemetery (Percent) ..........................................................................146
Table 102. Macogo Ranch Gravesite (Raw Counts) .............................................................147
Table 103. Macogo Ranch Gravesite (Percent) .....................................................................147
Table 104. Little Page Cemetery (Raw Counts) ....................................................................148
Table 105. Little Page Cemetery (Percent) ............................................................................148
Table 106. Paroli Family Cemetery (Raw Counts) ................................................................149
Table 107. Paroli Family Cemetery (Percent) .......................................................................149
Table 108. McAlmond Family Cemetery (Raw Counts) .......................................................150
Table 109. McAlmond Family Cemetery (Percent) ..............................................................150
Table 110. Swain Family Cemetery (Raw Counts) ...............................................................151
Table 111. Swain Family Cemetery (Percent) .......................................................................151
Table 112. Chilwell-Campbell Gravesite (Raw Counts) .......................................................152
Table 113. Chilwell-Campbell Gravesite (Percent) ...............................................................152
Table 114. Buckman Gravesite (Raw Counts) ......................................................................153
xii
Table 115. Buckman Gravesite (Percent) ..............................................................................153
Table 116. Knecktel, Anton Gravesite (Raw Counts) ...........................................................154
Table 117. Knecktel, Anton Gravesite (Percent) ...................................................................154
Table 118. Higgins Family Cemetery (Raw Counts).............................................................155
Table 119. Higgins Family Cemetery (Percent) ....................................................................155
Table 120. Vallecito Stage Station Cemetery (Raw Counts) .................................................156
Table 121. Vallecito Stage Station Cemetery (Percent) ........................................................156
Table 122. Botti Cemetery (Raw Counts)..............................................................................157
Table 123. Botti Cemetery (Percent) .....................................................................................157
Table 124. Davis Cemetery (Raw Counts) ............................................................................158
Table 125. Davis Cemetery (Percent) ....................................................................................158
Table 126. Scholder Cemetery (Raw Counts) .......................................................................159
Table 127. Scholder Cemetery (Percent) ...............................................................................159
Table 128. Kolb Family Cemetery (Raw Counts) .................................................................160
Table 129. Kolb Family Cemetery (Percent) .........................................................................160
Table 130. Fox-White Cemetery (Raw Counts) ....................................................................161
Table 131. Fox-White Cemetery (Percent) ............................................................................161
xiii
LIST OF FIGURES
PAGE
Figure 1. The 46 cemeteries of San Diego County used in my analysis. ................................33
Figure 2. No symbol examples: Various gravemarkers that lack symbols. .............................36
Figure 3. Nature symbol examples: (A-C) various flowers, (D) rose, (E) sunset, (F)
palm frond, and (G) ivy leaves. ...................................................................................36
Figure 4. Religious Symbol examples: (A) Cross, (B) Star of David, (C) Crescent
Moon and Star of Islam, (D) rosary, (E) praying hands, (F) Buddhist Wheel,
(G) angel, and (H) Jesus...............................................................................................37
Figure 5. Fraternal symbol examples: (A) Woodsmen of the World, (B) Blue Lodge,
(C) Order of the Eastern Star, (D) Independent Order of Odd Fellows, (E)
Royal Arch, (F) 32nd Degree Masons, (G) The Daughters of Rebekahs, and
(H) The Elks. ................................................................................................................37
Figure 6. Other symbol examples: (A) teddy bear, (B) medical staff, (C) portrait of
the deceased, (D) wrench, (E) boots, (F) Medal of Honor, (G) music note, and
(H) column. ..................................................................................................................38
Figure 7. Battleship curves of no symbol versus symbol. .......................................................44
Figure 8. Battleship curves of no symbol, fraternal, nature and religious combined,
and other.......................................................................................................................46
Figure 9. Battleship curves of all San Diego County cemeteries (excluding Mount
Hope)............................................................................................................................46
Figure 10. Battleship curves of Mount Hope Cemetery. .........................................................52
Figure 11. Battleship curves of Oceanview Cemetery. ............................................................53
Figure 12. Battleship curves of Home of Peace Cemetery. .....................................................54
Figure 13. Battleship curves of Odd Fellows Community Cemetery. .....................................56
Figure 14. Battleship curves of Fallbrook Masonic Cemetery. ...............................................56
Figure 15. Battleship curves of Valley Center Cemetery. .......................................................57
Figure 16. Battleship curves of Dearborn Memorial Park. ......................................................58
Figure 17. Battleship curves of Glenn Abbey Memorial Park.................................................59
Figure 18. Battleship curves of La Vista Memorial Park. .......................................................60
Figure 19. Battleship curves of San Marcos Cemetery. ...........................................................61
Figure 20. Battleship curves of Nuevo Memory Gardens. ......................................................62
xiv
Figure 21. Battleship curves of El Cajon Cemetery. ...............................................................63
Figure 22. Battleship curves of Alpine Cemetery. ...................................................................64
Figure 23. Battleship curves of Haven of Rest. .......................................................................65
Figure 24. Battleship curves of San Diego microscale cemeteries combined. ........................66
Figure 25. San Diego County with north-south dividing line along the San Bernardino
Meridian separating the urban west cemeteries from the rural east cemeteries.. ........68
Figure 26. Battleship curves of San Diego urban west cemeteries combined. ........................69
Figure 27. Battleship curves of San Diego rural east cemeteries combined. ...........................71
Figure 28. Battleship curves of males in all San Diego County cemeteries (excluding
Mount Hope). ...............................................................................................................73
Figure 29. Battleship curves of females in all San Diego County cemeteries
(excluding Mount Hope). .............................................................................................74
Figure 30. Battleship curves of males at Mount Hope.............................................................75
Figure 31. Battleship curves of females at Mount Hope. ........................................................76
Figure 32. Battleship curves of all San Diego County gravestones using English
(excluding Mount Hope). .............................................................................................78
Figure 33. Battleship curves of gravestones using English at Mount Hope. ...........................78
Figure 34. Battleship curves of all San Diego County gravestones using Spanish
(excluding Mount Hope). .............................................................................................79
Figure 35. Battleship curves of gravestones using Spanish at Mount Hope. ...........................80
Figure 36. Battleship curves of gravestones using other languages in San Diego
County (excluding Mount Hope). ................................................................................82
Figure 37. Battleship curves of gravestones using other languages at Mount Hope. ..............82
Figure 38. Battleship curves of Chinese-American gravestone symbols at Mount
Hope. ............................................................................................................................84
Figure 39. Battleship curves of Japanese-American gravestone symbols at Mount
Hope. ............................................................................................................................85
Figure 40. Battleship curves of Muslism-American gravestones at Mount Hope. ..................87
Figure 41. Battleship curves of Carmel Valley Cemetery. ....................................................127
Figure 42. Battleship curves of Buena Vista Cemetery. ........................................................128
Figure 43. Battleship curves of El Campo Santo Cemetery. .................................................130
Figure 44. Battleship curves of San Luis Rey Pioneer Cemetery. .........................................131
Figure 45. Battleship curves of Olivenhain Cemetery. ..........................................................133
Figure 46. Battleship curves of Pioneer Park.........................................................................134
xv
Figure 47. Battleship curves of Ellis Ranch Cemetery. .........................................................135
Figure 48. Battleship curves of Flinn Springs Cemetery. ......................................................136
Figure 49. Battleship curves of San Pasqual Cemetery. ........................................................137
Figure 50. Battleship curves of Tico Family Cemetery. ........................................................138
Figure 51. Battleship curves of Portrero Cemetery. ..............................................................140
Figure 52. Battleship curves of Ortega Family Cemetery. ....................................................141
Figure 53. Battleship curves of Mission San Antonio de Pala Cemetery. .............................142
Figure 54. Battleship curves of Mount Olivet Cemetery. ......................................................143
Figure 55. Battleship curves of Mission San Luis Rey de Francia Cemetery. ......................144
Figure 56. Battleship curves of All Saints Episcopal Cemetery. ...........................................145
Figure 57. Battleship curves of Linda Vista Cemetery. .........................................................146
Figure 58. Battleship curves of Macogo Ranch Gravesite. ...................................................147
Figure 59. Battleship curves of Little Page Cemetery. ..........................................................148
Figure 60. Battleship curves of Paroli Family Cemetery. ......................................................149
Figure 61. Battleship curves of McAlmond Family Cemetery. .............................................150
Figure 62. Battleship curves of Swain Family Cemetery. .....................................................151
Figure 63. Battleship curves of Chilwell-Campbell Gravesite. .............................................152
Figure 64. Battleship curves of Buckman Gravesite. ............................................................153
Figure 65. Battleship curves of Knecktel, Anton Gravesite. .................................................154
Figure 66. Battleship curves of Higgins Family Cemetery. ...................................................155
Figure 67. Battleship curves of Vallecito Stage Station Cemetery. .......................................156
Figure 68. Battleship curves of Botti Cemetery.....................................................................157
Figure 69. Battleship curves of Davis Cemetery. ..................................................................158
Figure 70. Battleship curves of Scholder Cemetery. .............................................................159
Figure 71. Battleship curves of Kolb Family Cemetery. .......................................................160
Figure 72. Battleship curves of Fox-White Cemetery. ..........................................................161
xvi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank Dr. Seth Mallios, for his constant encouragement, unwavering
support, and infectious passion that provided me with the drive to complete this thesis. The
pep talks in your office would often lift my spirits and cast aside any self-doubts I had. I am
not only lucky, but also proud to be mentored by such an inspiring and genuine person. I
would also like to thank my other committee members Dr. Todd Braje and Dr. John Putman,
for their helpful feedback, support and amazing editing skills. I truly appreciate the time and
effort that you guys selflessly provided.
Special thanks to Jaime Lennox and Scott Mattingly, for being awesome, supportive,
and understanding bosses, and thank you for keeping me employed. Your advice was always
helpful, and I am glad to have been a part of Collections Management. Also, thanks for
letting me spend countless hours at the SCIC, which was pivotal for my thesis research.
This thesis would not have existed without the data collected by the many volunteers
of the San Diego Gravestone Project, which provided me with a valuable resource and
starting point for my research. I also give my most sincere thanks to my friends and
coworkers that helped me collect gravestone data from Mount Hope Cemetery. It was long, it
was tedious, and it was so essential to my research and I truly appreciate all your help.
Thank you to my friends both within grad school and outside the program. You guys
have provided me with constant support, crazy fun memories, and continuous encouragement
to complete this thesis.
Lastly, I would like to thank my family for their unconditional love and support. To
my parents, I truly appreciate everything that you guys have done for me; none of this would
be possible without your help. To my sister, thank you for pushing me and for always being
there for me. You guys have given me so much, thank you for helping me achieve my
childhood dream of becoming an archaeologist.
1
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Cemeteries reflect specific historical eras and can provide context to how
communities have or have not changed through time. Information gleaned from these cities
of the dead act as a permanent record that is continuously added to generation by generation.
Gravestones are the perfect artifacts for inferring past ideologies as they display space, form,
and time through the information displayed upon these mortuary monuments. The purpose of
my thesis research on San Diego gravestone symbols is to determine the values and attitudes
that influenced individual and social identities through time in San Diego, as expressed
through the stylistic choices etched upon gravestones.
One research goal is to highlight the importance of cemetery preservation by
illustrating how cemeteries can provide critical insights about the past. San Diego County has
an unfavorable history with the preservation and management of cemeteries; grave markers
have often been removed in favor of land development (Caterino 2005; Mallios and Caterino
2007). Mortuary preservation is particularly important, since gravestones embody changing
cultural realities and can be used as a valuable resource for revealing cultural patterns of
ethnicity, gender roles, and social class.
Rituals in human behavior symbolically communicate social values within that
culture (Warner 1959). By studying transitional rituals like mortuary practices, patterns of
culture change emerge because symbols evolve with societal change. Since cultures
transform over time, it is important to analyze symbols in relation to the events and social
processes in which the symbols were produced and used (Turner 1979). The plethora of
information available from gravestone symbolism can reveal cultural patterns, dominant
attitudes, cultural resistance, as well as provide cultural identities.
While much research has focused on how American attitudes towards death are
represented in physical gravestone forms (Dethlefsen and Deetz 1966; Hijiya 1983; Mallios
and Caterino 2007, 2011), less attention has been directed at mortuary symbols and how they
are reflections of identity. In addition, there is an overemphasis on New England gravestone
2
studies compared to those west of the Mississippi due to the Structuralist approach made
popular by Deetz (1977). Although the multitude of New England gravestone studies
provided insight into the mental processes behind the evolution and diffusion of mortuary art,
these analyses are confined to a single region of the U.S., and do not expand on a national
level. Not many gravestone symbol analyses have been located outside the New England
area, therefore my research will add to the growing body of mortuary studies of the U.S.,
highlighting the west coast.
My thesis project is part of a large study called the San Diego Gravestone Project
(SDGP). The SDGP began in 2002 and was designed to record permanently the region’s
cemeteries and grave markers (Caterino 2005; Mallios and Caterino 2007, 2011). Present
studies on San Diego gravestones explore how social and economic factors influenced grave
marker material choice (Mallios and Caterino 2011). While helpful in adding to San Diego’s
cultural past, these studies focused on the transformation of the physical grave marker form,
but do not detail the information and iconography etched onto the grave markers. The
purpose of this thesis research is to add to San Diego mortuary literature by building upon
SDGP’s work with analyses on spatial and regional patterns, cultural and ethnic differences,
and the representation of gender roles through gravestone symbolism.
The symbols engraved onto these memorials convey the deceased’s identity as well as
reflect changing cultural realities. These mortuary styles are often limited due to the
economic and spatial constraints of the gravestone form, and the analysis of these symbols
allows for cultural insights into San Diego past identities and ideologies (Dethlefsen and
Deetz 1966). Specifically, this thesis will trace San Diego’s changing social and cultural
environments through gravestone symbols, and provide an understanding into the meanings
behind the symbols chosen by, or for, individuals in their mortuary commemoration.
San Diego identities and attitudes towards death are reconstructed by employing
Structuralist, Marxist and interpretative anthropological perspectives. Through the
application of spatially controlled stylistic evolutions, this thesis reveals the changes of
gravestone symbols over time in individual cemeteries, and then, combines multiple datasets
across the region’s cemeteries to search for a variety of trends. In addition, ethnic and gender
symbol differences were also analyzed to expand San Diego’s multicultural past, as research
often mirrors the perspective of the dominant culture, gender, and class (Conkey and Spector
3
1984). This thesis demonstrates how gender symbol representation was influenced by local
historical events and how ethnic symbols encompassed binary oppositions such as ethnic
retention and assimilation through the use of American mortuary traits and ethnic folk
symbols. Lastly, because class and status differences are marked in space, the segregation of
class is also reflected in the cities of the dead (Mytum 2004). The comparison of mortuary
symbol seriation patterns with the changing social and cultural environments of San Diego
enhanced my interpretations of the cognitive processes behind the stylistic choices of
gravestone symbols.
In exploring past San Diego ideologies and their influences on gravestone symbol
preferences, my research questions are: How has the symbolism of San Diego gravestones
changed from the 1890s to the 1960s? How has San Diego’s social environment influenced
the use and meaning of gravestone symbols? Which ideologies towards death are reflected in
San Diego gravestone symbols? Are gravestone symbols influenced by religion? Do the
symbols change over time for separate cemeteries? Which symbols are associated with
particular ethnicities? What trends are observed in ethnic mortuary symbol use? Do
gravestone symbols differ between males and females? Do symbols change for females
across time? Does socioeconomic class affect symbol choice? Can mortuary symbols
indicate status and class identity? Do symbol styles reflect a trend towards individual or
communal identity? How have San Diego attitudes shaped burial practices and symbol
preferences? Are attitudes stressing tradition or change reflected in gravestone symbol
styles?
This thesis will add to the growing understanding of American mortuary culture.
More specifically, it will highlight the cognitive processes behind mortuary styles and its
relationship to identity in past San Diego culture. In filling in the gaps left open by previous
research, I also attempt to bring public awareness to the value of cemeteries, highlighting the
importance of using cemeteries as resources for revealing past human behaviors and
attitudes. Information gleaned from these mortuary memorials can contribute towards the
reconstruction of San Diego history and heritage. However, cemeteries are not just artifacts
of the past, but are constantly evolving with contemporary society. My thesis on gravestone
symbols trends explores evolving patterns of ethnicity, gender, and social class in American
4
culture and produce deeper connections to heritage in San Diego by tracing the shared values
and insights of society across time.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF SAN DIEGO
On September 28, 1542, Juan Rodríquez Cabrillo landed in San Diego and claimed
the land for Spain, however, the Spanish did not begin colonization until the Presidio and
Mission were founded on July 16, 1769 (Davis 1953). The San Diego Presidio was Spain’s
first military settlement in Alta California, which set the standard for subsequent colonization
(Beddow 1999). Although the region was originally settled by Spanish colonies, the ethnic
background of San Diego would soon be transformed through demographic mixing (R.
Carrico and Jordan 2004).
In the 1820s, Mexico gained independence from Spain, making San Diego part of the
Mexican Republic, and Mexican soldiers and settlers formed a central plaza at the base of the
Presidio Hill (VanWormer et al. 2002). As years passed, the need for the Presidio lessened
which led to its abandonment in the 1840s. Building materials were scavenged for the
construction of what is now Old Town, San Diego (Beddow 1999).
The United States military occupied San Diego during the Mexican-American War
between the years 1846-1848. When the war ended, a new international boundary line was
drawn, and Alta California was placed within the United States (VanWormer et al. 2002).
Following California’s incorporation into the Union, and growing reports of gold in
California, many diverse groups of people relocated to the new territory in hopes of attaining
economic prosperity (R. Carrico and Jordan 2004). In addition, slavery was outlawed in
California in 1849, resulting in an increase of freed blacks migrating to California to start
anew (R. Carrico and Jordan 2004).
The founding of a New San Diego began in 1850 and was established along the San
Diego Bay by urban pioneers (VanWormer et al. 2002). The formation of a metropolitan San
Diego helped to encourage agricultural development. Urban success depends on how well a
city is able to attract business and develop effective transportation systems. To stimulate
economic and population growth, railroads became an important business in San Diego
(VanWormer et al. 2002). Urban entrepreneurs of the 1880s helped to influence the growth
of downtown San Diego by promoting the new city, establishing an urban infrastructure, and
5
generating transportation systems such as the transcontinental railroad and the San Diego
Harbor (VanWormer et al. 2002).
The construction of the California Southern railroad was planned from National City
to Oceanside and east from Temecula toward San Bernardino (Lowell 1986). Chinese
workers were recruited from San Francisco for the construction of the railroad and the Hotel
del Coronado. Fall of 1882 brought the first trains to San Diego, which resulted in an
increase in population and business (Lowell 1986). This boom brought not only ethnic
diversity but also generated suburban growth.
The railroad was completed in 1885, and soon after, San Diego experienced a steady
growth period. Southern California in general also began to develop agricultural hinterlands,
and the first pioneer farmers settled in San Diego in the 1870s (VanWormer et al. 2002).
Agricultural areas of San Diego were initially dominated by the Mexican ranchero system,
however, the Land Law of 1851 removed the Californios from their rancheros culminating in
Anglo control of the agricultural land (Bokovov 1999; Hughes 1975). Business entrepreneurs
sought economic development through agriculture and real estate and promoted San Diego as
an irrigation society (Bokovov 1999). The temperate climate and fertile soil of rural San
Diego attracted middle-class farmers from across the United States where they relied on
cheap Mexican, Asian, and black laborers to establish successful farms.
Racism and discrimination was prevalent throughout California in the early 1900s,
and often minorities and immigrants were taken advantage of in the agriculture industry
(Bokovov 1999, Larralde and del Castillo 1997). While San Diego was promoted as an
agricultural dream for the middle-class rural community, it was the Anglo-Americans that
achieved success by exploiting the discriminatory legislation. The Alien Land Law of 1913
prevented the sale of agricultural land to immigrants, preventing successful Japanese farmers
from competing with their Anglo-American counterparts (Bokovov 1999). Despite the
institutionalized racism, minority laborers helped shape San Diego into an agricultural
powerhouse. On the shoulders of minority and immigrant labor, El Cajon, Escondido, San
Ysidro, Lemon Grove, and Ramona specialized in the export of olives, grains, walnuts, citrus
fruit, and other agricultural commodities (Alvarez 1986, Bokovov 1999, Carter 2007, Geraci
1990, Hoyt 1999).
6
The mountain community of Julian also had a gold rush that ignited in 1869, bringing
mining to the rural area. Rich soil around Julian also helped promote an agrarian society, and
families built a lifestyle that was not solely dependent on mining (Jordan 2008). Julian also
had a diverse community of English, Polish, Welsh, Jewish, Italian, African American,
Native American, and Chinese families that provided a variety of service industries to the
rural town. The search for gold came to a standstill in San Diego County when rumors of
gold in Arizona and Nevada began to drive miners away (Jordan 2008). The miners that
stayed were directed toward the quarrying of granite. Granite was a prevalent resource useful
and was used in the construction of buildings, dams, railroads, and grave markers throughout
San Diego (Wood 1974). Mining ceased prior to the 1900s and apples became the cash crop
in Julian (Jordan 2008).
When the promotion of small intensive farming in San Diego failed, it resulted in
farmers’ inability to sell excess agricultural land and the suburbs of San Diego soon
developed. These acres of land located near the urban sections of San Diego evolved into the
residential areas of Mission Valley, Clairemont, and Grossmont (Bokovov 1999).
Entrepreneur Alonzo Horton brought rapid development and a population boom to the
growing city, through the promotion of a more urban San Diego. Real estate blossomed
which helped to create new residential areas such as Hillcrest, Sherman Heights, Golden Hill,
Logan Heights, North Park, Mission Hills, and University Heights. The establishment of
Horton’s wharf also fueled new businesses and Horton’s tract soon became the center of
development within the newly urbanized town (VanWormer et al. 2002).
Prior to war efforts during World War I and II, the expansion of the harbor and ports
helped spur the fishing industry in San Diego. San Diego’s first canning industry opened in
1909 and received its tuna supply from local Japanese, Portuguese, Mexican, and Italian
immigrants (Felando and Medina 2012; Richardson 1981). Italian fishermen immigrated to
California in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Originally settling in San
Francisco, Italian fishermen began to migrate to San Diego around 1870 and quickly
monopolized the sardine fishery. By the 1930s, Italians operated at least fifteen percent of the
tuna boats throughout San Diego (Richardson 1981). Japanese immigrant fishermen got
involved in the southern California fishing industry by the turn of the century. The first
Japanese fishing community of San Diego consisted of salt flat workers from South Bay
7
(Felado and Medina 2012). By 1918, Japanese fishermen operated more than half of all
fishing vessels in San Diego, and were often contracted by the fish canning industries (D.
Estes 1978; Felado and Medina 2012).
A treaty was signed in December 23, 1925, to monitor fishing between the United
States and Mexico (Felando and Medina 2012). Mexican fishermen participation in San
Diego was limited, but with the new international boundaries, the majority of a fishing crew
had to be from Mexico (Rockland 1978). The collaboration of diverse cultures brought new
fishing techniques and ship construction, which helped the fishing industry and related
businesses thrive.
San Diego has a well-established military presence, with its beginning rooted as a
military settlement for the Spanish army in 1769 (Davis 1953). Wartime has been a prolific
economic generator for the city of San Diego, by providing numerous job opportunities in
military industries. World War I stimulated San Diego’s economic growth through U.S.
Navy development. San Diego experienced considerable military buildup in 1917 with the
establishment of Camp Kearny, and by 1919, the Naval Era began in San Diego when the
U.S. Navy made San Diego Bay the homebase for the Pacific Fleet (Pourade 1965). World
War II pulled San Diego out of the Great Depression through naval, aviation, and military
industries. The creation of the Naval Air stations in Miramar commenced in 1939, and in
1942, the Navy created Camp Pendleton, a Marine Base (Pourade 1967), which brought more
industries to San Diego including sea vessel manufacture, aircraft industries, and other
construction businesses (Fraser 2007). With the impact of World War II, San Diego
transformed into a “wartime metropolis” (Lucinda 1993). The naval, aviation, and military
industries not only prompted rapid economic and population growth in San Diego during
World War II, but also left an extended military impact on San Diego.
ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF SAN DIEGO
Several ethnic communities have provided significant contributions to the
development of San Diego despite the limitations they experienced from racist and
discriminatory legislation
8
African-American
Historical African-American communities in San Diego emerged from Jim Crow
laws and institutionalized discrimination (R. Carrico and Jordan 2004). After the Civil War,
Jim Crow laws were rampant among the southern states, resulting in increased restrictions on
the African-American community. With California’s emergence into the Union and its stance
on outlawing slavery, the western state attracted African-Americans no longer constrained by
slavery. African-Americans moved to California in hope of seizing economic opportunities
offered by the western frontier and the gold rush (R. Carrico and Jordan 2004). Rural San
Diego offered cheap land as well as the anonymity that urban areas could not provide. Julian
and “Little Klondike,” located near Barona Mesa and Ramona, were communities comprised
of freed slaves and blacks that wanted the isolation provided by a rural area (R. Carrico and
Jordan 2004).
When New Town San Diego was established in the mid to late 1800s along the bay,
African-Americans settled within the harbor city and after World War I, thousands of
African-Americans settled in San Diego (R. Carrico and Jordan 2004). The anti-immigration
legislation around this time had produced labor shortages, and as a result, numerous African
Americans entered the workforce. A number of black-owned businesses formed in downtown
San Diego such as hotels, Masonic Halls, churches, clubs, and other services that catered to
the black community (R. Carrico and Jordan 2004).
However, overt racism and segregation permeated San Diego and anti-black attitudes
led to the decline of African-American businesses in the downtown area, as well as to the
relocation of African American communities to southeast San Diego. The start of World War
II created war industries that expanded employment opportunities in urban San Diego.
Blacks either worked in the assembly line or enlisted as soldiers (R. Carrico and Jordan
2004). After the war, there was still much social and racial unrest in the city and across the
nation that manifested in anti-discriminatory movements. The equality movement arose out
of the social turmoil and San Diego experienced a rise in fraternal organizations and social
and civic groups such as the San Diego Urban League, Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters,
and the NACCP San Diego chapter (R. Carrico and Jordan 2004).
San Diego history reveals how African American settlement was significantly
influenced by employment opportunities yet also impeded by discriminatory legislation.
9
African American rural communities fared better than their urban equivalent. Although the
African American community was able to prosper in the downtown area, racist practices in
businesses and laws forced them to move to southeast San Diego. Despite these challenges,
the African American community contributed to the development of both the rural and urban
sections of San Diego.
Chinese-American
Chinese immigrants lived in San Diego County before the founding of New San
Diego. They lived and fished by the bay in the 1850s, and developed commercial fishing in
San Diego (Saito 2003). The Chinese fishermen had become the main suppliers of fish and
they developed a thriving Chinatown between the years of 1870 and 1940 (Saito 2003).
When Horton began developing San Diego’s urban section, the Chinese laborers were some
of the city’s first inhabitants and contributed to the development of the city through
construction and service industries (VanWormer et al. 1998). Many Chinese laborers
participated in the construction boom of the 1880s and worked on various development
projects, including the Santa Fe railroad, the San Diego River channel, and the Hotel del
Coronado (VanWormer et al. 1998).
Chinese immigrants often embraced one of two different perspectives: the sojourner
mentality and the merchant mentality (VanWormer et al. 1998). Chinese sojourners traveled
to California for economic opportunity, especially during the Gold Rush. Sojourners did not
care for acculturation or assimilation for their goal was to make money and then return to
China. As a result, numerous Chinese immigrants who had been living in San Diego for a
couple of decades did not know the English language (VanWormer et al. 1998). Chinese
merchants, on the other hand, had very different goals from the sojourners. Instead of leaving
their family behind, merchants brought their families to the United States and became fluent
in English. Merchants were also exempt from discriminatory legislation brought upon
Chinese immigrant laborers that arose from economic depressions (VanWormer et al. 1998).
While Chinese labor was heavily used throughout California, the depression of the
1870s generated hostility and racist attitudes towards Chinese immigrants, causing the
government to pass discriminatory laws to curb Chinese activity (VanWormer et al. 1998). In
1879, California’s second constitution prohibited the employment of Chinese laborers. Soon
10
after, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and the Scott Act of 1888 were authorized to
prevent Chinese laborers from immigrating to the United States (VanWormer et al. 1998).
Chinese ghettos formed for sojourners who did not assimilate into larger white
society and sought refuge within their own community. Chinatown acted as a reminder of the
Chinese immigrants’ homeland (VanWormer et al. 1998). In addition, fraternal societies
helped integrate the Chinese immigrants into local life by providing insurance and burial
arrangements. As anti-Chinese legislation arose in the 1880s, these community and fraternal
organizations combined to become the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association
(CCBA) (VanWormer et al. 1998). The Chinese Mission also helped Chinese immigrants to
assimilate into the dominant culture by teaching English, Christianity, and the “American
way of life.” The Mission schools became areas for Chinese wives to socialize and become
accustomed to American society (MacPhail 1977).
Chinatown eventually integrated into downtown San Diego. Due to anti-immigration
legislation, the quota of immigrants fell drastically and Mexican workers became more
prominent within San Diego. Although Chinatown began to disperse due to many
discriminatory laws, the beginning in World War II allowed Chinese laborers to enter into
military industries because of war related labor shortages (VanWormer et al. 1998). Despite
the many limitations created by anti-Chinese legislation, Chinese immigrants had contributed
tremendously to the development of San Diego through labor construction, and provided
business growth through many service related industries to the city.
Filipino-American
Waves of Filipino immigrants arrived in San Diego in the early 1900s (Castillo 1976).
Various anti-Asian immigration legislation in effect during the early 19th and 20th centuries
restricted many Chinese and Japanese immigrants from migrating to the west coast. Many
employers sought a cheap labor force and Filipino immigrants were an ideal replacement,
especially because around this time the United States had begun to colonize the Philippines,
which resulted in Filipinos being exempt from U.S. immigration laws due to their colonial
status (Guevarra 2008). In 1926, thousands of Filipinos immigrated to California to work in
agriculture, fish canneries, and the service and domestic industries (Guevarra 2008). In 1900-
11
1946, many Filipinos enlisted in the United States Navy in the hope of earning money to
send back to their families (Castillo 1976).
Racial segregation affected where Filipinos lived and worked within early 20th
century San Diego (Guevarra 2008). San Diego’s racial structure was influenced by alien
land laws, and so Filipinos were unable to rent houses in certain parts of San Diego. These
housing restrictions forced many Filipinos to live in the South Bay and southeastern areas of
San Diego, as well as small areas in Coronado, La Jolla, and San Diego’s Chinatown, also
known as “Skid Row” (Guevarra 2008:26).
Skid Row became the center of Filipino social life and helped new immigrants create
communities with similarly affected minorities. These social establishments helped counter
homesickness and forge networks in which they shared “collective experiences of racial
discrimination and violence” (Guevarra 2008:33). Through the hardships of racial
segregation, Filipinos created a collective identity that gave them a sense of security
(Guevarra 2008). Cultural retention through the use of ethnic social organizations was
constructed to provide normalcy in an alienating white, mainstream society (Guevarra 2008).
While hostilities against Asians and Filipinos arose in the 1930s, Filipinos continued
to thrive as laborers in San Diego. Their labor helped to develop the agricultural economy
and to expand the service industries of urban San Diego.
Japanese-American
Japanese immigrants traveled to San Diego in the late 1880s to work in railroad
construction and soon transitioned into fishing and agriculture (D. Estes 1978). As Japanese
immigrants became involved in the fishing and canning business at the turn of the century,
they dominated the albacore industry by 1918 (Felando and Medina 2012; Richardson 1981).
However, it was through agriculture in Chula Vista, Lemon Grove, and La Mesa where they
had a major impact on San Diego but also sparked hostility from their white competitors (D.
Estes 1978; Saito 2003). Discriminatory laws such as the Gentlemen's Agreement Act of
1908 and the Alien Land Law of 1913 emerged from anti-Japanese sentiment. These policies
sought to restrict the immigration of Japanese to the United States and prohibit aliens from
buying land, which prevented Japanese farmers from competing with white farmers
(Hasegawa 2008).
12
Due to anti-Japanese sentiments, the Issei (first generation Japanese) were largely
isolated from dominant American society. Instead of assimilating to American culture,
Japanese families grew up in traditional households and attended Japanese language schools
(Hasegawa 2008). In contrast, the Nisei (second generation Japanese) had acculturated into
American society by adopting the dominant American culture through American sports and
fashion. Anti-Japanese legalization emerged around World War II spurring the Japanese
community to form the Japanese American Citizens League (JACL) to challenge
discriminatory laws. The JACL sought equality from the dominant, discriminatory society
and used assimilation and acculturation to do so (Hasegawa 2008). However, after the
Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941, the government authorized an internment order to
detain all individuals of Japanese ancestry on the Pacific Coast. By 1942, most of the
Japanese community in San Diego, regardless of citizenship, was relocated to detainment
centers for three years (D. Estes 1978). In 1945, detainees returned home to San Diego
County, however, only hundreds of the thousands returned (M. Estes and Estes 1996). While
Japanese Americans in San Diego were often discriminated against, they endured and tried to
assimilate into American culture through politics, sports, fashion, and language.
Mexican-American
Mexicans and their descendants settled in California before American conquest. The
majority of the Mexican community in 19th century San Diego were soldiers brought over by
Spain during the missionary period (Hughes 1975). When Spanish rule came to an end in
1821, San Diego became part of the Mexican Republic. This change in sovereignty initiated
the secularization of missions, which allocated land and prompted the colonization law by the
Mexican government in 1824 (Hughes 1975; Pourade 1961). This policy permitted the entry
of foreigners into San Diego and gave preference to Mexican citizens for the purpose of
colonizing the newly distributed lands. These land grants also included the missionary’s
cattle herd, which initiated the hide trade in San Diego (Pourade 1961).
However, Mexican ownership of ranches declined after the United States declared
war on Mexico and seized California in 1846 (Huges 1975). This shift in authority prompted
the decrease in Mexican political power and land possession. Initially, many ranches in San
Diego were granted to Mexicans by their government. The transition to the United States
13
generated uncertainty as to the legitimate ownership of land grants. The Land Law of 1851
was enacted by Congress to clear up the confusion of land rights, which eventually led to the
loss of Mexican land ownership (Bokovov 1999; Hughes 1975). The loss of Mexican ranches
resulted in the increase of white settlers and their attainment of agricultural land prompted
the need for immigrant laborers. For many immigrant minorities, the hinterlands of San
Diego, such as Lemon Grove, San Ysidro, El Cajon, and Chula Vista provided numerous
jobs in agriculture (Bokovov 1999). With promises of economic prosperity, large influxes of
Mexican immigrants started to settle San Diego. When economic problems arose due to the
Depression, anti-immigrant legislation emerged and growing prejudice against Mexicans
brought about their expulsion from the city (Delgado 1998).
Immigrants fled from the revolution of Mexico in the early 1900s and settled in
Barrio Logan, creating a large Mexican-American community. By 1940, Logan Heights and
Barrio Logan had grown to the largest Mexican-American communities in California
(Delgado 1998). While Barrio Logan began as a residential area, urbanization,
modernization, and the expansion of downtown San Diego, has drastically changed the
neighborhood into an industrial area. Construction and development of freeways such as
Interstate 5 and the Coronado Bay Bridge, towered over the barrio, forcing residents to leave,
and sparking an increase of junkyards (Delgado 1998).
During times of despair and paranoia, minorities were often scapegoated. World War
II transformed the city of San Diego into a military base and factory (Larralde and del
Castillo 1997). With the war movement’s increasing demand for laborers, Mexicans began to
immigrate to the United States for work. Because of the anti-immigrant laws for military
industries, Mexican immigrants were directed towards the agriculture industry (Larralde and
del Castillo 1997). Due to the war effort, there was a lack of housing, transportation, and job
security, resulting in uneasiness and frustration. The stress caused by the war escalated into
racial conflicts. Violence was directed toward Mexican Americans and other ethnicities,
especially those dressed in the Zoot Suit style (Larralde and del Castillo 1997).
The Zoot Suit riot erupted in Los Angeles on June 3, 1943, which was comprised of a
series of riots during the summer, sparked by U.S. service men looking for a scapegoat
during a time of uneasiness and frustration (Larralde and del Castillo 1997). Racism and
paranoia caused from these riots soon trickled down to San Diego causing ethnic conflict.
14
The Chicano community not only sought to fight against the anti-Mexican movement, but
also aimed for civil rights among fish and cannery laborers and agricultural workers who
were taken advantage due to their lack of English. To battle against Mexican vulnerability,
various organizations such as El Congreso del Pueblo de Habla Espanola (the Congress of
Spanish-Speaking Peoples) and Comite de Damas del Congreso (Women’s Committee)
promoted bilingual education (Larralde 2004). These civil groups perpetuated the belief that
Americanization and assimilation would lead to improved civil rights. Ultimately, Mexican
immigrants and laborers helped expand San Diego’s agricultural economy and many still
partake in the profession today. Their involvement in civil rights helped bring justice to
vulnerable minority groups as well as economic development to San Diego.
15
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORY
Numerous studies have added to the literature on American mortuary behaviors;
however, the bulk of gravestone symbol research has been conducted in the colonial New
England area. Here, I review the literature on key gravestone symbol studies, relevant
research guided by structuralism and Marxism, and cemetery case studies that stress the
importance of ethnicity and gender in burial behaviors. These mortuary works provide the
context for my investigation into San Diego gravestone symbology research.
STRUCTURALISM
Structuralism is a theoretical approach used to understand the underlying, or cognitive
rules that generate cultural forms (Johnson 2010; Levi-Strauss 1972). Structuralists argue that
culture is similar to language, in which there are hidden rules that are used but not
articulated. These rules are hidden within the human mind, and structuralism attempts to
uncover these unseen rules as a way to understand the mental processes behind the behaviors
and ideologies of past cultures (Johnson 2010; Levi-Strauss 1972). The cognitive rules of
cultures influence how we shape our physical world, and by observing stylistic changes in
material culture, archaeologists attempt to understand the mental and social processes that are
reflected in these material expressions (Deetz 1977).
Deetz and Dethefsen (1965) were the first to recognize that cemeteries depicted
trends of gravestone symbols through time. Deetz (1977) used structuralism to interpret the
cognitive processes behind the stylistic trends in mortuary art. Deetz (1977) linked shifts in
attitudes of death with the breakdown of religion. By using 17th and 18th century
gravestones in Massachusetts as archaeological sources, Deetz was able to trace the mortuary
stylistic changes in colonial New England gravestones and relate them to shifts in religious
beliefs that influenced American attitudes toward death. For example, Death’s head motifs
reflected a Puritan, or realistic, attitude towards death in the 17th century. As New England
gained cultural independence from their sovereignty, a transition is observed towards the use
16
of cherub designs. Their perception of death is altered as seen through these hopeful motifs,
indicating a departure from Puritanism (Deetz 1977). As urn and willow designs became
more universal in the early 19th century, these death memorials became more
depersonalized, which reflected the rise of Unitarianism and Methodism (Deetz 1977).
Structuralism allowed Deetz to infer how religion may have influenced the change in past
perceptions of death and how these mindsets were represented in material culture.
Deetz’s traced stylistic changes in gravestones through the use of seriation. Battleship
curves visually documented the patterns of popularity and decline through time and
demonstrated how the seriation method can reveal changes in regional symbol use and
diffusion (Deetz 1977). The creation of a symbol typology and plotting them against time
illustrated how symbols were gradually replaced. Seriation became the standard technique for
gravestone analyses, and numerous studies have used structuralism in explaining mortuary
style transformations.
Gorman and DiBlasi (1981) examined 18th and 19th century gravestones in South
Carolina and Georgia and focused on how gravestone symbols were influenced by religious,
social, and economic factors. Statistical analyses were conducted on the iconography of over
300 gravestones. It was assumed that the patterns gleaned from these memorials would
correlate with the mortuary ideologies of those time periods. Gorman and DiBlasi (1981)
examined the Doppler Effect on the diffusion and popularity of gravestones in the Southeast
United States. Their analysis on spatial patterns suggested that the change in southeast
gravestone symbols coincided with the transitions of New England gravestone symbols.
These changes mirrored shifts in theology within the United States (Gorman and DiBlasi
1981). This study demonstrated how gravestones revealed the social attitudes of the time and
stressed the importance of expanding mortuary research on a regional level, to better
understand different religious and social influences of United States gravestone symbols.
Hijiya (1983) conducted a meta-analysis of American perspectives on death, what
factors may have contributed to these attitudes, and their influence on gravestone design.
Hijiya assembled a chronology of gravestone trends from the 17th to the 20th century. He
warned, however that symbols may have multiple meanings. They can be connotative and
express a general attitude instead of being denotative (Hijiya 1983). Using structuralism as a
guide, a typology was created in which American gravestones were divided into six styles,
17
periods, and attitudes toward death. In providing a typology, Hijiya also attempted to explain
these stylistic changes with historical events that may have influenced American attitudes
towards not only death, but also their own lived experiences. By tracing the changes of
gravestone symbols and connecting them to social and religious phenomena, Hijiya (1983)
provided a framework of time periods and underlying attitudes of death for the investigation
of gravestone stylistic differences.
Moore et al.’s (1991) research on a cemetery in the plains helped to enrich gravestone
literature throughout the United States. Sunset Cemetery located in Manhattan, Kansas,
revealed patterns of economic and ideological change from 1860 to 1980 (Moore et al. 1991).
Using random sampling of data within Sunset Cemetery, cultural patterns were identified by
the materials, height, and overall form of the gravestones. A structuralist perspective helped
the authors explain the mental and material changes of various mortuary expressions. The
height of gravestones decreased through time, and the form transformed from obelisks, to
upright slabs and then flat blocks. The gravestone materials also shifted from marble to
granite (Moore et al. 1991). The height and material changes were not gradual. In 1930
tombstone heights decreased sharply due to the beginning of the Great Depression (Moore et
al. 1991). The Sunset Cemetery study provided a better understanding of Euroamerican
ideological patterns towards death in the plains. Using plains gravestones to trace changes in
material, height, and form and comparing them to the patterns observed in other American
cemeteries contributed to a better understanding of mortuary practice and ideological shifts
across the country.
Rainville (1999) examined gravestones across a 150-year time span in Hanover, New
Hampshire, to explore if gravestones accurately indicate the socioeconomic status of an
individual. In an attempt to correlate Hanover’s deathscapes with the town’s changing belief
systems, Rainville (1999) concluded that Hanover’s ideologies towards death had a
significant influence on the style, shape, and material of the gravestone rather than one’s
social status or ethnicity. Expanding on past mortuary studies through the analysis of three
different levels of meaning: familial, societal, and belief systems, Rainville (1999) found that
18th and 19th century Hanover gravestones corresponded to social ties rather than an
individual’s socioeconomic status. The importance of providing the historical context of the
gravestone was stressed, as the context would help explain the temporal stylistic trends of the
18
gravestones. Rainville’s (1999) analysis of Hanover Township’s burial grounds demonstrated
that the cemetery mirrored the living community’s settlement patterns. Rather than having
the gravestones represent individual identity, it reflected Hanover’s social system.
Buckham’s (2003) case study on Victorian memorials in York Cemetery explored
how the act of memorialization was expressed with two perspectives; personal relationships
and social group affiliation. To investigate these two subjects, Buckham (2003) analyzed
these perspectives through religious affiliation and childhood death gravestone imagery. By
tracing historical events as well as regional factors, mortuary beliefs and practices at York
Cemetery were better understood when compared to other local cemeteries. For example,
earlier child graves were separated from the adult plots and used smaller versions of the adult
grave markers. As time passed, children were buried into the same areas as the adults. This
coincided with a time when child welfare legislation was initiated and children began to have
a more public identity within society (Buckham 2003). By looking into the historical context
and how it influenced gravestone designs, it is easier to identify social patterns.
In analyzing the use of traditional and postmodernist symbols in a 150-year old
cemetery in Stone Mountain, Collier (2003) sought to understand if Americans engaged or
disengaged from social institutions and traditions. By separating symbols into five categories,
religious, familial, patriotic, organizational, and generic, Collier (2003) traced symbol use
across time. The traditional view and the postmodernist view helped Collier (2003) to
associate symbol use with culture change. The traditional view focuses on the persistence of
tradition across all years, whereas the postmodernist view explains how Americans are
becoming more individualistic, resulting in the rarity of identifying with institutions.
Through charting symbol trends with tables, Stone Mountain cemetery illustrated a
postmodern trend that American culture has become more individualistic. Collier’s (2003)
research demonstrated how the display of identity transformed over time and demonstrated
the importance of using gravestones for tracing these ideological shifts.
The San Diego Gravestone Project (SDGP) is a comprehensive historical and
archaeological analysis on the region’s cemeteries. Mallios and Caterino’s (2007) research
program investigated how Americans’ attitudes towards death and memorialization have
changed through time. Mallios and Caterino analyzed how gravestone forms revealed
changing mortuary attitudes that paralleled cultural events of 19th and 20th century America.
19
For example, monument style gravestones reflected a time period of individualism, whereas
flush markers mirrored a more modest time during the world wars (Mallios and Caterino
2007). Their research demonstrates how gravestone forms change in meaningful ways across
time. Mallios and Catrino used battleship curves and scatter plots to demonstrate how
gravemarkers reduced in height over time, which is reflective of a shift in American
mortuary beliefs (Mallios and Caterino 2007). Their research also shows how social and
economic factors influenced grave marker transformation (Caterino 2005; Mallios and
Caterino 2007, 2011). While incredibly helpful in decoding San Diego’s cultural past, these
studies focused on the changing material and form of gravestones. As a result, there remains
a gap in the literature regarding the symbols etched onto the grave markers. My research will
build upon past San Diego gravestone research by contributing new data on the
representation of identity, gender, and ethnicity. Guided by structuralism, interpretive
anthropology and Marxism, I will explore how gravestone symbols reflect these cultural
constructions.
MARXISM
Marxism is a materialist theory emphasizing how class conflict exists within
capitalism due to the unequal distribution of goods (Berger 2009; Engels 1884; Morgan
1877). Scholars that invoked a Marxist perspective explain how gravestone stylistic changes
are typically affected by economic factors and often emulate society’s economic constraints
or extravagances (Canon 1989; Mallios and Caterino 2011). They attempt to highlight
material manifestations in the cities of the dead in which the wealthy create social divisions
that produce social hierarchies (Mytum 2004). Since cemeteries are reflections of the society
that produced them, patterns of social stratification are often revealed.
Francaviglia (1971) examined the evolving landscapes of five Oregon cemeteries
between the years of 1870 and 1970. This research demonstrated how the physical form of
the gravestone changed over 100 years; gravestones, at first, were rather plain, but after the
Civil War, they increased in height and obelisks became the norm. After 1905, gravestones
became simple again and height decreased. This trend continues as flush markers became
more common in contemporary times (Francaviglia 1971). Examining differences in height,
Francaviglia (1971) discovered that status had a role, especially because obelisks were
20
common around the Victorian era. Class distinctions revealed the spatial hierarchy of the
city; more contemporary gravestones that are low and uniform mirrored the middle class and
their attitudes of shying away from death (Francaviglia 1971). Francavigilia also illustrated
how blacks were excluded from the more expensive areas in a cemetery, for segregation in
death mirrors the segregation found in American society (Mytum 2004). The same was also
demonstrated in status differences in a cemetery because elaborate and tall gravestones were
indicative of the wealthy whereas the poor had smaller gravestones or none at all
(Francaviglia 1971, Kephart 1950).
McGuire (1988) used a Marxist perspective in analyzing the 19th and 20th century
burial grounds of Broome County, New York. Immortality is sought through
memorialization and the differences in mortuary expressions are influenced by money and
power. The differing cemeteries of Broome County revealed the culture of capitalism in
which inequalities in death memorialization were associated with power relations (McGuire
1988). In mid-19th century, the wealthier individuals of Broome County had more
ostentatious mortuary styles because of the relationship between burial investment and socioeconomic status. However, the years between the world wars prompted a decrease in
gravestone heights and Broome County, and gravestones became more uniform in
appearance (McGuire 1988). Ideologies of death shift with the social and economic
environment as demonstrated through capitalism’s influence on burial practices which
creates marked inequalities of memorials. However, as more individuals are affected by
economic trends, the social stratification of death decreases between classes.
Cannon’s (1989) study on mortuary expressions of status elaborated how social
tensions and status comparisons among class affect the display of ostentation. Economic
factors influenced change within society, and a Marxist perspective helped to explain social
stratification within mortuary styles. Battleship curves illustrated the stylistic trend of how
the Victorian upper class utilized mortuary styles before their peak in popularity, while the
lower class used designs past their peak in popularity (Cannon 1989). The wealthiest had
access to the more popular trends first because they had the economic means to do so,
demonstrating status and class differences. The gradual diffusion of mortuary styles to the
lower class demonstrated the poor’s aspirations of emulating the rich even in death (Cannon
21
1989). The status comparisons and diffusion of mortuary designs reflected the social
stratification of not only the dead, but of the living as well.
Wurst’s (1991) research explored the difference between rural and urban elites and
how their religious movements affected the symbols used within the cemeteries of Broome
County, New York. The shifting class relations of Broome County in the 19th century were
documented through symbol use on the gravestones in rural and urban cemeteries.
Gravestone symbols begin to appear in the Binghamton area after the Second Great
Awakening (SGA) (Wurst 1991). SGA symbols were commonly found in the rural areas of
Binghamton, and were rarely found in the urban areas. This difference is attributed to the fact
that the rural elites were Evangelical Protestants, and the use of SGA symbols brought them
the belief of salvation during economic difficulties (Wurst 1991). In contrast, the urban elite
class was predominately Episcopalian, and their ideology was more scientific and secular.
Labor and transportation became centralized in the urban areas of Binghamton in the 19th
century and there was no need for salvation because they did not experience the economic
stress faced by the rural elites (Wurst 1991). The uses of gravestone symbols were affected
by the ideologies and economic statuses of different regional groups. The rural elites that
experienced economic hardships invoked the use of SGA symbols, whereas the urban elites
had no need for symbolism because they were economically stable.
Garazhian and Yazdi (2008) examined mortuary practices within the context of a
natural disaster in Bam, southeastern Iran and was the first case study that emphasized how
the role of living relatives influenced the form of the deceased’s gravestone. Their
investigation of gravestones in eight cemeteries after a 2003 earthquake revealed how these
decorated memorials were indicators of the living relative’s socioeconomic status, instead of
the deceased’s (Garazhian and Yazdi 2008). By comparing the production of gravestones
before and after the earthquake, socioeconomic trends were made explicit. Before the
earthquake hit, the gravestones typically were more stylized. Elite families often bought
Hojrehs, or family tombs, which were indicators of high status, however, after the Bam
disaster, many graves lacked ornamentation due to the severity caused by the earthquake
(Garazhian and Yazdi 2008). After further research, they determined that decorated graves
post-disaster were determined not by the individual’s socioeconomic status, but their
relative’s, for they would be the ones to decorate the deceased’s grave (Garzhian and Yazdi
22
2008). When the demand for gravestones drastically increased, however, this necessity
generated a mass production of gravestones in which ostentatious styles were not needed
(Garazhian and Yazdi 2008). Invoking a Marxist perspective and tracing socioeconomic
status through gravestone ornamentation brought a better understanding to mortuary style
trends.
Brandes’ (2009) research used pet gravestone inscriptions as ethnographic evidence
to reveal how humans perceived their own pets and ascribed their religious and ethnic
identity onto their pets’ memorials. Over the past 100 years in the United States, humans
have prescribed cultural characteristics to their pets through the increasing use of human
names and by treating them as family members (Brandes 2009). Attitudes and religious
beliefs of the pet owners were gleaned through the analysis of pet gravestones. While it is
difficult to determine social class, it is important to remember that the emergence of pet
cemeteries was originally a “privilege of the wealthy and of celebrities” (Brandes 2009:100).
Pet gravestones are also an urban phenomenon, however, the number of pets buried in a
cemetery do not represent the total of deceased pets, for dead pets may be buried in the trash
or in backyards (Brandes 2009). Hartsdale Pet Cemetery located in New York has over
70,000 gravestones of deceased pets. The gravestone inscriptions display the gradual
appearance of religious, gender, ethnic, and family affiliations. Pet names also have changed
across a century, as evidenced at Hartsdale Pet Cemetery. Early 20th century gravestones
exhibit non-human like names like “Freckles, Champ, Rusty” (Brandes 2009:104), however,
post-World War II gravestones reveal a growing number of human names. From a Marxist
perspective, the creations of pet mortuary practices were initiated through the excess of
capital. An increase in economic growth and socioeconomic status helped to transform
American’s attitude towards viewing pets as more human, resulting in an increase of more
human-like pet gravestones (Brandes 2009).
Davidson and Mainfort (2011) examined two 19th century cemeteries from Crawford
County, Arkansas, which revealed the community’s values and beliefs. The Becky Wright
and Eddy cemeteries are defined as Upland South folk cemeteries, implying that they are
small, rural, and commonly located on hilltops (Davidson and Mainfort 2011). The main
difference between the two cemeteries is that Becky Wright was a public burial ground
whereas the Eddy graveyard was a family cemetery. To give context to the social differences
23
between the two, Davidson and Mainfort (2011) supplemented their data by looking at social
and economic forces when the cemeteries were in use. Research went beyond the
examination of the gravestones; subsurface excavations were conducted to see how the
graves were constructed, as well as to focus on the coffin, jewelry, and clothing that the
deceased were buried with (Davidson and Mainfort 2011). While the cemeteries appeared
identical above ground, excavations, the historical context, and the Marxist perspective
revealed the social differences between the two rural cemeteries. Examining coffin hardware
and clothing along with the family history revealed the social status of those buried. The
artifacts from the Eddy cemetery included ornate coffin hardware, dress shirts, and shirt studs
which indicated that family members buried at Eddy were financially well off. Individuals
buried at the Becky Wright cemetery were likely poor due to the lack of formal clothing and
jewelry. Historical context of the deceased revealed that the individuals buried also lacked
social and economic ties to the elite (Davidson and Mainfort 2011). While it was
hypothesized that the two cemeteries would be similar, as they seemed identical on the
surface, excavations and historical research proved that the individual and social statuses
were quite different between the cemeteries. Material remains such as clothing and hardware
mirrored the social status of the buried and demonstrated the importance of artifactual
context in mortuary analysis.
Mallios and Caterino (2011) examined how social and economic factors influenced
gravestone choice in San Diego. Using seriation diagrams to document the evolution of
gravestone forms, materials, and changes within the social environment of San Diego,
Mallios and Caterino (2011) determined that shifts in gravestone height and material were
accompanied by social and economic events. For example, the transition from large
monuments to small flush markers reflected San Dieagan responses to war and poverty.
Economic hardships caused by World War I and the Great Depression influenced the
replacement of granite gravestones with cheaper materials such as marble, metal, and
concrete (Mallios and Caterino 2011). The economic decline not only had an impact on the
physical form of gravestones, but also influenced American attitudes towards death. Tracing
the changing social and economic environments of San Diego helped to explain its
connection to shifts in ideology and attitudes of mortuary practices within the United States.
24
ETHNIC MORTUARY BEHAVIOR
Cemeteries are employed as communicative symbolic actions for the construction of
ethnic and cultural identity (Meyer 1993). Tracing ethnic symbols and native languages
through a cemetery’s temporal context demonstrates the ongoing tension between cultural
retention and assimilation, continuity and change, and tradition and innovation (Meyer 1989).
Mortuary research focusing on these binary oppositions illustrate how the adoption of certain
symbols can reflect how that particular group assimilated into the dominant culture, or how
their continuous preference of ethnic folk symbols indicate cultural retention.
Tashjian and Tashjian (1989) examined the African-American section of Rhode
Island’s burial ground and revealed how the social statuses of the dead are influenced by the
location of one’s burial plot. The symbolism and writing on the gravestones represent the
socioeconomic status of the deceased’s position in society. While much of the symbolism of
African American gravestones were similar to the dominant white community in Rhode
Island, the physical form of the gravestone differed. Using a Marxist perspective, it was
determined that because of their socioeconomic status, African-American gravestones were
not as finely carved when compared to the dominant white class of Newport, Rhode Island.
This was due to the fact that African-Americans were not considered full members of the
community (Tashjian and Tashjian 1989).
Barber (1993) investigated the rise and fall of ethnic traits distinctive to MexicanAmerican cemeteries located in southern California. The Agua Mansa cemetery follows
Mexican mortuary trends with its use of concrete crosses, enclosures, recesses, grave curbs,
and potholders (Barber 1993). However, these distinct Mexican folk traits started to
disappear after World War II, which may be attributed to their assimilation into the American
culture. Mexican cemeteries began to mimic the appearance of Anglo cemeteries. The
adoption of the American mortuary style was largely guided by acculturation, accelerated by
the post-war development of southern California and their experiences of education, which
stressed the use of the English language (Barber 1993). Certain characteristics of the
dominant society will often diffuse to the minority group, as seen through their adoption of
American mortuary traits. However, the 1960s exhibited a reappearance of distinct Mexican
folk traits, indicating either a sense of ethnic pride, or a temporary acculturation into the
white American culture (Barber 1993). The retention of ethnic traits at Mexican-American
25
cemeteries demonstrated their limited acculturation into mainstream American culture and
provided insight to how a culture either adopts or rejects the dominant ideology.
Graves (1993) explored how ethnicity is expressed through Ukrainian-American
gravestone art and language use in a cemetery in New Jersey. St. Andrew’s cemetery
provides insight into Ukrainian death culture and its association with nationalism. Many of
the ethnic symbols on the gravestones derived from nationalistic ideology and are seen as
reflections of the hardships Ukrainians had faced in their journey to America (Graves 1993).
In addition, over 90% of the gravestones were written in Ukrainian, this dominant preference
of Ukrainian language and the ethnic symbols engraved revealed the community’s
continuation of their heritage and traditions (Graves 1993). Their immigrant and ethnic status
is highlighted through their use of ethnic folk symbols on gravestones.
Broce’s (1996) research on Juris, the National Slovak Society Cemetery, examined a
rural ethnic cemetery of the early 1900s for Slovak settlers in Colorado (Broce 1996). The
Slovak cemetery is an artifactual example of how an ethnic community acculturated into the
dominant society through the use of the language and symbols of gravestones. The lack of
inscriptions in their traditional language and the lack of national symbols revealed how there
was little concern for continuing their distinct ethnic characteristics (Broce 1996). Examining
cemeteries located by churches, Broce (1996) concluded that the use of European languages
is representative of the relationship between church membership and ethnic mortuary
expressions. Gravestones in Juris do not have much variety and tend to be more commercial;
there is no variation across time, there is no difference by gender, and they are rather uniform
in style. The lack of inscriptions in the Slovak language indicated that there was an
acculturation to the dominant culture because the uniform Slovak gravestones at Juris
paralleled American practices and trends (Broce 1996). The lack of variation revealed how
the community showed little concern for ethnic continuity and the relative uniformity
displayed their assimilation into the dominant culture.
Ethnicity and language maintenance is exemplified in Eckert’s (1998) analysis of a
Czech cemetery in Praha, Texas. By studying language use through inscriptions on Czech
gravestones from the 1860s and 1890s, ethnic identity can be determined. Praha immigrants
spoke a distinct dialect, and the diacritic marks used on the inscriptions became a decorative
ethnic symbol (Eckert 1998). The Praha immigrant community was geographically isolated
26
and homogenous in work, education, and religion. The Praha gravestone inscriptions
revealed how the immigrant community refused to assimilate into dominant American
society (Eckert 1998). Through the study of 230 gravestones, Eckert (1998) traced language
shifts through gravestone inscriptions. First-generation gravestone inscriptions had spelling
and grammar errors, second-generation inscriptions had deviations from the native language
spellings, and third-generation inscriptions did not use diacritics. By studying language use
over 30 years, Eckert (1998) determined how diacritics were correlated with Czech identity,
and as time passed, the loss of diacritics indicated acculturation into American society.
Denbow’s (1999) study on tombstones from the Loango Coast of the Congo
expressed traditional Kongolese beliefs along with syncretic notions of Christianity.
Interpretation of mortuary symbolism is dependent on the historical context of the
tombstones (Denbow 1999). In the late 19th century, Catholic missionaries were established
at Loango, which prompted the mixing of Christian symbols with Kongolese meanings. For
example, cross symbols were derived from European styles; however, the symbolic meanings
were associated with Kongolese cosmograms (Denbow 1999). Kongolese tombstones
appropriated Christian stylistic notions, demonstrating that while the Kongolese adopted
certain features from the missionaries, they were still able to retain their own ideologies and
interpretations of gravestone symbols.
Ethnicity, within the context of mortuary commemoration, can be used as an attribute
to express individual or collective identity. Reimers (1999) analyzed how ethnicity can be
applied to either maintain or reduce social boundaries within Swedish cemeteries. Since
Swedish identity is the norm at a Swedish cemetery, customs that deviate from the norm
create a boundary against the dominant culture. Language is a strong indicator of ethnic
traditions and cultural identity, and the use of a particular language reveals one’s ethnic
identity (Reimers 1999). In contrast, immigrant gravestones that incorporated Swedish
customs imply identification with the Swedish culture, thereby reducing social boundaries
within the cemetery (Reimers 1999). The distinction of Quarter 83 as an ethnically diverse
cemetery was made clear when Reimers (1999) compared it with Ostra, a cemetery 100 years
older than Quarter 83. The Ostra cemetery emphasized distinct international sections, and
this separation of different nationalities reflected a segregated society. However, Quarter 83
27
gravestones displayed ethnic traits that differ from the gravestones next to them, establishing
a common identity and reflecting a more culturally diverse Sweden (Reimers 1999).
Foster and Echert’s (2003) research examined cemetery variables including sex,
ethnicity, surname, age, year of birth, and death to visualize life and mortuary patterns and
reconstruct African American 19th and 20th communities in the rural Midwest. Using data
collected from 109 cemeteries in Coles County, Illinois, and supplementing the gravestones
with burial records to provide context, Foster and Echert (2003) reconstructed the history of
minorities that were often ignored in official documents at the time. The information gleaned
from gravestone inscriptions helped overcome this limitation. Foster and Echert (2003)
determined that African Americans had a younger population, not attributed to childhood
mortality, because they had shorter life expectancies than whites. There were often more
males than females, which was congruent with the frontier lifestyle, and the deceased British
surnames suggested association or ownership by British individuals (Foster and Echert
2003). The histories of minorities are often ignored or are rarely documented and gravestone
research can provide information to reconstruct these neglected communities and overcome
historical limitations.
Stone (2009) investigated Long Island, New York, gravestones from 1680 to 1800 in
an attempt to understand ideological, social, and ethnic boundaries. After analyzing more
than 4,300 gravestones from 164 cemeteries, Stone determined that location played a
prominent role in gravestone choice. The English and the Dutch both had cultural spheres
nearby, and so the location to these settlements as well as their trade networks influenced the
gravestone material and symbols (Stone 2009). Long Island has a lack of quarryable stone, so
colonial gravestones were imported from New England, New Jersey, or New York City, and
these trade routes influenced the symbols used in Long Island cemeteries (Stone 2009).
Ethnicity is also expressed through gravestone language and designs; the Dutch had
gravestones engraved in their ethnic language and mortuary art (Stone 2009). Stone’s
research revealed how gravestone choice is affected by social, cultural, and geographic
factors and how these patterns are indicative of ethnic communities on Long Island.
Similarly, Kraus-Friedberg (2011) augmented ethnic mortuary behavior literature
through the analysis of epitaph language choice of immigrant gravestones in Hawaii. KrausFriedberg (2011) explored how Japanese plantation workers were viewed within Hawaiian
28
society by examining the stylistic and language use of gravestones throughout monumental
historical events. Using the frameworks of assimilation and ethnic retention, Kraus-Friedberg
(2011) investigated the factors that influenced how Japanese immigrants chose to display
their identity after death. Epitaphs written in Japanese demonstrated ethnic identity retention
and assimilation was expressed through the use of English. For example, second-generation
Japanese-Americans that attended public schools had an increased likelihood of having
gravestones engraved in English (Kraus-Friedberg 2011). However, language choice does not
only depict ethnic identity, but also indicates one’s national alliance with the living
community (Kraus-Friedberg 2011). For example, between the years of 1893 and 1907,
there was a high rate of Japanese immigration into Hawaii. Prejudice against the Japanese
was low in Hawaii, and many gravestones illustrated their connection to Japan by being
engraved in Japanese. However, the events of World War II generated an increase in antiJapanese sentiment, as a result, the number of gravestones with ties to Japanese identity
dropped drastically (Kraus-Friedberg 2011). The use of the Japanese language is a statement
of one’s ethnic identity, and ethnic assimilation or retention is reflected through epitaph
language use and this linguistic choice is highly influenced by the surrounding political
environment.
Mytum (1994) explored how language was used as symbols in 19th and 20th century
Welsh gravestone inscriptions in Pembrokeshire. The study focused on language use from
Anglican parishes and nonconformist chapels from both the north and south to ensure that
religious communities could be compared. The expression of ethnic languages on
gravestones revealed the individual's cultural affiliation and retention of tradition over
external forces. Communities from north of Pembrokeshire mainly spoke Welsh, the
Anglican clergy spoke English, and the nonconformist chapels spoke exclusively Whelsh
(Mytum 1994). By studying language as a symbol, Mytum demonstrated how the choice of
language became a cultural indicator of the deceased, as well as a way to display allegiance
to one’s nation (Mytum 1994). Anglican gravestones were mainly carved in English,
however, when the 19th century brought a increase in Welsh nationalism, Welsh language on
gravestones became more frequent. However, the rise of the English language, especially in
schools and the media, brought about a steady decline in the Welsh language (Mytum 1994).
29
GENDER BIAS OF GRAVESTONES
Gender differences can be observed within gravestones through physical form, the
symbols chosen, and the writing etched onto these memorials. The information engraved on
gravestones help to reinforce culture-specific ideologies about the status and roles of men
and women within their society (Conkey and Spector 1984). Gender is a social category that
can change over time in response to social and environmental conditions. By analyzing
gender roles in cemeteries through symbols, gender terms, and maiden and surnames, gender
bias is revealed.
In exploring the social roles marked on gravestones, Rainville (1999) demonstrated
that the Hanover gravestones in New Hamsphire illustrated a stylistic dimorphism between
males and females. Adult men often had taller or thicker gravestones than other family
members, which symbolized their role as head of the family (Rainville 1999). Kinship terms
carved on these gravestones revealed that the role of a female was largely dependent on her
male relatives, for example: “wife of,” daughter of,” or “widow of” (Rainville 1999:570).
These Hanover gravestones conveyed and perpetuated the belief that there are superior and
inferior statuses of males and females after death, and are reflective of the ideology from the
years 1770 to 1920 (Rainville 1999; Warner 1959).
Cannon (2005) studied gender through the differing gravestone fashion styles of 16th
and 17th century cemeteries from Seneca, New York. This long-term seriation analysis
demonstrated how fashion adoption and emulation influenced change in mortuary
expression, and focused on the agency of women and how it influenced the different fashion
trends between male and female mortuary burial treatments (Cannon 2005). Styles lagged
between men and women, which suggests that women were more concerned with expressing
mortuary styles because spouses tended to be responsible for mortuary commemoration. This
pattern revealed women’s fashion agency of provisioning male grave goods and men’s
slower adoption to the same practice. Women were more concerned with the expression of
socioeconomic status when they become widowed, whereas men did not have to worry about
displaying their financial status and security (Cannon 2005).
Giguere’s (2007) study of a New England cemetery from Cumberland County,
Maine, through the years of 1720 and 1820 demonstrated how gender roles and social
statuses were reinforced through epitaphs. Giguere’s (2007) study is an important addition to
30
the vast literature of New England gravestones because, while much research has been
conducted on gravestone symbolism, there has been a gap in studies focusing on gender.
Epitaphs for women frequently referred to their roles in the home and to their family,
whereas men’s epitaphs revealed their public roles through their achievements, status, and
occupation titles (Giguere 2007). The importance of title use was stressed on gravestone
inscriptions for they indicated the social standing of the individual. Females were frequently
designated with titles such as wife, widow, or daughter, revealing that a woman’s social
status was often tied to a male (Gigure 2007). Male titles included esquire, captain, or mister,
reflecting their occupation and social status in society. The contrast between women and their
kinship titles versus men and their occupational titles illustrate how they were viewed in
society; women’s roles were linked to a domestic sphere whereas men’s roles were more
public (Gigure 2007).
Leader (1997) investigated the construction of gender through the analysis of late 5th
and 4th centuries B.C. grave stelae. The visual construction of gender in mortuary art
illustrated the individual’s identity and role in society. Athenian society viewed gender
through different spheres; males were more public whereas females were domestic (Leader
1997). Males were often depicted in conjunction with the state while expressing their civic
duty, for their roles were part of the public sphere. Females were often portrayed with their
male family members, demonstrating how a female’s identity was associated with her
relationship with men (Leader 1997). These mortuary images of men and women not only
revealed the difference on how gender is constructed after death, but also how it shaped their
roles and identities in society.
Foster et al.’s (1998) research on ten cemeteries from 1830-190 in east-central Illinois
demonstrated how cemetery data could help identify and provide context to social patterns.
Through the use of descriptive statistics, they determined that there was a marked inequality
in mortuary expressions of gender. There was a higher percentage of males because
Midwestern cemeteries were characteristic of Euro-American settlements of a frontier
environment, and frontiers tended to attract more males than females (Foster et al. 1998).
Many of the east-Illinoise female gravestones in Illinois depicted females only in relation to
males, often as their wife or daughter. These inscriptions reflected the historical context of
male dominance, especially because women were only seen as complete persons in relation
31
to adult males (Foster et al. 1998). Cemetery data helped to explain social patterns because
these cultural texts have specific information engraved prior to historical documents such as
national birth and death registries (Foster et al. 1998). Information gleaned from gravestones
offered detailed insights into communities, for they reflect their histories from life and death.
Abel’s (2008) research on Hillcrest Cemetery located in New York demonstrated how
information on gravestones illustrated examples of gender discrimination. Through the
analysis of 3,684 inscriptions on gravestones, it was determined that female gravestones were
frequently identified by their relationships to males. Abel’s (2008) investigation focused on
kin ties, absence of surnames, and the absence of maiden names combined with the surname
for women. Abel (2008) divided the data into 50-year periods from 1851 to 2000, which
revealed how female identification terms were less common as time passed. Data also
showed how it was more common for females to have both their maiden and married
surnames in more contemporary times (Abel 2008). By documenting the historical changes
in gender bias throughout time, Abel (2008) demonstrated how the perspective of women as
individuals rather than their relation to men is increasing and gender bias favoring males is
lessening over time. This focus on gender bias produced more representative results of a
community and brought attention to ignored histories in mortuary research.
32
CHAPTER 3
METHODS
STUDY SITE
This thesis examined gravestone symbols acquired from numerous cemeteries across
the San Diego region. However, it is important to define what I mean when I use the term
“gravestone symbol.” Symbols are the smallest unit of ritual behavior and are used to help
understand the world. These symbols are composed of the principles and values of society
and are often involved in societal change as they are associated with human interests and
purposes (Turner 1967). While mortuary symbols may manifest in physical forms such as
crosses, statues, and obelisks, my thesis research is solely focused on the imagery etched
onto the gravestone, viewing the memorial as a blank canvas for mortuary art. Since symbols
are connotative in nature, the analysis of gravestone symbols must be studied in relation to
the events and social processes in which the symbols were produced and used (Hijiya 1983).
Gravestone symbols were taken from 46 cemeteries within the San Diego County,
California border (see Figure 1; Mallios and Caterino 2011). The decision to use this
boundary was determined by the data collected by the San Diego Gravestone Project
(SDGP). The SDGP was initiated in 2002 to survey and inventory all of San Diego County’s
gravestones and to create a permanent record that can be used as a source for future mortuary
research and analysis (Mallios and Caterino 2007, 2011).
Besides the spatial component of my research, it is also crucial to create a temporal
boundary. I examined the symbols inscribed on gravestones between the years of 1891 and
1960. Prior to 1890, symbols were rarely used on gravestones due to various cultural
traditions (Mallios and Caterino 2011). The cutoff date is 1961 because gravestones need to
be at least 50 years old to be included in the National Register (Sherfy and Luce 1998).
DATA COLLECTION
The content of my thesis research warranted a mixed research design. The initial
mortuary dataset came from the SDGP ACCESS database at the South Coastal Information
33
Figure 1. The 46 cemeteries of San Diego County used in my analysis.
Source: Mallios, Seth, and David Caterino M. 2011 Mortality, Money, and
Commemoration: Social and Economic Factors in Southern California
Grave-Marker Change During the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries.
International Journal of Historical Archaeology 15:429-460.
Center located on El Cajon Blvd, San Diego. Due to the relatively high number of
cemeteries, a classificatory scheme was applied for recording the gravestones (Caterino
2005). Six categories were created: (1) Individual, (2) Multiple family, (3) Medium Range,
(4) Mega Cemeteries, (5) Military, and (6) Native American. Since some cemeteries imposed
privacy concerns, sacred limitations, or the strict regulation of military standardization, only
the first four categories were recorded and analyzed in greater depth. The initial SDGP
dataset recorded information from 143 gravesites and cemeteries, however, my thesis project
focused on gravestone symbols from a range of 1891 to 1960, which narrowed down the
focus to 46 cemeteries.
Mega Cemeteries incorporate tens of thousands of burials, and so a 5% sample of
gravestones was recorded at Mount Hope Cemetery, 3751 Market Street, San Diego, CA
(Caterino 2005). Since not all pre-1960 gravestones were recorded by the SDGP, it was
decided that the Mount Hope Cemetery dataset would be analyzed separately from the
combination of all San Diego County cemeteries, so the data would not be skewed.
34
Mount Hope Cemetery has specific sections segregated for various religions and ethnicities.
Because I was interested in ethnic symbolism, my field crew and I conducted a
comprehensive survey of all available gravestones within each ethnic plot of Mount Hope.
Gravestone data were collected from the Chinese-American, Japanese-American, and
Muslim-American sections at Mount Hope and the temporal cutoff dates were ignored
because the sample sizes would be too small, and skew the results.
The additional ethnic gravestone data collected from Mount Hope was not as specific
as the data collected from the SDGP in 2002, which included positional, physical, and literal
information. Instead, less information was gathered due to my focus on gravestone symbols.
Included into my data collection were:
1. The total number of individuals commemorated on the gravestone
2. Names of the individuals commemorated on the gravestone
3. The total number of deceased individuals commemorated on the gravestone
4. The date of birth of each individual commemorated on the gravestone
5. The date of death of each individual commemorated on the gravestone
6. The sex of each individual commemorated on the gravestone (if identifiable)
7. The language used on the gravestone
8. The symbol motifs on the gravestone
9. The physical type of the gravestone
10. The inscription written on the gravestone, in its exact wording
DATA ANALYSIS
Structuralism, Marxism, and interpretive anthropology acted as guides throughout my
analyses about what factors influenced the use of certain gravestone symbols, and to infer
past San Diegan ideologies toward death and the representation of identity. These three
perspectives provided insights into cognitive processes behind the changes in mortuary styles
by organizing the data into specific symbol categories. Structuralism enabled my study to
analyze the underlying thought behind symbol use. Structuralism invokes binary oppositions,
and these dual conflicts helped my research explore gender and ethnic and class differences
in gravestone symbol use. Gender differences were investigated through male versus female
symbol use, and their association to public versus private spheres. Ethnicity was examined
through language preference to indicate ethnic retention or assimilation, as well as the use of
35
Christian symbols versus ethnic religious symbols. Marxism enabled me to investigate how a
society perpetuates the social stratification of death though simple designs versus
ostentatious styles. Geographic spatial patterns of San Diego were also analyzed by
separating the county into rural and urban divisions to determine the speed of mortuary
styles.
Seriation, a dating procedure developed by archaeologist James A. Ford, is a dating
procedure that documents the popularity of a cultural trait over time as evidenced by a single
peak. The seriation method is best suited for understanding style changes and behavior in
mortuary symbolism because these stylistic changes are evidenced in gravestones’ spatial,
temporal, and physical dimensions (Deetz 1977). To illustrate my seriation results, I used the
battleship curve diagram, made popular by Deetz’s (1977) structuralist study on changing
gravestone styles in New England. Deetz (1977) was able to chart the changes in symbol
trends and relate the changes to the ideological shifts in religion. My thesis used battleship
curve diagrams to illustrate the peak popularity of the symbol categories as well as their
decline through time. Interpretive anthropology guided my research by looking into the
context of San Diego’s changing environment since symbols are associated with human
interests and social processes, and it is important to study symbols in relation to historical
events (Turner 1979).
To analyze my data, I separated the gravestone symbols into five general diagnostic
categories, nature, religious, fraternal, other and no symbols. The category No Symbol meant
that the gravestone had no motifs, and instead, only had inscriptions of names and/or dates
(see Figure 2). The Nature category included foliage motifs such as flowers, leaves, animals,
and landscape settings (see Figure 3). The Religious category incorporated symbols such as
crosses, praying hands, ethnic religious symbols like the Star of David or the Crescent Moon
or the Star of Islam, and various religious figures (see Figure 4). The Fraternal category
contained motifs from fraternal organizations in San Diego such as the Woodsmen of the
World, the Blue Lodge, Independent Order of Odd Fellows (I.O.O.F.), and the Daughters of
Rebekah (see Figure 5). Lastly, the Other category was comprised of miscellaneous symbols
such as military motifs, portraits of the deceased, geometric shapes, and various symbols that
did not fit into the general diagnostic categories (see Figure 6).
36
Figure 2. No symbol examples: Various gravemarkers that lack symbols.
Figure 3. Nature symbol examples: (A-C) various flowers, (D) rose, (E)
sunset, (F) palm frond, and (G) ivy leaves.
37
Figure 1. Religious Symbol examples: (A) Cross, (B) Star of David, (C)
Crescent Moon and Star of Islam, (D) rosary, (E) praying hands, (F) Buddhist
Wheel, (G) angel, and (H) Jesus.
Figure 5. Fraternal symbol examples: (A) Woodsmen of the World, (B) Blue
Lodge, (C) Order of the Eastern Star, (D) Independent Order of Odd Fellows,
(E) Royal Arch, (F) 32nd Degree Masons, (G) The Daughters of Rebekahs,
and (H) The Elks.
38
Figure 6. Other symbol examples: (A) teddy bear, (B) medical staff, (C)
portrait of the deceased, (D) wrench, (E) boots, (F) Medal of Honor, (G)
music note, and (H) column.
The symbol categories were paired against dates that were separated into ten-year
increments starting in 1891 and ending in 1960. A raw count was added for each category, as
well as a summation of the total. Next, a percentage was calculated from the frequency and
battleship curve diagrams were constructed out of the proportions to help visualize the shifts
between categories. The decades that exhibited peaks of popularity for gravestone symbols
were paralleled with various social and economic phenomena throughout San Diego.
In exploring shifting gravestone symbol trends of San Diego County, numerous
analyses were conducted. To provide a complete representation of symbol change, the
category of No Symbol was compared against a combination of all symbols within the
cemeteries of San Diego County. Since the symbol categories were separated into six general
categories, there is a possibility that some symbol classifications may have similar meanings.
For example, while a palm frond may be defined as a nature symbol, it may also belong to
the religious category as it has Christian associations (see Figure 3F). Therefore, the nature
and religious categories were combined together and were analyzed against the rest of the
symbol categories.
39
The San Diego County cemeteries were then combined to create a comprehensive
dataset of all gravestone symbols, excluding Mount Hope Cemetery, as it would skew the
data results. This inclusive collection of all gravestone symbols was paralleled with the
trajectory of death attitudes and historical events of San Diego and the United States. Since
Mount Hope was excluded from the combined dataset, it was analyzed separately and then
followed by the analyses and interpretations of all the individual cemeteries that created the
combined dataset of all San Diego County cemeteries.
Close examination of individual cemetery seriations revealed specific regional events
that occurred during the creation and maintenance of the individual cemeteries. However,
some of the smaller gravesites and cemeteries of rural San Diego County had relatively small
sample sizes, as a result, the 32 smaller cemeteries were combined together to create a
microscale cemetery dataset. The cemeteries included in the microscale dataset were:
All Saints Episcopal Cemetery
Botti Cemetery
Buckman Gravesite
Buena Vista Cemetery (Brodie Cemetery)
Carmel Valley Cemetery
Chilwell-Campbell Gravesite
Davis Cemetery
El Campo Santo (Old Spanish Cemetery; Catholic Cemetery)
Ellis Ranch Cemetery (CA-SDI-9145)
Flinn Springs Cemetery (Flinn Family Cemetery)
Fox-White Cemetery
Higgins Family Cemetery
Knecktel, Anton Gravesite
Kolb Family Cemetery
Little Page Cemetery (Ballena Cemetery)
Linda Vista Cemetery (MCAS Miramar Cemetery)
Macogo Ranch Gravesite
Mc Almond Family Cemetery
Mission San Antonio de Pala Cemetery
40
Mission San Luis Rey de Francia Cemetery
Mount Olivet Cemetery
Olivenhain Cemetery
Ortega Family Cemetery
Paroli Family Cemetery
Pioneer Park (Calvary Cemetery)
Potrero Cemetery
San Luis Rey Pioneer Cemetery (Oceanside Cemetery)
San Pasqual Cemetery
Scholder Cemetery
Swain Family Cemetery
Tico Family Cemetery (Rancho Santa Fe Rd. Cemetery)
Vallecito Stage Station Cemetery (P-37-018286)
The raw count tables, tabulated percentage tables and battleship curve diagrams constructed
for these individual microscale cemeteries used in this analysis, from the years 1891 to 1960,
can be found in Tables 2-67 in Appendix A, and in Figures 41-72 and Tables 68-131 in
Appendix B.
This collective seriation of the more rural areas of San Diego prompted the creation
of macroscale datasets, in order to observe geographic spatial patterns across the region. San
Diego has a dividing line that splits the county into two different areas, the urban west and
the rural east (Caterino 2005; Mallios and Caterino 2007). The Doppler Effect explains the
speed and spread of cultural ideas (Deetz and Dethlefsen 1965), and the analysis of the
macroscale spatial patterns of the urban west and the rural east illustrates symbol trends
alongside San Diego’s split regions and settlement patterns.
Gender is a social construct that adjusts in response to the social and political
environment. The investigation of gender differences through gravestone symbolism reveals
the social status and representation of inequality of gender by a particular society (Conkey
and Spector 1984; O’Gorman 2001). San Diego County gender symbols were identified and
analyzed by separating all gravestones symbols into the binary classification of male and
female. Epitaph names and inscriptions such as father, mother, wife, sister, and son, etc.,
were used as indicators for the two gender variables. If the gravestone data was gender
41
neutral, then the information was not included into the gender datasets. Additionally, male
and female datasets for Mount Hope were analyzed to help create a more comprehensive
representation of mortuary gender symbols.
For the purpose of expanding San Diego’s multicultural past, it was important to
focus on how identity was expressed through ethnic gravestone symbolism. The histories of
minorities are often ignored or rarely documented in official records; however, gravestones
can provide the necessary information to reconstruct these neglected communities (Foster
and Echert 2003). The difficulty lies with how to define ethnic identities using the gravestone
information, as ethnicity is interpreted as a social phenomenon that is liable to change over
time (Lawson 2011; Mytum 2004). While surnames can be used to help identify ethnicity or
an individual’s country of origin, it is not feasible to investigate each surname due to the
sheer number of individuals within all the cemeteries of San Diego County. Instead, language
will be used as an indicator for ethnicity, as the use of a specific language indicates an
individual’s ethnic affiliation (Mytum 2004; Reimers 1999).
To explore mortuary ethnic symbolism, all San Diego County cemeteries were
combined, excluding Mount Hope Cemetery, and gravestones were separated by epitaph
language. Three separate categories were created according to the proportions of language
use; English, Spanish, and Other. The Other category was comprised of six different
languages due to each language’s small sample size. German, Greek, Hebrew, Japanese,
Russian, and Tagalog were combined together to make a suitable sample size to be compared
against the other two categories.
Since Mount Hope has various sections set aside for ethnic communities, additional
symbol analyses were conducted to aid in the reconstruction of San Diego’s multicultural
past. However, due to the small sample size of each ethnic section across every decade, the
cutoff dates of 1891-1960 were ignored in favor of recording all the gravestones from the
Chinese-American, Japanese-American, and Muslim-American divisions. Dates varied for
each ethnic dataset, as they were based on what dates were available at the cemetery sections.
The Chinese-American gravestone symbol dataset included a starting date of 1921 and ends
with the present year. The Japanese-American gravestone symbol dataset begins in 1911 and
ends with the present year, and the Muslim-American gravestone symbol dataset have a
smaller date range from 1981 to the present year.
42
To investigate ethnic symbol trends, the various symbols were separated into six
different categories. While similar to the categories of the overall study, these analyses
differed by separating the religious symbolism into two categories; Christian symbols and the
ethnic religion of either Buddhist or Islamic symbols. The symbol categories of the ethnic
datasets included: No Symbol, Nature, Christian, Buddhist or Islamic, Portrait, and Other.
The peaks of popularity for the symbol categories were then compared against the historical
and social environment of San Diego.
43
CHAPTER 4
ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION
Through the application of battleship curve diagrams using 10-year increments, I
investigated changes in gravestone symbols across San Diego cemeteries. Battleship curves
help to illustrate the exact sequence of change by illustrating the peaks of popular styles.
The decades in which the gravestone symbols had become popular are of importance because
the symbol trends parallel the temporal context in which these gravestones were produced.
By examining how the shifts in symbol patterns correspond to local histories and how they
also reflect influences of regionalism, ethnicity, religious ideology, and death attitudes we
can achieve a more comprehensive look into San Diego’s past. The chart below provides an
outline of San Diego County’s most popular gravestone symbols by decade and their
meaning (see Table 1).
Table 1. San Diego County Gravestone Symbol Trend Explanations
Year
1951-1960
(Post-Modern)
1941-1950
(Modern)
1931-1940
(Modern)
1921-1930
(Modern)
1911-1920
(Modern)
1901-1910
(Victorian/
Modern)
1891-1900
(Victorian)
No Symbol
Nature
Religious
Nature
Religious
Nature
Fraternal
No Symbol
Nature
No Symbol
Nature
Religious
No Symbol
Nature
No Symbol
Nature
Meaning
Hide death with nature
Religion revival caused by Cold War, Korean War
Hide death with nature
Religious revival caused by WWII, Cold War
Hide death with nature
Reliance on Frat Org for aid (Great Depression)
Economic decline
Rural Cem Mov’t; Reflect ephemeral nature of life
Hide death with nature
Massive death from war and disease
Passive role with death; Hide death with nature
Religion revival caused by WWI
Humble/Modest toward death; Fiscal struggles
Rural Cem Mov’t: Reflect ephemeral nature of life
Passive role with death; Hide death with nature
Humble/Modest toward death;
Fiscal Struggles; Limited role of religious influence
Increase in secularism, science;
Romanticized view of death
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NO SYMBOL VERSUS SYMBOL
To investigate how gravestone symbols have changed throughout San Diego County,
all symbol categories were combined and compared against the No Symbol category (see
Figure 7). At the turn of the century, the use of gravestone symbols were split down the
middle, however, there is a gradual increase in symbolism in the early 20th century. The
prevalent use of gravestone symbols in San Diego County is illustrated by a dramatic surge
in the 1930s and continues to dominate well into the 1960s.
Figure 7. Battleship curves of no symbol versus symbol.
The Victorian period of San Diego took place from 1881 to 1907, and the mortuary
art from this era expressed an arrogance and defiance towards death with enormous
memorials (Mallios and Caterino 2011). However, it was also at the turn of the century when
San Diego experienced multiple economic depressions, which resulted in a lack of
symbolism on gravestones. The equal split between the No Symbol and Symbol categories
mirrors a more modest San Diego, due to the lack of symbols caused by economic declines,
contrasted by the need to express and memorialize one’s identity through symbolism.
45
A nature movement takes place in the Modern period of San Diego from 1908 to
1945 with the creation of rural and lawn cemeteries (Mallios and Caterino 2011). These types
of cemeteries emulated natural landscapes as a way to unify the dead with nature, and may
have also influenced the widespread use of nature symbols on gravestones (Farrell 1980).
Early 20th century San Diego experienced much social and cultural trauma, which is
illustrated by the gradual increase of symbolism over time. The World Wars, the Spanish
Influenza, and the Great Depression, brought high rates of death and economic and social
change to San Diego (Pourade 1965; Schaefer and VanWormer 1986). The use of symbols
on gravestones can be seen as the reaction to these traumatic events. There was a dramatic
surge in symbolism in the 1930s, which continues into the 1960s. This abrupt change to
symbolism reveals San Diego’s need to redefine death through symbols during traumatic
events.
NO SYMBOL, FRATERNAL, NATURE AND RELIGIOUS
COMBINED, AND OTHER
Due to the possibility that nature and religious symbolism may have similar
meanings, the two categories were combined (see Figure 8). This battleship diagram reveals
a trend from No Symbol to Fraternal and then Nature and Religious symbolism. The
pronounced shift from No Symbols to the Nature and Religious category occurs in the 1930s,
which is a response to the tumultuous events from fiscal struggles and high death rates
caused by World War I and the Great Depression. A dominance of nature and religious
symbolism is illustrated through the 70-year period. This is consistent with American society
growing more religious during times of hardship (Williams 2002). This dataset of the two
categories merged illustrates the rationale for combining nature and religious symbols.
Combined, they reveal a unimodal shift in their combined state, as opposed to their overall
bimodal nature when separated, as demonstrated in the All San Diego County Cemeteries
diagram (see Figure 9).
ALL SAN DIEGO COUNTY CEMETERIES (EXCLUDING
MOUNT HOPE)
San Diego County gravestone symbols experienced consistent change through time.
Shifts in symbolism are linked to the social and economic landscape of San Diego, which are
46
Figure 8. Battleship curves of no symbol, fraternal, nature and
religious combined, and other.
Figure 9. Battleship curves of all San Diego County cemeteries
(excluding Mount Hope).
47
influenced by changes in religious, scientific, and philosophical ideologies. A general trend
of No Symbol to Fraternal to Nature and then to Religious symbolism is illustrated in the
battleship diagram of all San Diego County cemeteries combined, excluding Mount Hope
(see Figure 9). No Symbol use peaks between 1891-1900 and steadily decreases as a surge of
fraternal imagery emerges in the 1930s. A pronounced shift from No Symbol to Nature
symbolism is demonstrated in the years of 1931-1940 and steadily dominates as it reaches the
1960s. Religious iconography shows a gradual increase and peaks in the later half of the 20th
century, and the Other symbol category exhibits general unimodality throughout the 70 years.
The peaks of each gravestone symbol category parallel historical events, and examining the
trajectory of death attitudes and social phenomena throughout America provides context to
the San Diego gravestone symbol trends.
Social trauma, economic stress, religion, technological innovations, and medical
advancements were determining factors in the shifts of death attitudes in the United States.
Death was common in everyday life in the 19th century, and mourning became ritualized in
the public sphere (Hijiya 1983). Embalming, a technique used to preserve the body,
originated during the Civil War to help bring soldier cadavers back to their families
(Laderman 2003). The preserved, life-like body on display is a reflection of America’s
defiance against death. This Late Victorian period emulated styles that attempted to conquer
or resist death. Attitudes of arrogance and defiance are reflected in the highly individualistic
and ostentatious Victorian gravestones by purposely diverting one’s attention to the
memorial of the deceased (Farrell 1980; Hijiya 1983).
Structuralism argues that the changes in the ideologies or behaviors of past cultures
are reflected in a variety of material expressions. These cognitive rules influence the stylistic
changes of the physical world. Shifting death attitudes and behaviors led to architectural
changes in American homes and cemeteries. Many 19th century houses included a family
parlor, where family members would take care of the sick or dying. In the case of a death, the
parlor would be used as a funeral room (Mitford 1963; Laderman 2003). At the start of the
20th century, medical advancements, professionalism, and modernity led to the
disappearance of the family parlor. Hospitals and funeral homes soon held a monopoly on
death, resulting in the removal of death from the home and everyday life (Laderman 2003).
48
Modern Americans no longer felt the need to deal with death head on, and their more passive
role produced a reluctant attitude towards death.
Ideologies and attitudes towards death are shaped by the values of a culture and
society. While social movements, the media and technological advancement may influence
new ideas about death; religion and intellectual change often act as strong influences (Farrell
1980). The United States experienced numerous ideological and religious transformations
throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. These new changes not only brought about new
attitudes towards death, but also affected the physical and ideological landscape of
cemeteries and the symbols used by these cities of the dead.
After the Civil War, the United States experienced rapid social change from
immigration, urbanization, and industrialization, and Protestantism arose as a response to
these changes (Lippy 1994). However, romanticism and secularism were the foundations of
19th century America. Science and agnosticism became the alternative to religion for
Americans, especially to those in the academic spheres (Williams 2002). Romantic
naturalism influenced architecture, especially that of the cemetery. With evolutionary and
scientific progress, and the new discoveries of disease prevention and medicine, death was
becoming commonly viewed as a natural process. Rural cemeteries were often placed outside
of cities and away from populations to help prevent the spread of disease (Farrell 1980).
Rural cemeteries replaced graveyards and churchyards as the final resting place for the dead,
and because rural cemeteries were situated away from the cities, it further removed death
from everyday life. The romanticism of mid-19th century also influenced the landscape of
rural cemeteries as they embodied the picturesque and serene and sought to unify the dead
with nature (Farrell 1980).
As American society evolved as a consequence from economic and urban expansion
in the later half of the 19th century, it sparked the beginning of lawn or park cemeteries.
These lawn cemeteries emulated nature through landscape art with the inclusion of meadows,
trees, and lakes (Farrell 1980). Modernization transformed the gravestone form within lawn
cemeteries. The overt and vertical nature of headstones, columns, and obelisks brought
attention to death and soon a trend of flattening the gravestones became the goal of lawn
cemeteries. The horizontal gravestones imitated the notion of burying death with the dead,
49
thus deemphasizing death within cemeteries (Farrell 1980). Gravestones soon became more
modest and sensible, reflecting American society’s resignation towards death (Hijiya 1983).
Modernism also brought about the privatization and commercialization of death.
When Americans started living in houses without funeral parlors and the dead started to
become far removed from one’s own home and life, funeral homes became necessary for the
dealing with and disposing of bodies. Public mourning shifted to private mourning and
Americans no longer felt the need to deal with death. Instead, funeral directors became the
mediators between the living and the dead while families started taking on a more passive
role around death (Farrell 1980; Laderman 2003). Modern cemeteries displayed a
pronounced shift from the defiance of death towards the concealment of death, reflecting
American society’s denial and removal of death from everyday life.
Religious faith also played a limited role at the turn of the century and this decline in
faith resulted in a lack of mortuary art (Hijiya 1983). This influence of secularism, science,
and fiscal struggles explains the dominance of the No Symbol category at the turn of the
century. In addition, San Diego economic trends illustrate multiple economic declines
throughout the 19th and 20th century. Localized depressions such as the Panic of 1873-1885,
Panic of 1893-1897, and the Panic of 1907 may also have attributed to this general lack of
symbols on San Diego County gravestones (Schaefer and VanWormer 1986). Also, disease
and death were prevalent in the later half of the 19th and early 20th century. There was a
Small Pox epidemic from 1850 to 1900 in San Diego, and tuberculosis was the leading cause
of death before the 20th century (Lippy 1994; Stanford 1970). Spanish Influenza hit the
United States in 1918, killing millions, and resulting in over 300 deaths in San Diego
(Pourade 1965). The massive death counts from these disease pandemics and the First World
War may have also contributed to the lack of symbolism on gravestones in the early half of
twentieth century.
Nature symbolism displays an hourglass figure, in which nature symbols peak in
1901-1910, gradually decreases over the next two decades, begins to increase in the 1930s,
and peaks again in the 1960s. At the turn of the century, many San Diego gravestone symbols
expressed a romantic view of death through a variety of flowers, roses, and plant symbols, as
foliage symbols reflect the ephemeral nature of life (Lawson 2011). The influence of
50
naturalism and rational thought that dominated American ideology is demonstrated in the
first peak of nature symbols in the early 20th century.
Fraternal symbols illustrate a gradual increase, and an abrupt surge emerges during
the Great Depression. This pronounced shift in fraternal imagery coincides with how
fraternal organizations provided aid to those suffering during the economic stress of the
1930s. Many Americans in need of assistance during the Great Depression received social
welfare benefits from the fraternal societies in the form of health insurance and funeral
benefits (Beito 1999). A gradual decrease in fraternal symbolism takes place after the Great
Depression as economic growth occurred due to the military activity of World War II and aid
from fraternal societies slowly diminished.
Organized religious life in historical San Diego began in 1769 by the Spanish
Catholics through the Mission system (Smythe 1908). The establishment and expansion of a
more urban San Diego in 1850 prompted the arrival of Protestantism to the city (Smythe
1908). Religious symbols slowly increase between 1911 and 1920, decreases between 1931
and 1940, and peak between 1951 and 1960 revealing how religion had a tenuous hold in San
Diego. Historian William G. McLoughlin argues that religious trends in America can be
interpreted as a series of revivals (Williams 2002). Wars influenced American religious
awakenings, and when wars began, increases in religious attitudes are often seen. Religious
symbols illustrate a gradual increase between the years 1911-1920 in San Diego, and
corresponding to the start of World War I. Around this time, San Diego began to focus more
on military development, and war brought an increase in religious symbolism to deal with
wartime anxiety and stress (Pourade 1965).
However, with the rise of secularism in the 1920s, and the economic stress caused by
the Great Depression, many Americans became more disinclined towards organized religion
(Williams 2002). This indifference to religion is demonstrated in the slight drop of religious
symbols between 1931 and 1940. An increase in religious motifs is illustrated between 1941
and 1950, which corresponds with the beginning of World War II. The increase in military
industries transforms the city into a “wartime metropolis” (Lucinda 1993), and around this
time, religious symbols slowly make their comeback. Religious symbols peak in San Diego
in the 1950s, which coincides with how religion in general, drastically reemerges in the
1950s (Williams 2002). This peak in religious motifs is due the social and political
51
environment of San Diego, as feelings of anxiety and fear surfaced during the Korean War
and Cold War. Despite the shift towards religious symbols in the 1950s, nature symbolism
still dominates from 1931 to 1960. This increase in nature imagery on San Diego gravestones
demonstrates the growing need to hide death through nature imagery.
The social and political environment of San Diego influences the shifts in gravestone
symbol trends. While the Victorian period of San Diego reveals a more ostentatious and
arrogant attitude toward death, multiple economic depressions made San Diego more modest
and humble as illustrated by the lack of symbols on gravestones in the late 19th and early
20th centuries. The rampant spread of romanticism and secularism of the early twentieth
century is demonstrated by the dominance of nature symbols in the 1920s, along with the
emergence of the Rural Cemetery Movement in San Diego County (Mallios and Caterino
2011). The Great Depression brought about an aversion to religious symbolism, and with this
fiscal struggle, fraternal imagery dramatically increased from the burial assistance that
fraternal societies provided. Whenever wartime would hit San Diego, as seen with World
War I and II, the Cold War, and the Korean War, religious symbolism would increase.
Intellectual and religious ideologies, advancements in the medical and technological fields,
massive death rates from war and disease pandemics, demographic change, economic
trauma, and changing death attitudes have been revealed to affect San Diego’s shift in
mortuary symbols. My study on San Diego gravestone symbols over a period of 70 years
illustrates a humble and modest San Diego with its lack of gravestone symbols at the turn of
the century, towards a more passive and reluctant attitude towards death as evidenced by its
heavy use of nature symbols.
MOUNT HOPE CEMETERY
Mount Hope cemetery, created in 1869, by Alonzo E. Horton, the founder of modern
San Diego, is an example of the “Rural Cemetery Movement” in San Diego, as evidenced by
the cemetery’s picturesque landscape of hills and trees (Bissell 1982; Caterino 2005). While
Mount Hope was originally established as a rural cemetery, its current status is an urban
cemetery, a consequence of San Diego’s changing demographic environment. The Mount
Hope dataset exhibits a trend of No Symbol to Fraternal to Nature to Religious symbols (see
Figure 10). A lack of gravestone symbols dominates at the turn of the century, which mirrors
52
Figure 10. Battleship curves of Mount Hope Cemetery.
San Diego’s financial decline caused by the Panic of 1893-1897 (Schaefer and VanWormer
1986). This trend of no symbols peaks around 1911 to 1920, which corresponds to the
massive death counts from World War I and the Spanish Influenza. Fraternal symbolism
peaks around the Great Depression, which coincides with how fraternal societies provided
aid to those affected by economic trauma. A pronounced transition is made towards nature
symbols in the 1940s, and nature and religious symbolism peak in the 1950s. This increase in
nature and religious symbolism reflect how San Diego wanted to conceal death with the
beauty of nature and became more religious in the 1950s in response to the rapidly changing
social and political environment fraught with various wars, urbanization, and modernization.
Interestingly, the No Symbol category of Mount Hope forms a Christmas tree shape.
This silhouette may be caused by a skew in the dataset, since only 5% of pre-1960
gravestones were recorded at Mount Hope; only 827 gravestones were collected out of
approximately 76,000 burials (Caterino 2005).
53
OCEANVIEW CEMETERY
Located in the coastal city of Oceanside, CA, the Oceanview Cemetery was
established in 1895 by the Independent Order of Odd Fellows (I.O.O.F.), a fraternal
organization (Caterino 2005). A general trend of Nature to Fraternal to No Symbol to
Religious symbolism is revealed at the Oceanview Cemetery (see Figure 11). Oceanview
Cemetery differs from the overall San Diego trend of No Symbol to Fraternal to Nature to
Religious symbolism due to its origins as a fraternal cemetery for the I.O.O.F, which explains
the heavy presence of fraternal symbols from 1891-1900 onwards. The I.O.O.F. have their
own fraternal symbol, the “Oddfellows’ Rings,” where three rings are linked horizontally
(see Figure 5D). The No Symbol category illustrates a battleship curve, in which it starts off
weak and peaks in the 1920s, which corresponds with the years when the I.O.O.F. lodge did
not have the necessary funds to upkeep the cemetery. Due to the I.O.O.F’s impoverished
financial condition, the cemetery owners declared bankruptcy and abandoned the cemetery in
1950 (S. Carrico and Flanigan 1992). Nature and religious symbolism peak together in the
1940s, which mirrors the need to hide death with nature images, and how San Diego became
more religious during times of war, in this case World War II.
Figure 11. Battleship curves of Oceanview Cemetery.
54
HOME OF PEACE CEMETERY (BETH ISRAEL CEMETERY)
Congregation Beth Israel petitioned for land at Mount Hope Cemetery and created a
Jewish burial ground in 1892. In 1910 it became a separate cemetery known as Home of
Peace (Bissell 1982; Caterino 2005; Stern and Kramer 1973). Home of Peace Cemetery
displays a gradual shift from No Symbol to Fraternal to Nature to Religious symbolism (see
Figure 12). A lack of symbols is revealed from 1891-1910, which is consistent with San
Diego’s localized economic depressions at the turn of the century. While there is a peak of
fraternal imagery in 1891-1900, none of the fraternal symbols were from Jewish fraternal
societies, as many of the San Diego fraternal organizations had Christian foundations.
Furthermore, there is a lack of religious symbols from 1891 to 1910, a possible consequence
of a small sample size during its start as a cemetery.
Figure 12. Battleship curves of Home of Peace Cemetery.
In 1937, remains from the 1862 Hebrew Cemetery, which was no longer in use, were
relocated to Home of Peace (Stern and Kramer 1973). This transfer of burials made Home of
Peace the only Jewish cemetery in San Diego, which may explain the significant increase of
Jewish symbols, which begins in 1921-1930. Both nature and religious symbol categories
55
dominate around the same time, from 1931 to 1960, and the frequent occurance of religious
motifs corresponds with the religious nature of Home of Peace.
ODD FELLOWS COMMUNITY CEMETERY (FALLBROOK
CEMETERY)
The Fallbrook burial ground has been in use since 1881, and the local Odd Fellows
Lodge #339 gained ownership of the cemetery in 1904 (Bissell 1982; S. Carrico and Flanigan
1991a). The Odd Fellows Community Cemetery reveals a general trend of No Symbol to
Fraternal to Nature to Religious symbolism (see Figure 13). The No Symbol category has a
strong reign throughout the 70 years compared to the rest of the symbol categories, which
may be attributed to the multiple economic bust cycles throughout San Diego’s history and
the massive death counts from war and disease. Nature and religious symbolism both peak in
the 1950s, synonymous with the revival of religious ideology in a post-war society. The
outlier of Nature peaking from 1901-1910 may be explained by the initial start of the rural
movement of San Diego, which sparked the use of nature symbolism. Many Fallbrook
pioneers and war veterans were buried at the Odd Fellows Community Cemetery, which
explains the steady presence of the Other symbol category, as it contained military motifs
and the like (S. Carrico and Flanigan 1991a).
FALLBROOK MASONIC CEMETERY
The Fallbrook Masonic Cemetery was officially established by the Masonic Lodge
#317 in 1921. However, burials have been present in the cemetery since 1917 (S. Carrico and
Flanigan 1991b). A trend of No Symbol to Fraternal to Nature to Religious symbolism is
illustrated in the cemetery’s battleship curve diagram (see Figure 14). There has been a heavy
presence of fraternal symbolism due to its nature as the only active Masonic cemetery in
Southern California (S. Caricco and Flanigan 1991b). Fraternal symbolism peaks in the
1930s, during the Great Depression, which corresponds to the fact that fraternal societies
provided funeral benefits to those in need (Beito 1999). There is a shift to nature symbols in
the 1940s and then to religious symbols in the 1950s, which is consistent with San Diego’s
revival of religious ideologies during times of war.
56
Figure 13. Battleship curves of Odd Fellows Community Cemetery.
Figure 14. Battleship curves of Fallbrook Masonic Cemetery.
57
VALLEY CENTER CEMETERY
Bear Valley was settled in 1845, however, the name was later changed to Valley
Center in 1874, and a cemetery was created in 1883 (McHenry 1998). The Valley Center
Cemetery shows a trend of No Symbol to Nature to Religious symbolism (see Figure 15).
The lack of symbols throughout the 70 years may be attributed to the multiple economic
depressions San Diego experienced. Nature and religious symbols peak in the 1950s due to
the reawakening of religion consistent with a society affected by war. The odd battleship
shapes are attributed to the small sample size from the cemetery, which diminishes the form
of the symbol trends.
Figure 15. Battleship curves of Valley Center Cemetery.
DEARBORN MEMORIAL PARK
Dearborn Memorial Park was founded in 1885 and named after John T. Dearborn, the
first person to be buried at the cemetery (Dearborn Memorial Park, n.d.). The Poway
cemetery displays a shift from No Symbol to Nature to Religious symbols (see Figure 16).
Fraternal symbols pop up in the 1930s, around the Great Depression, which is when those in
need of funeral services would receive assistance from fraternal societies (Beito 1999).
Nature symbolism dominates which is reflective of the need to hide death with nature
58
Figure 16. Battleship curves of Dearborn Memorial Park.
symbols. Religious symbols peak between 1911 and 1920 and between 1951 and 1960,
which is consistent with revivals of religion during wartime, as these time frames coincide
with World War I, World War II, the Cold War, and the Korean War. It is important to note
that the data may be skewed at this cemetery due to the small sample size, as evidenced by
the multiple gaps in the battleship curve diagram.
GLENN ABBEY MEMORIAL PARK
Glenn Abbey Memorial Park was built in 1924 and was the first memorial park in the
Southwest region. This Memorial Park Movement in San Diego sparked a trend of the
flattening of gravestones, in which flush markers became the standard (Caterino 2005;
Mallios and Caterino 2011). The goal of the modern cemetery was to create a beautiful
nature landscape that would remove the gloom of death from one’s final resting place
(Caterino 2005; San Diego Business 1926). This ideology is consistent with America’s
avoidance of death by hiding its ugliness with the beauty of nature.
Since the dates before the establishment of Glenn Abbey Memorial Park in 1924
yield a relatively small sample size, the analysis for the gravestone symbol trends will start
from 1921-1930. A shift from No Symbol to Nature to Religious symbolism is illustrated in
59
Glenn Abbey’s battleship curve diagram (see Figure 17). Nature symbolism has a heavy
dominance, which is consistent with the use of nature imagery as a way to conceal death.
Fraternal imagery peaks in 1931-1940, which corresponds with the Great Depression and
how fraternal societies provided aid and funeral services to the public (Beito 1999). Religious
motifs steadily increase and peaks between 1951 and 1960, which parallels with the rise of
religion in the 1950s (Williams 2002).
Figure 17. Battleship curves of Glenn Abbey Memorial Park.
LA VISTA MEMORIAL PARK
Having purchased El Rancho de la Nacio from a Mexican land grant in 1868, Frank
Kimball, the founder of National City, had set aside land for the construction of a cemetery
(Carter 2007; McClain 2008; Phillips 1962). The cemetery’s location was on a mesa
overlooking the Sweetwater Valley and San Diego Bay, which led to its name, La Vista,
which is Spanish for “the view” (Caterino 2005). The La Vista Memorial Park exhibits a shift
from No Symbol to Nature and Religious symbolism (see Figure 18). The lack of symbols
continue into the 1940s, and it is not until 1951-1960, where a transition to both nature and
religious motifs takes place. La Vista Cemetery transitioned into a memorial park in the
1950s when the La Vista Memorial Park Company initiated a restoration process. This may
60
Figure 18. Battleship curves of La Vista Memorial Park.
explain the drastic surge in nature symbols during the 1950s, since nature imagery was used
to conceal death (Caterino 2005). Religious symbolism experiences a gradual increase
throughout the 70 years, which is consistent with the revival of religious beliefs as a response
to wartime anxiety and stress.
SAN MARCOS CEMETERY
The passing of Nellie Littlefield led to the creation of the San Marcos Cemetery in
1894, as a burial place was needed and there was no official cemetery in San Marcos at the
time (Caterino 2005; North County Cemetery District, n.d.). The San Marcos Cemetery
reveals a shift of No Symbol to Nature to Religious symbolism that occurs twice (see
Figure 19). The general shape of the battleship curve for each symbol category is skewed by
the Other symbol category. There is a high presence of Other symbols at the turn of the
century, as the Other category includes military motifs that were from Civil War veteran
gravestones. Omitting the dates that include the Civil War gravestones and analyzing the
cemetery from the dates starting between 1911 and 1920, reveals a general trend of No
61
Figure 19. Battleship curves of San Marcos Cemetery.
Symbol to Fraternal to Nature to Religious symbolism, which are influenced by the same
historical phenomena that affected San Diego as a whole.
NUEVO MEMORY GARDENS
The rural town of Ramona, California began in 1883 and was originally known as
Nuevo, or New Town (LeManager 1989). Land was deeded in 1891 for a cemetery in
Ramona, which resulted in the creation of Nuevo Memory Gardens (Bissell 1982). A trend of
Nature to No Symbol to Nature to Religious symbolism is illustrated in the battleship curve
diagram (see Figure 20). Nature peaks twice, once in 1891-1900 and again in 1941-1950,
which creates an hourglass shape. No Symbol exhibits a shape opposite of nature symbolism,
in which it experiences a gradual rise and fall and peaks in 1921-1930. Fraternal symbolism
peaks in 1921 to 1930 and decreases overtime, and religious symbolism gradually increases
over time and has an abrupt surge in the 1950s.
The hourglass figure of nature symbolism corresponds with the romanticism of San
Diego during the turn of the century, and the drop in the middle is consistent with the start of
the Great Depression as evidenced by the peak in No Symbol and Fraternal categories during
62
Figure 20. Battleship curves of Nuevo Memory Gardens.
1921-1930. This second peak in nature along with the surge in religious symbols in the 1950s
correlates to the increase of religious ideologies of San Diego during wartime.
EL CAJON CEMETERY
The agrarian town of El Cajon has early Spanish beginnings. The area was used as
agricultural land by the padres at the San Diego Mission in the 18th century (Carter 2007;
Geraci 1990). As the reigns were passed from the Spanish to the Mexican government, El
Cajon was purchased in 1868 by Isaac Lankershim, and incorporated as a township in 1912
(Geraci 1990). The El Cajon Cemetery was established in 1903, however, the oldest
gravestone dates to 1889 (Bissell 1982).
A general trend of No Symbol to Religious to Nature symbolism is revealed at the El
Cajon Cemetery (see Figure 21). A dominance of the No Symbol category peaks at times in
which local economic depressions occurred, as well as mass death caused by war and
disease. Nature symbols exhibit an hourglass figure in which nature peaks in 1891-1900 and
peaks again in 1951-1960. Religious symbolism reveals a battleship curve in which it peaks
in 1921-1930. The El Cajon Cemetery exhibits a heavy presence of religious symbolism,
which is consistent with the town’s early Spanish missionary beginning. Mexicans and
63
Figure 21. Battleship curves of El Cajon Cemetery.
Native Americans in the area primarily used the cemetery (Bissell 1982), and by 1900, El
Cajon had transformed into a Protestant agrarian community (Geraci 1990).
The hourglass figure of nature motifs and the battleship curve of religious symbolism
correspond to the social and economic environment of San Diego. Romanticism and rational
thought dominates in the turn of the century and peaks again in mid 20th century San Diego.
The second peak corresponds with the increasing American response to hide death through
the beauty of nature. Religious symbols peak during the Great Depression and World War II,
as a response to the traumatic events, and increases again in the 1950s during a time when
San Diego was becoming more religious.
ALPINE CEMETERY
Land was donated in 1899 to create a public cemetery for Alpine and the first
recorded burial shares this date (Bissell 1982). The Alpine Cemetery reveals a general trend
of No Symbol to Nature to Religious symbolism (see Figure 22). No Symbolism dominates
at the turn of the century and peaks in 1911-1920, which is consistent with San Diego’s
financial trouble in the late 19th and early 20th century, and as a result, a growing number of
gravestones lacked symbols. This lack of symbolism may also be attributed to the massive
64
Figure 22. Battleship curves of Alpine Cemetery.
death counts from World War I and the Spanish Influenza. Nature symbols peaks in 19311940 and has a heavy presence throughout the years, which correlates with the notion that
nature imagery was used to hide the ugliness of death. Religious symbolism peaks in 19411950, which is a response to World War II and corresponds with how religious ideologies are
more prominent during wartime.
HAVEN OF REST (JULIAN PIONEER CEMETERY)
The miner lifestyle in Julian during the 1820s was surrounded by violence, murder,
and death, which created the need for a cemetery. As a result, many settlers and miners were
buried at Haven of Rest (Bissell 1982). A trend of No Symbol to Nature to Religious
symbolism is gleaned from the cemetery’s battleship curve diagram (see Figure 23). The
category No Symbol steadily prevails since the inception of the cemetery, however, a
pronounced shift towards nature symbols is illustrated from 1931-1940 to 1941-1950 which
coincides with the increasing need to hide death with nature imagery. Religious motifs peak
in the 1950s, which is consistent with the reawakening of religion in America during the
1950s as a response to the growing anxiety caused by the Cold War and the Korean War. An
65
Figure 23. Battleship curves of Haven of Rest.
outlier of nature symbols peaks in 1911-1920 and this is skewed by the small sample size
around that time.
SAN DIEGO MICROSCALE CEMETERIES
The microscale cemeteries found throughout San Diego are small or medium sized
burial plots found in either backyards or ranches (Caterino 2005). Due to the relatively small
sample size of these rural burial sites, the 32 microscale cemeteries were combined together
to create a more cohesive gravestone symbol dataset (see Figure 24).
The five symbol categories almost exhibit unimodality, with an exception to the
nature category, which displays a slight hourglass figure. A shift from No Symbol to Nature
to Religious symbolism takes place. Unlike a majority of the battleship curves examined so
far, the symbolism proportions of the microscale cemetery dataset were quite similar across
the three main categories of No Symbol, Nature, and Religious. This even split with very
little variation suggests that the combination of these disparate cemeteries diminish the
temporal patterns due to their smaller sample sizes and varying locations across the county.
Additionally, this dataset may be slightly skewed towards religious symbolism due to the
66
Figure 24. Battleship curves of San Diego microscale cemeteries combined.
religious nature of some of these miscroscale cemeteries. For example, six cemeteries in this
dataset comprised of Catholic, Protestant, and/or Episcopal religions.
The Sisters of Mercy established the Carmel Valley Cemetery in Del Mar in 1900.
There are two sections of the cemetery; the east portion was meant for the Protestants and the
west portion for the Catholics. In addition, the Catholic Church would provide burials for its
members if they could not afford to do so (Bissell 1982; Caterino 2005). El Campo Santo is
San Diego’s second oldest cemetery, with burials dating back to 1849. Located in Old Town,
the El Campo Santo, or “the Holy Field,” was once known as the “Old Spanish Cemetery”
(Bissell 1982; Caterino 2005). Pioneer Park, or Mission Hills Calvary Cemetery, was
established in 1876 when the City of San Diego purchased ten acres of land to create a
cemetery for Protestant and Catholic burials. However, the Protestant section was never used
and Calvary Cemetery became San Diego’s second Catholic Cemetery (Bissell 1982;
Caterino 2005). The All Saints Cemetery was created in 1890 and placed adjacent to the
Episcopal Church of San Luis Rey. The cemetery was established from 1888 to 1890, as
several English families had settled in the area and wanted to ensure that their families would
have a consecrated burial site for those that passed away (Bissell 1982; Caterino 2005).
67
Due to California and San Diego’s early Spanish beginnings, several Missions have
emerged through the region. Mission San Luis Rey de Francia was the 18th mission built in
California, and named after Louis IX of France in 1799. Mission San Antonio de Pala was
created in 1816, as an assitencia, or Sub-Mission to Mission San Luis Rey. The Mission
cemetery was created for the Native American converts and early California pioneers in the
area (Bissell 1982; Caterino 2005).
These religious cemeteries and the rural isolated nature of these microscale
cemeteries helps to explain why there is a heavier dominance of religious symbolism as
opposed the other more urban, populous cemeteries. However, the microscale cemetery
dataset still reveals the overall symbol trend that shifts from No Symbol to Nature to
Religious, it just has a more gradual and even pace. The No Symbol category slowly
decreases as the nature and religious categories gradually increase over time. However,
fraternal symbolism barely registers onto the battleship curve diagram. This may be a
consequence of the rural locations of these cemeteries. Many of these communities are
economically dependent on agriculture and situated further from the urban areas. There was
no need to depend on fraternal organizations for aid and funerary benefits, as they were more
economically influenced by the environment and seasonal labor patterns (Schaefer and
VanWormer 1986; Swieringa 1982).
MACROSCALE SPATIAL PATTERN ANALYSIS AND
INTERPRETATION
The Doppler Effect illustrates the spread of cultural ideas (Deetz and Dethlefsen
1965), and in order to observe the speed at which these styles would spread across San Diego
County, the individual cemeteries were combined into macroscale categories. San Diego
County has a distinct vertical line division that runs along the San Bernardino Meridian
(Caterino 2005; Mallios and Caterino 2007). This dividing line serendipitously splits the
region and its cemeteries into two different areas, the urban west and the rural east (see
Figure 25).
The urban west section includes the northern, central, and western San Diego County
cemeteries. The cemeteries included in the urban west dataset are: Oceanview Cemetery,
Home of Peace Cemetery (Beth Israel Cemetery), Odd Fellows Community Cemetery
68
Figure 25. San Diego County with north-south dividing line along the San Bernardino
Meridian separating the urban west cemeteries from the rural east cemeteries. Source:
Mallios, Seth, and David Caterino M. 2011 Mortality, Money, and Commemoration:
Social and Economic Factors in Southern California Grave-Marker Change During
the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. International Journal of Historical
Archaeology 15:429-460.
(Fallbrook Cemetery), Fallbrook Masonic Cemetery, Valley Center Cemetery, Dearborn
Memorial Park, La Vista Memorial Park, Glenn Abbey Memorial Park and San Marcos
Cemetery.
The rural east dataset are comprised of cemeteries, which are located in the more
eastern parts of San Diego County and are outside the larger, more populous areas. Rural
communities are defined as being distinct from their urban counterparts. They are more
socially isolated due to their location, have lower population densities, and their economic
livelihood is dependent on agriculture (Schaefer and VanWormer 1986; Swierginga 1982).
Nuevo Memory Gardens, El Cajon Cemetery, Alpine Cemetery, and Haven of Rest (Julian
Pioneer Cemetery) were combined into the rural east dataset. Comparing the two macroscale
69
cemetery datasets against each other revealed shifts in symbol trends throughout the San
Diego County region.
San Diego Urban West Cemeteries Combined
The San Diego urban west cemetery dataset reveals a trend of No Symbol to Fraternal
to Nature to Religious symbols (see Figure 26). No symbol use is popular from 1891 to the
1930s, and a pronounced shift to nature symbolism is illustrated in the 1930s and continues
to dominate well into the 1960s. An abrupt surge in fraternal symbolism emerges in the
1930s and religious symbolism peaks in the 1960s. The urban west cemeteries exemplify the
overall trend seen throughout San Diego County. There is a stark similarity since the urban
cemeteries are greatly influenced by the city’s social and economic environment.
Figure 26. Battleship curves of San Diego urban west cemeteries combined.
The lack of symbols at the turn of the century is due to the multiple economic
depressions that afflicted San Diego around the same time. Fraternal symbol has a dramatic
increase in the 1930s because fraternal organizations would help those that needed health and
burial benefits (Beito 1999). There is also a heavy presence of fraternal imagery because
70
these cemeteries were located in the urban parts of San Diego, where many fraternal lodges
were established (Smythe 1908). Nature has a steady increase, which coincides with the
trajectory of the Rural Cemetery Movement, in which cemeteries have become laden with
nature imagery to help conceal the ugliness of death. Religious symbolism peaks twice, the
first from 1911 to 1930, which was around the time of World War I and when the Spanish
Influenza hit San Diego. The second peak is from 1941 to 1960, which was right after the
Great Depression and during the events of World War II. This rise in religious symbolism
coincides with the belief that religion often experiences revivals during tumultuous times
(Williams 2002).
San Diego Rural East Cemeteries Combined
Eastern mountain ranches began to emerge in San Diego in the late 1860s, and the
introduction of the railroad and irrigation networks in the 1880s prompted an increase in
agriculture in San Diego County (Schaefer and VanWormer 1986). While the railroad helped
to expand the economic opportunities of these rural agrarian communities, it also furthered
their dependence on their surrounding environment. Out on the isolated frontier, many of
these rural towns were contingent on agriculture and ranching for their livelihoods, and as a
result, they were greatly influenced by the climate and the land (Schaefer and VanWormer
1986).
The San Diego rural east cemetery dataset illustrates the same overall trend seen in
the urban west dataset, in which it shifts from No Symbol to Fraternal to Nature to Religious
symbols. However, there are notable differences seen in the rural east battleship curve
diagram (see Figure 27). No symbol use dominates in the beginning of the century, and the
shift from No Symbol to Nature is just as fast as its urban counterpart. However, unlike its
urban west counterpart, the nature symbol category exhibits a distinct hourglass shape and
the religious symbol category shows a perfect battle ship curve, in which it peaks in the
middle in 1921-1930.
The category No Symbol dominates in the first half of the century and this coincides
with the multiple economic depressions that afflicted the region in the late 19th century. The
late 1800s experienced several devastating droughts and floods that affected the ranching and
agricultural industries (Jelinek 1979; Schaefer and VanWormer 1986). These natural
71
Figure 27. Battleship curves of San Diego rural east cemeteries combined.
disasters influenced the socioeconomic patterns of early San Diego, especially those that
were dependent on an agrarian lifestyle. A transition is made from the No Symbol category
to nature symbols in the 1930s. The nature category exhibits an hourglass shape, which may
be a result of the rural community’s close relationship to their environment. The pioneer
farmers have a complacent attitude towards nature because of their isolated character and
economic dependence on the seasons and the environment (Schaefer and VanWormer 1986).
Religious symbolism peaks around the dates in which wartime emerged, which is consistent
with the revival of religion during times of struggle.
Shifting death attitudes are reflected in the speed of changing gravestone symbols.
These macroscale gravestone symbol trends correlate with the attenuation of styles and death
attitudes starting from the urban center to more rural hinterlands. Attenuation, or the
lessening of an amount across time and space, reveals not only the speed, but also the
direction of ideas across a region (Caterino 2005; Mallios and Caterino 2007). Urban west
cemeteries exhibit rapid shifts in symbol trends, especially during the Great Depression, in
which fraternal symbols peaked. Fraternal symbolism is more pronounced in urban areas, as
fraternal organizations were established in urban parts of the county. Rural communities
72
were a fraternity in itself, as their isolated nature forced inhabitants to depend on each other.
This familiarity and sense of community is not as prevalent in more urban areas, which
provides context for the urban rise in fraternal symbolism during times of need.
Rural east cemeteries experience symbol changes at a similar speed to the urban west
cemeteries. A notable difference is that nature displays an hourglass figure, and this is linked
to their close relationship to the environment. The more isolated, rural areas, as illustrated by
the combined microscale cemetery dataset (see Figure 24), exhibit a slower, gradual shift in
symbol trends, but have a heavier presence in religious symbolism due to their smaller,
isolated nature and its penchant for having religious cemeteries. The faster shift demonstrated
in the urban west cemeteries versus the gradual symbol transitions in the more isolated and
rural cemeteries are reflective of San Diego’s west to east settlement pattern which explains
why mortuary styles and death attitudes reach the east in slower speeds (Mallios and Caterino
2007).
GENDER DIFFERENCES IN SAN DIEGO COUNTY
CEMETERIES
The style in which gender is represented through mortuary expression is reflective of
the regional and cultural values of that society (Conkey and Spetor 1984; O’Gorman 2011).
While gender differences may be illustrated through a variety of mortuary styles, the datasets
from across San Diego County reveal that there is not a clear distinction between the male
and female gravestone symbols, nor is there an inequality of gravestone symbol
representation. Both genders exhibit a similar trend, however, there are some notable
differences.
The Males of all San Diego County cemeteries, excluding Mount Hope, exhibits a
trend of No Symbol to Fraternal to Nature to Religious symbols (see Figure 28). The No
Symbol category steadily decreases across time and shifts rather quickly towards nature
symbolism in the 1930s. The Fraternal and Other symbol categories are quite unimodal and
steady. Nature exhibits an hourglass shape and religious symbolism gradually increases and
peaks in the 1950s.
The Females of all San Diego County cemeteries, excluding Mount Hope, reveals a
pronounced shift between the No Symbol category and the rest of the symbols in the 1930s
73
Figure 28. Battleship curves of males in all San Diego County cemeteries
(excluding Mount Hope).
(see Figure 29). Similarly, it also follows a general trend of No Symbol to Fraternal to Nature
and then to Religious symbolism. The No Symbol category gradually decreases and a
significant drop takes places in the 1930s, in which a surge of fraternal symbolism emerges
alongside an increase in nature symbols. The religious and other symbol categories are stable
across 70 years.
The only distinct difference between the two datasets is that there is more of a
presence of fraternal symbolism in the male dataset throughout the 70 years, whereas female
fraternalism appears in the 1910s and has an abrupt surge in the 1930s. This significant
increase in fraternal symbols corresponds with the Great Depression. The differences
between the two datasets demonstrate that males in San Diego County had a steady and
longer membership with fraternal organizations, whereas females joined more social
organizations or accepted more help from fraternal societies during the Great Depression, as
these benevolent societies offered affordable health insurance and death benefits (Beito
1999). The nature category exhibits an hourglass shape, while religious symbolism has a
steady presence and gradually increases across both datasets.
74
Figure 29. Battleship curves of females in all San Diego County cemeteries
(excluding Mount Hope).
These similar shifts in trends reflect how both genders reacted to their social and
economic environment in a similar manner. Both exhibit humble attitudes towards death
through the lack of symbolism on gravestones at the turn of the century. Additionally, it
demonstrates how financial conditions from the many economic depressions in San Diego
County influenced this choice. The shift towards nature symbolism reveals how both genders
needed to hide the ugliness of death, especially during wartime and disease, with the use of
more decorative symbols of flowers and roses. The use of religious symbols demonstrates
their renewed faith in religion during the harsh social and economic environment of San
Diego County. Identity and social status are reflected through mortuary art, and an inequality
of gender representation was not demonstrated through the trends of gender symbol styles of
San Diego County gravestones.
The gender mortuary symbol datasets from Mount Hope Cemetery reveal that there
were differences between the two genders. The Males for Mount Hope Cemetery battleship
curve diagram reveals a trend of No Symbol to Fraternal to Nature to Religious symbolism
(see Figure 30). There is a gradual decrease in the No Symbol category, and a sudden surge
75
Figure 30. Battleship curves of males at Mount Hope.
in fraternal symbolism in the 1920s. Following the transition of fraternalism symbolism is a
pronounced shift in nature symbolism and religious symbols peak in the 1950s.
Similarly, the dataset for Mount Hope females demonstrates a trend of No Symbol to
Fraternal to Nature to Religious symbols (see Figure 31). The main difference is that there is
less presence of fraternal symbolism, and the peak in the 1930s is less prominent. There is a
distinct shift from the No Symbol category to nature in the 1940s, and religious symbolism
peaks in the 1950s as well.
The gender gravestone symbol trends for Mount Hope exhibit similar responses to the
social environment of San Diego, as expressed through their mortuary stylistic choices. Since
the trends were quite similar in symbol representation, it reveals that gender bias and
inequality did not occur through the expression of mortuary symbols at Mount Hope
Cemetery. The lack of symbolism during between 1911 and 1930 is reflective of the massive
death counts caused by World War I, the Spanish Influenza, and the financial conditions of
the Great Depression. The rise in fraternal symbolism for both males and females is
consistent with the growing reliance on fraternal organizations for aid during the Great
Depression. There is a surge of greater frequency in fraternal symbolism for males than
76
Figure 31. Battleship curves of females at Mount Hope.
females because males had a longer affiliation to the fraternal societies and because various
sections were set-aside for fraternal organizations in the cemetery (Bissell 1982).
However, the surge in fraternal symbolism for the males of Mouth Hope Cemetery
takes place in the 1920s instead of the 1930s. This is representative of the strength of
fraternal organizations throughout San Diego, but also may be distorted by the small random
sample recorded at the cemetery. Additionally, a Christmas tree shape is illustrated in the No
Symbol category by both gender datasets. This odd form may be explained by a skew in the
data, since only 5% of pre-1960 gravestones were recorded at Mount Hope due to the sheer
number of burials (Caterino 2005).
ETHNICITY THROUGH EPITAPH HERITAGE LANGUAGE
Researching ethnic identity through gravestone symbols may aid in the study of
evolving patterns of culture and identity in San Diego. Exploring ethnic patterns through
gravestones symbols highlights culturally important characteristics of the deceased (Mytum
2004). Exploring ethnic symbol trends in San Diego County will reveal if ethnic datasets
77
emulate the general symbol trends of San Diego, or if different patterns will emerge due to
their own cultural and religious values.
English Language
The English language dataset has a trend that shifts from No Symbol to Fraternal to
Nature to Religious symbols (see Figure 32). The no symbol category peaks in 1891-1900,
which corresponds to the multiple economic depressions that hit San Diego around that time.
The slight surge in nature symbols in 1901-1910 is connected with San Diego’s
establishment of the rural cemetery movement in the modern period, which brought an
increase in using nature symbols to conceal the ugliness of death. There is a rise in Fraternal
symbols during the Great Depression, along with a shift to nature and religious symbols that
dominate in the 1950s. Since this battleship diagram is similar to San Diego’s overall symbol
trend (see Figure 9), it reveals how the English language gravestone symbols encapsulate San
Diego’s County’s social and cultural values and attitudes towards death. This dataset is a
reflection of the dominant culture because English is the primary language used in San Diego
County.
The English Mount Hope dataset exhibits a shift from No Symbol to Fraternal to
Nature to Religious symbols (see Figure 33). The No Symbol category dominates over the
other categories, and peaks in 1911-1920, which coincides with massive death counts caused
by World War I and the influenza. Fraternal motifs increase around the beginning of the
Great Depression and a transition to nature symbolism occurs soon after. A surge in religious
symbolism occurs around the 1950s, which parallels the revival of religion from the effects
of World War II and the escalating uneasiness caused by the Korean War and the Cold War.
Mount Hope’s English dataset follows the same trend as seen in the all San Diego
gravestones using English, since the English language is the main language used in San
Diego, and is reflective of the dominant culture. The No Symbol category displays a
Christmas tree shape and this form is a phenomenon only demonstrated in the Mount Hope
datasets. This shape may be attributed to the fact that only a 5% sample of pre-1960
gravestones were recorded at Mount Hope, making the dataset less representative of the
cemetery as a whole.
78
Figure 32. Battleship curves of all San Diego County gravestones using English
(excluding Mount Hope).
Figure 33. Battleship curves of gravestones using English at Mount Hope.
79
Spanish Language
The All Gravestones using Spanish, excluding Mount Hope, dataset shows a heavy
dominance of religious and fraternal symbolism, whereas the No Symbol and Fraternal
categories barely occur (see Figure 34). The gravestone symbol pattern starts off with
religious symbols, transitions to nature symbolism in the 1930s, and returns back to religious
symbols in the 1940s. There is a huge presence of religious symbolism due to the social and
ethnic traditions of the cultures that speak Spanish.
Figure 34. Battleship curves of all San Diego County gravestones using Spanish
(excluding Mount Hope).
San Diego’s Spanish and historically religious foundations were established by an
influx of Spanish and Mexican Catholics through the California Mission system (Williams
2002). This Catholic background explains the consistent dominance of religious symbolism
through the years. The symbol trends reveal that gradual shifts do not occur, demonstrating
how culture tradition strongly influences symbol styles. As opposed to the English trends in
which religious symbols arise during wartime, Spanish-speaking individuals were influenced
by their own culture that was largely rooted in religion. Additionally, there is a lack of the No
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Symbol category, which may be explained by the huge presence of ethnic mortuary folk
traits. Mexican gravestone forms typically embody crosses, which are religious in nature
(Barber 1993). There is also a lack of fraternal imagery because Spanish speakers had no
need to join fraternal societies since religion provided a sense of community for immigrants
as well as to maintain a sense of identity and purpose (Alba et al. 2009). This frequent
presence of religious symbols and absence of gradual symbol shifts demonstrate cultural
retention, as ethnic mortuary practices were consistently practiced.
The Mount Hope dataset exhibits a trend of No Symbol to Nature to Religious
symbolism (see Figure 35). The 1920s were split evenly between No Symbol and Nature
symbols, and a shift to religious symbols takes place in the 1940s. A lack of data is reflected
in the battleship curve diagram and this is attributed to a smaller sample size of gravestones
that incorporated the Spanish language at Mount Hope Cemetery. However, there is a
prominent rise and dominance of religious symbols in the 1940s, which coincides with the
growing anti-Mexican legislation and violence directed at Mexicans-Americans during
World War II (Larralde and del Castillo 1997).
Figure 35. Battleship curves of gravestones using Spanish at Mount Hope.
81
Other Languages
The Other Languages dataset reveals a trend of Nature to No Symbol to Religious and
return back to Nature symbols (see Figure 36). The lack of symbols during 1901-1910
corresponds to the Banker’s Panic that occurred from 1907 to 1908 (Schaefer and
VanWormer 1986). There is a peak of fraternal and nature motifs at the turn of the century,
however, this is skewed by the small sample size in the first two decades of the dataset.
Ignoring the first two decades illustrates a nature symbol trend similar to the English
language dataset, which corresponds to how individuals use nature symbols to hide the
ugliness of death. This similar trend of nature symbols with the dominant culture
demonstrates how they assimilated into the dominant mindset of hiding death with nature
symbols. However, there is a heavy presence of religious symbols, and this parallels with the
experiences of minorities using religion for a sense of community and reinforcement of
identity to deal with the plethora of anti-immigration laws and discriminatory legislation that
would emerge against immigrants during financial declines and times of war (Alba et al.
2009).
There is also a frequent presence of religious symbolism because the Jewish
gravestone symbols from Home of Peace cemetery makes up the majority of the religious
symbolism that encompasses this dataset. This dominance of religious symbolism also occurs
during the Great Depression and World War II, which would amplify the need to express and
maintain one’s identity during times of prejudice and discrimination. This dominance of
religious symbolism reveals cultural retention of ethnic folk traits. However, the consistent
presence of nature symbols and its similarity to the dominant English symbol trend
demonstrates assimilation of American mortuary attitudes of hiding death with nature
imagery. Together, they illustrate a balanced maintenance between cultural retention and
assimilation.
The Mount Hope Other Languages dataset demonstrates a trend of Nature and Other
symbols to Religious to No Symbols (see Figure 37). Nature symbolism has a frequent
presence that peaks in the 1950s, while the Other symbol category peaks in the 1900s and
1930s. Nature symbols maintains a steady presence through Mount Hope Cemetery, and this
is reflective of how there is a dominance of nature symbolism in San Diego since nature
symbols were commonly used to hide death. Surprisingly, there is an infrequent presence of
82
Figure 36. Battleship curves of gravestones using other languages in San Diego County
(excluding Mount Hope).
Figure 37. Battleship curves of gravestones using other languages at Mount Hope.
83
the No Symbol and Religious symbol categories. These gaps in data are attributed to the
small sample size used in this dataset.
MOUNT HOPE ETHNICITY DATA
Mount Hope Cemetery has specific sections for various religious and ethnic groups,
and the Chinese-American, Japanese-American, and Muslim-American cemetery plots were
analyzed to expand San Diego's multicultural past.
Chinese-American Gravestone Symbols
The Chinese-American section at Mount Hope Cemetery acted more as at temporary
storage area than a final burial place, because every ten or fifteen years, the remains were
transported to China for a proper burial (Bissell 1982; Caterino 2005). The overall trend for
the Chinese-American battleship curve diagram reveals a shift from No Symbol to Nature to
Christian symbols to Portraits (see Figure 38). There is a high presence of the No Symbol
category around the 1920s and 1930s, coinciding with the financial crisis of the Great
Depression. A shift to nature symbolism occurs in the 1950s and dominates well into the
present, which is consistent with San Diego’s overall frequent presence of nature symbols, as
they conceal the ugliness of death.
While many Chinese-Americans practice Taoism, Confucianism, or Buddhism, the
majority of the religious symbols on Chinese-American gravestones at Mount Hope were
Christian. This dominance of Christian symbolism was the result of the Chinese Mission
established in San Diego in 1885. The Chinese Mission was created to help Chinese
immigrants learn English, learn about the American way of life, and assimilate into
Christianity (MacPhail 1977; Saito 2003). As a result of San Diego’s Chinese Mission, many
Chinese immigrants converted to Christianity, which explains the dominance of Christian
symbols over Buddhist symbols. In general, the Chinese symbols at Mount Hope follow San
Diego’s general trend of No Symbol to Nature to Religious symbolism. There are slight
variations, as there is gradual increase of portraits on the gravestones, along with a small
emergence of Buddhist symbolism, which is not widely seen on San Diego gravestones.
Portraits of the deceased peak and rise in the later half of the twentieth century, which may
indicate a trend towards individualism.
84
Figure 38. Battleship curves of Chinese-American gravestone symbols at Mount Hope.
Japanese-American Gravestone Symbols
The Japanese-American cemetery section at Mount Hope was dedicated to all
Americans of Japanese ancestry that fought in the war (Japanese American Veterans
Memorial, n.d.). The Japanese-American dataset reveals a trend of No Symbol to Nature to
Buddhist to Other Symbols (see Figure 39). A lack of symbols between 1911 and 1920
coincides with the massive death counts of World War I and the Spanish Influenza. A shift to
nature symbolism occurs in the 1920s and steadily dominates all the way to the present.
There is a transition to Buddhist symbols in the 1950s, and around this time, Christian
symbols and portraits.
Nature symbolism has a frequent and steady presence throughout the dataset, and
Buddhist symbols have a more frequent presence than the Christian motifs. The first
Japanese Christian church was established in 1907, but over half the Japanese population in
San Diego identified as Buddhist (D. Estes 1978). Many Japanese-American Buddhists also
follow Shintoism. Shinto is the indigenous spirituality of ancestry connection, nature
worship, and the myths and symbols of everyday life blended with sacred meaning (Alba et
85
Figure 39. Battleship curves of Japanese-American gravestone symbols at Mount Hope.
al. 2009; Williams 2002). While there was pressure for the Japanese to convert to
Christianity, Japanese Christians were still a minority during the first half of the 20th century
(Alba et al. 2009).
Even though Shinto symbols do not appear on Japanese-American gravestones at
Mount Hope, there is still an influence of Shintoism, as illustrated by the frequent presence
of nature symbols. Also, there is a higher frequency of Buddhist symbols over Christian
symbols due to the higher population of Japanese Buddhists over Japanese Christians.
However, the presence of both Christian and Buddhist symbols indicates how JapaneseAmericans mediated between the assimilation of the American culture while retaining their
own culture. It is important to note the lack of gravestone data between the years 1930 to
1940. This coincides with the relocation of Japanese-Americans to detainment centers during
World War II. Japanese-Americans in San Diego were removed from their homes for three
years, and not every person of Japanese descent interned was returned back to San Diego (M.
Estes and Estes 1996). Similar to the Chinese-American dataset, portraits of the deceased
86
emerged in the later half of the 20th century. This presence may be an indicator of a modern
trend towards individualism.
Muslim-American Gravestone Symbols
The Muslim-American cemetery section was located at the lowest point at Mount
Hope, which adheres with the Islam belief that the deceased must be in contact with the
earth, with no containers or coffins in the way (Caterino 2005). Arab Muslims began to
immigrate to the United States at the end of the 19th century. However, it was during the last
half of the 20th century in which their communities grew rapidly (Alba et al. 2009). It is
important to note that although many Arabs are Muslims, the Muslim community also
includes Pakistanis, Indians, Africans, and African-Americans. This mixture of different
cultures makes it problematic to define Muslim as an ethnicity, and instead, the MuslimAmerican community is generally defined by the religion of Islam (Alba et al. 2009;
Williams 2002).
The Mount Hope Muslim-American gravestone symbol dataset illustrates a trend of
No Symbol to Nature to Islam to the Other symbol category (see Figure 40). The lack of
symbols in the late 20th century mirrors financial struggles around the same time period.
Nature peaks in the 1990s and has a more frequent presence over the rest of the symbols,
which is reflective of how nature symbols are used to conceal the presence of death. While
there is an infrequent presence of Christian imagery, Islamic symbolism has a more frequent
presence, illustrating cultural retention of ethnic traits. Muslims began to immigrate to the
United States towards the end of the 19th century, and were often treated with suspicion and
hostility (Alba et al. 2009). The use of religious symbols indicates how the Muslim
community would turn to religion to form social networks to deal with the challenges of a
discriminatory and hostile environment.
The ethnic analyses of my study demonstrate how cemetery research can aid in the
examination of evolving ethnicity patterns in the United States (Meyer 1989). San Diego has
become more multicultural through a massive demographic change due to the expansion of a
more urban San Diego and the influx of immigrant laborers at the turn of the century. The
results of my thesis research reveal how there is a relationship between ethnic experience and
religious symbolism. Religion can help immigrants adapt to American society by instilling a
87
Figure 40. Battleship curves of Muslism-American gravestones at Mount Hope.
sense of identity in a new environment as well as to create and maintain social networks to
deal with discrimination and xenophobia expressed by the dominant culture (Alba et al.
2009; Lippy 1994). The ethnic symbol analyses illustrate how ethnic communities
assimilated into American culture as demonstrated through the use of Christian symbols,
however the steady presence of ethnic religious symbols demonstrate how ethnic
communities can retain their own cultural and religious values despite assimilation into the
dominant culture.
88
CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
Mortuary art expressions encapsulate culturally important attributes of a specific time
period and my thesis highlights the non-invasive use of cemeteries and gravestones as a
resource for investigating changing cultural patterns of identity and society. I have explored
how San Diego gravestone symbols were influenced by American death attitudes and how
shifts in symbol trends were accelerated changing social and cultural environments in San
Diego.
San Diego County cemeteries exhibit a trend from No Symbol to Fraternal to Nature
to Religious symbols. These distinct shifts in mortuary symbolism are linked to the evolving
death attitudes of 19th and 20th century America, which in turn, are influenced by changes in
religious and intellectual ideologies, advancements in science and technology, and massive
demographic change.
The death attitudes of San Diego at the turn of the century reveal a rational and
humble demeanor as expressed through its lack of symbolism. This dominance of no symbols
is connected to the multiple economic declines that affected late 19th and early 20th century
San Diego, along with massive death counts from World War I and the Spanish Influenza.
The Great Depression prompted a surge in fraternal symbols, as these benevolent fraternal
societies would provide burials for those who could not afford them. Structuralism argues
how mental and social processes are reflected in the transformation of material expressions.
As urbanization, industrialization, and medical advancements transformed American
architecture, and the landscape of cemeteries, death attitudes evolved alongside these
changes.
Death was becoming more removed from everyday life, and this was reflected in the
more passive role Americans were taking in mortuary rituals. The nature movements that
arose during the modern period of San Diego expressed this removal or avoidance of death
through the emergence of rural and lawn cemeteries. These new cemeteries were created to
emulate the beauty of nature, which in turn, would conceal the ugliness of death. This
89
increasing need to remove death became rampant throughout San Diego County, as
evidenced by the widespread frequency of nature symbolism. Additionally, the peaks in
religious symbolism reflected American’s deference to death, as religious motifs would surge
during devastating historical events such as war and disease. The increase in San Diego
gravestone symbolism in general, demonstrates the growing need to hide death through art.
This thesis also demonstrates how mortuary analyses are valuable resources for
providing insight into evolving regional, ethnic, and gender patterns. The combination of
cemeteries into regional macroscale datasets not only illustrated the population and
settlement patterns of early San Diego, but also the direction and speed in which mortuary
ideas have traveled and been emulated. The comparison of Urban West and Rural East
datasets exhibits similar mortuary symbol trends of No Symbol to Fraternal to Nature to
Religious symbols. The main distinction between the two regions is the surge of fraternal
symbolism during the Great Depression in the Urban West cemetery dataset. Rural
communities are isolated, resulting in stronger communal ties, unlike their urban
counterparts. Urban residents did not have that same sense of community, and during the
Great Depression, they often relied on fraternal organizations for health insurance and
funerary benefits. Another notable difference between the regions is illustrated in the Rural
East cemetery’s nature symbol category, which forms an hourglass shape. This heavier
presence of nature symbols is associated with the rural community’s close relationship with
the environment as their livelihood was largely dependent on agriculture.
The Urban West and Rural East cemetery datasets both exhibit rapid shifts in symbol
trends. The speed was hastened in the Urban West during the Great Depression, which
coincides with the surge of fraternal imagery. The more isolated, rural areas, as demonstrated
by the microscale cemetery dataset, revealed a slower shift in symbol patterns. However, this
gradual trend of little variation may be skewed by the combination of multiple disparate
cemeteries. Nevertheless, the more urban cemeteries demonstrated faster symbol shifts,
whereas the more isolated and rural cemeteries illustrated gradual speeds.
San Diego County cemeteries exhibit a trend of equal representation for both genders
through gravestone symbols. A remarkable difference between male and female gravestone
symbols was that there is a distinct surge of fraternal symbolism during the Great Depression
for females, which coincides with the need to get insurance and funerary aid from fraternal
90
societies. There were probably gender differences and symbol patterns that were not visible
due the variables used in my thesis research. Gender differences analyzed by binary
oppositions of public versus private spheres were not fully explored, as the symbol categories
employed made it difficult to do so. To overcome this limitation, gravestone symbols must be
analyzed in association with the gravestone inscriptions, as kinship terms, and occupational
titles can provide insight to gender roles in the public or domestic sphere. Additionally, these
extra variables may illustrate if females were commonly associated with their male relatives,
and/or document the increase of a more independent identity.
The focus on ethnic symbolism reveals how immigrant minorities respond to their
social environment through assimilation, cultural retention, and a combination of the two.
The ethnic mortuary trends were largely rooted in religious symbolism. The Spanish
language dataset displays a heavy dominance of religious symbolism and a lack of gradual
shifts in symbol trends, which demonstrates how the Spanish-speaking individuals exhibited
cultural retention. The Other Language dataset illustrated a similar trend of nature symbols as
observed in the English language dataset, indicating how ethnic minorities assimilated into
the American mindset by concealing death through nature symbolism. However, the frequent
presence of religious symbols reveals ethnic cultural retention, whereas the English language
dataset exhibits a minimal presence of religious motifs. These two factors indicate how
immigrants maintained a balance between cultural assimilation and retention.
Further explorations of ethnic symbolism were analyzed at Mount Hope Cemetery.
The Chinese dataset demonstrates a dominance of Christian symbols over Buddhist motifs, a
consequence of the Chinese Mission movement, which prompted the assimilation of Chinese
immigrants into the dominant culture and religion of San Diego. The Japanese dataset
illustrated a presence of both Christian and Buddhist symbols, in which the Japanese
mediated between assimilating into American culture, while retaining their own cultural
values as evidenced by the dominance of Buddhist symbolism. Lastly, the Muslim dataset
exhibited a dominance of Islamic symbols over Christian images, which reveals the retention
of ethnic cultural traits.
While my thesis results may add to the multicultural histories of San Diego, the
ethnic data of my research had a tendency to yield small sample sizes. This may be an
indication that the variables used to identify ethnicity were not useful or accurate. Limitations
91
were created by time restraints, as it was not feasible to include the investigation of surnames
for determining ethnicity. While language may be a strong indicator of ethnicity, the addition
of exploring surnames may provide a larger sample size, more accurate data, and reveal
patterns of cultural assimilation and retention.
History often reflects the perspective of the dominant culture, gender, and class
(Conkey and Spector 1984). Although my thesis included additional analyses on gender and
ethnicity to augment this gap in mortuary literature, the scope of my research was still
limited. Analyzing gravestone symbolism alongside the inscriptions may help to overcome
this restriction since my thesis research only used the gravestone language as indicators for
identifying gender and ethnicity variables. Further investigations of gender terms with
gravestone symbols will help expand gender exploration in mortuary studies, and the
additional investigation of gravestone inscriptions will enrich the analyses on assimilation
and cultural retention as my research only scratched the surface of these capabilities.
The definition of symbols used in my thesis research may have prevented the
visibility of other possible gravestone symbol patterns. By not perceiving the gravestone
form as a symbol in itself, valuable insights into socio-economic statuses are lost because
gravestones still reflect bias of the wealthy, powerful, and literate. While cemeteries may be
used as alternative resources for historical research and may contribute to better insight of
social and economic stratifications of the past, it would be beneficial for future studies to
include the gravestone form as a symbol. This more enhanced definition of mortuary
symbolism will improve the analysis of studying the differences in status as seen in the
ostentatious and monumental forms versus the bare minimal.
Although it was not possible to provide definite answers to all my research questions,
the use of cemeteries and gravestones as sources for my thesis demonstrated their ability to
enrich and reconstruct San Diego past identities and attitudes by focusing on variables that
are often absent in mainstream research. Nevertheless, this thesis highlights the importance
of mortuary studies and what they can bring to anthropological and archaeological inquiries.
While my thesis focused on gravestone symbols to reveal social, regional, gender, and ethnic
patterns, the inclusion of gravestone inscriptions alongside the mortuary art can yield
powerful insights to San Diego’s multicultural past.
92
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101
APPENDIX A
RAW COUNTS AND PERCENT TABLES
102
Presented in this section of the appendix are the calculated raw counts and percentage
data tables, which accompany the battleship curve diagrams, used in this thesis.
Table 2. San Diego Symbol versus Symbol (Raw
Counts)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
524
1941-1950
385
1931-1940
333
1921-1930
294
1911-1920
182
1901-1910
146
1891-1900
145
Total
2009
Symbol
2765
2170
1876
658
336
234
158
8197
Total
3289
2555
2209
952
518
380
303
10206
Table 3. San Diego Symbol versus
Symbol (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
16%
1941-1950
15%
1931-1940
15%
1921-1930
31%
1911-1920
35%
1901-1910
38%
1891-1900
48%
Symbol
84%
85%
85%
69%
65%
62%
52%
Table 4. San Diego No Symbol, Fraternal, Nature and Religion Combined, and Other
(Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
524
1941-1950
385
1931-1940
333
1921-1930
294
1911-1920
182
1901-1910
146
1891-1900
145
Total
2009
Fraternal
233
218
366
64
33
3
7
924
Nature & Religion
2265
1726
1270
527
254
195
134
6371
Other
267
226
240
67
49
36
17
902
Total
3289
2555
2209
952
518
380
303
10206
103
Table 5. San Diego No Symbol, Fraternal, Nature and Religion
Combined, and Other (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
16%
1941-1950
15%
1931-1940
15%
1921-1930
31%
1911-1920
35%
1901-1910
38%
1891-1900
48%
Fraternal
7%
9%
17%
7%
6%
1%
2%
Nature & Religion
69%
68%
57%
55%
49%
51%
44%
Other
8%
9%
11%
7%
9%
9%
6%
Table 6. Total for all of San Diego County (excluding Mount Hope) (Raw
Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
524
233
1941-1950
385
218
1931-1940
333
366
1921-1930
294
64
1911-1920
182
33
1901-1910
146
3
1891-1900
145
7
Total
2009
924
Nature
1552
1237
986
335
158
149
97
4514
Religion
713
489
284
192
96
46
37
1857
Other
267
226
240
67
49
36
17
902
Table 7. Total for all of San Diego County (excluding Mount Hope)
(Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
16%
7%
1941-1950
15%
9%
1931-1940
15%
17%
1921-1930
31%
7%
1911-1920
35%
6%
1901-1910
38%
1%
1891-1900
48%
2%
Nature
47%
48%
45%
35%
31%
39%
32%
Religion
22%
19%
13%
20%
19%
12%
12%
Other
8%
9%
11%
7%
9%
9%
6%
Total
3289
2555
2209
952
518
380
303
10206
104
Table 8. Mount Hope Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
87
17
1941-1950
84
20
1931-1940
79
13
1921-1930
91
14
1911-1920
72
6
1901-1910
37
3
1891-1900
24
Total
474
73
Nature
195
135
55
32
20
15
7
459
Religious
113
38
18
8
6
10
4
197
Other
16
28
12
13
3
20
8
100
Religious
26%
12%
10%
5%
6%
12%
9%
Other
4%
9%
7%
8%
3%
24%
19%
Total
428
305
177
158
107
85
43
1303
Table 9. Mount Hope Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
20%
4%
1941-1950
28%
7%
1931-1940
45%
7%
1921-1930
58%
9%
1911-1920
67%
6%
1901-1910
44%
4%
1891-1900
56%
Nature
46%
44%
31%
20%
19%
18%
16%
Table 10. Oceanview Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
28
14
1941-1950
87
41
1931-1940
53
39
1921-1930
37
9
1911-1920
18
8
1901-1910
7
2
1891-1900
2
2
Total
232
115
Nature
66
325
160
41
27
13
5
637
Religion
36
190
85
27
8
6
1
353
Other
3
34
7
14
9
7
2
76
Total
147
677
344
128
70
35
12
1413
105
Table 11. Oceanview Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
19%
10%
1941-1950
13%
6%
1931-1940
15%
11%
1921-1930
29%
7%
1911-1920
26%
11%
1901-1910
20%
6%
1891-1900
17%
17%
Nature
45%
48%
47%
32%
39%
37%
42%
Religion
24%
28%
25%
21%
11%
17%
8%
Other
2%
5%
2%
11%
13%
20%
17%
Table 12. Home of Peace Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
14
8
1941-1950
20
10
1931-1940
23
3
1921-1930
30
6
1911-1920
25
9
1901-1910
7
1
1891-1900
7
2
Total
126
39
Nature
209
197
76
35
32
4
4
557
Religious
203
165
77
52
15
512
Other
35
25
15
15
12
2
1
105
Table 13. Home of Peace Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
3%
2%
1941-1950
5%
2%
1931-1940
12%
2%
1921-1930
22%
4%
1911-1920
27%
10%
1901-1910
50%
7%
1891-1900
50%
14%
Nature
45%
47%
39%
25%
34%
29%
29%
Religious
43%
40%
40%
38%
16%
Other
7%
6%
8%
11%
13%
14%
7%
Total
469
417
194
138
93
14
14
1339
106
Table 14. Odd Fellows Community Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
17
1941-1950
34
2
1931-1940
26
1921-1930
25
1911-1920
19
1
1901-1910
17
1
1891-1900
16
Total
154
4
Nature
24
19
14
9
7
24
4
101
Religious
15
7
6
4
2
2
5
41
Other
8
11
4
5
5
6
2
41
Total
64
73
50
43
34
50
27
341
Table 15. Odd Fellows Community Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
27%
1941-1950
47%
3%
1931-1940
52%
1921-1930
58%
1911-1920
56%
3%
1901-1910
34%
2%
1891-1900
59%
Nature
38%
26%
28%
21%
21%
48%
15%
Religious
23%
10%
12%
9%
6%
4%
19%
Other
13%
15%
8%
12%
15%
12%
7%
Table 16. Fallbrook Masonic Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
29
11
1941-1950
11
6
1931-1940
3
13
1921-1930
9
8
1911-1920
1
7
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
53
45
Nature
47
15
5
6
2
Religious
31
1
3
1
3
Other
8
1
1
1
1
Total
126
34
25
25
14
75
39
12
224
107
Table 17. Fallbrook Masonic Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
23%
1941-1950
32%
1931-1940
12%
1921-1930
36%
1911-1920
7%
1901-1910
1891-1900
Fraternal
9%
18%
52%
32%
50%
Nature
37%
44%
20%
24%
14%
Religious
25%
3%
12%
4%
21%
Other
6%
3%
4%
4%
7%
Table 18. Valley Center Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
11
2
1941-1950
4
1931-1940
7
1921-1930
4
1911-1920
1
1901-1910
9
1891-1900
13
Total
49
2
Nature
13
2
1
2
1
2
21
Religious
6
1
Other
1
1
2
2
1
2
10
6
Table 19. Valley Center Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
33%
1941-1950
50%
1931-1940
70%
1921-1930
50%
1911-1920
20%
1901-1910
100%
1891-1900
87%
Fraternal
6%
Nature
39%
25%
10%
25%
20%
13%
Religious
18%
13%
25%
20%
Other
3%
13%
20%
40%
Total
33
8
10
8
5
9
15
88
108
Table 20. Dearborn Memorial Park (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
4
1941-1950
5
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
1
1911-1920
1901-1910
3
1891-1900
7
Total
20
1
Nature
22
14
5
5
2
6
3
57
Religious
8
2
1
Other
1
1
1
5
1
12
1
9
Total
35
22
7
11
4
9
11
99
Table 21. Dearborn Memorial Park (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
11%
1941-1950
23%
1931-1940
1921-1930
9%
1911-1920
1901-1910
33%
1891-1900
64%
Fraternal
14%
Nature
63%
64%
71%
45%
50%
67%
27%
Religious
23%
9%
14%
25%
Other
3%
5%
45%
25%
9%
Table 22. Glenn Abbey Memorial Park (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
99
162
1941-1950
255
149
1931-1940
67
298
1921-1930
92
29
1911-1920
2
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
515
638
Nature
708
489
604
147
4
1
2
1955
Religious
189
54
40
7
1
Other
168
133
196
18
1
1
292
516
Total
1326
1080
1205
293
7
2
3
3916
109
Table 23. Glenn Abbey Memorial Park (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
7%
12%
1941-1950
24%
14%
1931-1940
6%
25%
1921-1930
31%
10%
1911-1920
29%
1901-1910
1891-1900
Nature
53%
45%
50%
50%
57%
50%
67%
Religious
14%
5%
3%
2%
14%
Other
13%
12%
16%
6%
50%
33%
Table 24. La Vista Memorial Park (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
8
12
1941-1950
7
1931-1940
11
1921-1930
23
1
1911-1920
25
2
1901-1910
25
1
1891-1900
34
Total
133
16
Nature
164
4
2
7
14
12
20
223
Religious
70
4
3
7
7
1
9
101
Other
19
1
4
3
3
30
Table 25. La Vista Memorial Park (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
3%
4%
1941-1950
44%
1931-1940
69%
1921-1930
61%
3%
1911-1920
48%
4%
1901-1910
60%
2%
1891-1900
52%
Nature
60%
25%
13%
18%
27%
29%
30%
Religious
26%
25%
19%
18%
13%
2%
14%
Other
7%
6%
8%
7%
5%
Total
273
16
16
38
52
42
66
503
110
Table 26. San Marcos Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
45
10
1941-1950
24
3
1931-1940
31
2
1921-1930
21
6
1911-1920
13
1901-1910
7
1891-1900
9
Total
150
21
Nature
47
33
14
10
13
25
8
150
Religious
21
3
3
2
6
1
1
37
Other
7
6
3
1
3
8
5
33
Religious
16%
4%
6%
5%
17%
2%
4%
Other
5%
9%
6%
3%
9%
20%
22%
Total
130
69
53
40
35
41
23
391
Table 27. San Marcos Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
35%
8%
1941-1950
35%
4%
1931-1940
58%
4%
1921-1930
53%
15%
1911-1920
37%
1901-1910
17%
1891-1900
39%
Nature
36%
48%
26%
25%
37%
61%
35%
Table 28. Nuevo Memory Gardens (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
47
11
1941-1950
27
4
1931-1940
17
6
1921-1930
20
5
1911-1920
15
1
1901-1910
15
1891-1900
10
3
Total
151
30
Nature
95
58
31
13
10
18
17
242
Religious
30
11
5
3
4
4
57
Other
6
6
5
1
6
5
1
30
Total
189
106
64
42
36
42
31
510
111
Table 29. Nuevo Memory Gardens (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
25%
6%
1941-1950
25%
4%
1931-1940
27%
9%
1921-1930
48%
12%
1911-1920
42%
3%
1901-1910
36%
1891-1900
32%
10%
Nature
50%
55%
48%
31%
28%
43%
55%
Religious
16%
10%
8%
7%
11%
10%
Other
3%
6%
8%
2%
17%
12%
3%
Religious
11
3
17
22
6
5
1
65
Other
Religious
46%
30%
63%
69%
43%
22%
14%
Other
Table 30. El Cajon Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
4
1941-1950
5
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
5
1911-1920
7
1901-1910
9
1891-1900
3
Total
34
Nature
9
2
8
5
1
8
3
36
1
1
2
Table 31. El Cajon Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
17%
1941-1950
50%
1931-1940
4%
1921-1930
16%
1911-1920
50%
1901-1910
39%
1891-1900
43%
Nature
38%
20%
30%
16%
7%
35%
43%
4%
4%
Total
24
10
27
32
14
23
7
137
112
Table 32. Alpine Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
38
3
1941-1950
7
2
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
2
1911-1920
3
1901-1910
5
1891-1900
3
Total
59
5
Nature
72
9
10
2
1
5
2
101
Religious
25
8
1
Other
6
34
8
Nature
50%
35%
83%
50%
25%
42%
40%
Religious
17%
31%
8%
Other
4%
2
Total
144
26
12
4
4
12
5
207
Table 33. Alpine Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
26%
2%
1941-1950
27%
8%
1931-1940
8%
1921-1930
50%
1911-1920
75%
1901-1910
42%
1891-1900
60%
17%
Table 34. Haven of Rest (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
11
1941-1950
10
1931-1940
13
2
1921-1930
10
1911-1920
5
1
1901-1910
8
1891-1900
12
Total
69
3
Nature
20
27
15
6
5
3
2
78
Religious
7
5
7
4
2
2
2
29
Other
3
2
3
1
9
Total
38
45
39
23
13
13
17
188
113
Table 35. Haven of Rest (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
29%
1941-1950
22%
1931-1940
33%
5%
1921-1930
43%
1911-1920
38%
8%
1901-1910
62%
1891-1900
71%
Nature
53%
60%
38%
26%
38%
23%
12%
Religious
18%
11%
18%
17%
15%
15%
12%
Other
7%
5%
13%
6%
Table 36. San Diego Microscale Cemeteries Combined (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
30
1941-1950
28
1
1931-1940
41
2
1921-1930
54
1911-1920
61
4
1901-1910
41
1891-1900
31
2
Total
286
9
Nature
56
43
41
47
52
68
30
337
Religious
61
35
36
61
40
31
18
282
Other
5
4
4
4
9
7
3
36
Table 37. San Diego Microscale Cemeteries Combined (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
20%
1941-1950
25%
1%
1931-1940
33%
2%
1921-1930
33%
1911-1920
37%
2%
1901-1910
28%
1891-1900
37%
2%
Nature
37%
39%
33%
28%
31%
46%
36%
Religious
40%
32%
29%
37%
24%
21%
21%
Other
3%
4%
3%
2%
5%
5%
4%
Total
152
111
124
166
166
147
84
950
114
Table 38. San Diego Urban West Cemeteries Combined (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
255
219
1941-1950
447
211
1931-1940
221
356
1921-1930
242
59
1911-1920
91
27
1901-1910
68
3
1891-1900
86
2
Total
1410
877
Nature
1300
1098
881
262
89
47
43
3720
Religious
579
427
218
102
44
4
16
1390
Other
250
213
228
59
34
20
12
816
Total
2603
2396
1904
724
285
142
159
8213
Table 39. San Diego Urban West Cemeteries Combined (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
10%
8%
1941-1950
19%
9%
1931-1940
12%
19%
1921-1930
33%
8%
1911-1920
32%
9%
1901-1910
48%
2%
1891-1900
54%
1%
Nature
50%
46%
46%
36%
31%
33%
27%
Religious
22%
18%
11%
14%
15%
3%
10%
Other
10%
9%
12%
8%
12%
14%
8%
Table 40. San Diego Rural East Cemeteries Combined (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
100
14
1941-1950
49
6
1931-1940
32
8
1921-1930
37
5
1911-1920
30
2
1901-1910
37
1891-1900
28
3
Total
313
38
Nature
196
96
64
26
17
34
24
457
Religious
73
27
30
29
12
11
3
185
Other
12
9
8
4
6
9
2
50
Total
395
187
142
101
67
91
60
1043
115
Table 41. San Diego Rural East Cemeteries Combined (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
25%
4%
1941-1950
26%
3%
1931-1940
23%
6%
1921-1930
37%
5%
1911-1920
45%
3%
1901-1910
41%
1891-1900
47%
5%
Nature
50%
51%
45%
26%
25%
37%
40%
Religious
18%
14%
21%
29%
18%
12%
5%
Other
3%
5%
6%
4%
9%
10%
3%
Table 42. Males in all San Diego County Cemeteries, Excluding Mount Hope (Raw
Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
186
154
1941-1950
289
169
1931-1940
155
105
1921-1930
129
47
1911-1920
85
25
1901-1910
72
3
1891-1900
70
6
Total
986
509
Nature
814
631
522
170
75
80
65
2357
Religion
415
290
150
97
52
19
23
1046
Other
152
194
115
39
27
21
12
560
Table 43. Males in all San Diego County Cemeteries, Excluding Mount
Hope (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
11%
1941-1950
18%
1931-1940
15%
1921-1930
27%
1911-1920
32%
1901-1910
37%
1891-1900
40%
Fraternal
9%
11%
10%
10%
9%
2%
3%
Nature
47%
40%
50%
35%
28%
41%
37%
Religion
24%
18%
14%
20%
20%
10%
13%
Other
9%
12%
11%
8%
10%
11%
7%
Total
1721
1573
1047
482
264
195
176
5458
116
Table 44. Females in all San Diego County Cemeteries, Excluding Mount Hope
(Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
170
75
1941-1950
208
48
1931-1940
121
129
1921-1930
139
26
1911-1920
84
5
1901-1910
55
1891-1900
62
Total
839
283
Nature
660
560
435
166
72
57
33
1983
Religion
283
188
128
83
38
22
7
749
Other
94
89
94
29
19
14
4
343
Total
1282
1093
907
443
218
148
106
4197
Table 45. Females in all San Diego County Cemeteries, Excluding
Mount Hope (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
13%
6%
1941-1950
19%
4%
1931-1940
13%
14%
1921-1930
31%
6%
1911-1920
39%
2%
1901-1910
37%
0%
1891-1900
58%
0%
Nature
51%
51%
48%
37%
33%
39%
31%
Religion
22%
17%
14%
19%
17%
15%
7%
Other
7%
8%
10%
7%
9%
9%
4%
Table 46. Males at Mount Hope Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
47
12
1941-1950
45
13
1931-1940
32
7
1921-1930
50
16
1911-1920
34
4
1901-1910
22
3
1891-1900
10
Total
240
55
Nature
98
66
28
17
6
19
4
238
Religion
58
18
12
5
3
3
2
101
Other
8
14
6
10
2
11
6
57
Total
223
156
85
98
49
58
22
691
117
Table 47. Males at Mount Hope Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
21%
1941-1950
29%
1931-1940
38%
1921-1930
51%
1911-1920
69%
1901-1910
38%
1891-1900
45%
Fraternal
5%
8%
8%
16%
8%
5%
Nature
44%
42%
33%
17%
12%
33%
18%
Religion
26%
12%
14%
5%
6%
5%
9%
Other
4%
9%
7%
10%
4%
19%
27%
Table 48. Females at Mount Hope Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
44
4
1941-1950
36
7
1931-1940
35
6
1921-1930
32
3
1911-1920
31
1
1901-1910
12
1891-1900
12
Total
202
21
Nature
88
67
25
10
11
8
3
212
Religion
49
19
5
2
1
6
2
84
Other
8
13
2
3
11
3
40
Table 49. Females at Mount Hope Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
23%
1941-1950
25%
1931-1940
48%
1921-1930
64%
1911-1920
70%
1901-1910
32%
1891-1900
60%
Fraternal
2%
5%
8%
6%
2%
Nature
46%
47%
34%
20%
25%
22%
15%
Religion
25%
13%
7%
4%
2%
16%
10%
Other
4%
9%
3%
6%
30%
15%
Total
193
142
73
50
44
37
20
559
118
Table 50. All San Diego County Gravestones using English (Excluding Mount Hope)
(Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
380
230
1941-1950
523
214
1931-1940
289
364
1921-1930
322
62
1911-1920
171
30
1901-1910
142
3
1891-1900
142
6
Total
1969
909
Nature
1368
1046
913
295
143
142
94
4001
Religious
539
315
199
131
85
41
35
1345
Other
233
202
224
50
42
31
16
798
Total
2750
2300
1989
860
471
359
293
9022
Table 51. All San Diego County Gravestones using English (Excluding
Mount Hope) (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
14%
1941-1950
23%
1931-1940
15%
1921-1930
37%
1911-1920
36%
1901-1910
40%
1891-1900
48%
Fraternal
8%
9%
18%
7%
6%
1%
2%
Nature
50%
45%
46%
34%
30%
40%
32%
Religious
20%
14%
10%
15%
18%
11%
12%
Other
8%
9%
11%
6%
9%
9%
5%
Table 52. Gravestones using English at Mount Hope (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
87
17
1941-1950
84
20
1931-1940
79
13
1921-1930
89
14
1911-1920
71
6
1901-1910
37
3
1891-1900
24
Total
471
73
Nature
189
134
54
29
18
14
7
445
Religious
110
36
18
7
4
10
4
189
Other
15
28
11
13
3
19
8
97
Total
418
302
175
152
102
83
43
1275
119
Table 53. Gravestones using English at Mount Hope (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
21%
4%
1941-1950
28%
7%
1931-1940
45%
7%
1921-1930
59%
9%
1911-1920
70%
6%
1901-1910
45%
4%
1891-1900
56%
Nature
45%
44%
31%
19%
18%
17%
16%
Religious
26%
12%
10%
5%
4%
12%
9%
Other
4%
9%
6%
9%
3%
23%
19%
Table 54. All San Diego County Gravestones using Spanish (Excluding Mount
Hope) (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1
1931-1940
4
1921-1930
4
1
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
8
2
Nature
16
27
22
11
3
4
1
84
Religious
23
39
20
18
5
5
2
112
Other
1
3
4
8
1
2
19
Table 55. All San Diego County Gravestones using Spanish
(Excluding Mount Hope) (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1%
1931-1940
8%
1921-1930
10%
2%
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Nature
40%
39%
44%
26%
33%
36%
33%
Religious
58%
56%
40%
43%
56%
45%
67%
Other
3%
4%
8%
19%
11%
18%
Total
40
70
50
42
9
11
3
225
120
Table 56. Gravestones using Spanish at Mount Hope (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
1
Nature
2
1
Religious
3
2
Other
1
4
Total
5
3
2
5
10
Table 57. Gravestones using Spanish at Mount Hope (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
50%
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Nature
40%
33%
Religious
60%
67%
Other
50%
Table 58. All San Diego County Gravestones using other Languages (Excluding
Mount Hope) (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
5
3
1941-1950
1
6
1931-1940
2
2
1921-1930
7
1
1911-1920
11
3
1901-1910
4
1891-1900
1
1
Total
31
16
Nature
168
164
56
29
12
3
2
434
Religious
151
135
62
43
6
Other
33
21
12
14
8
1
397
89
Total
360
327
134
94
40
8
4
967
121
Table 59. All San Diego County Gravestones using other Languages
(Excluding Mount Hope) (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
1%
1941-1950
1931-1940
1%
1921-1930
7%
1911-1920
28%
1901-1910
50%
1891-1900
25%
Fraternal
1%
2%
1%
1%
8%
25%
Nature
47%
50%
42%
31%
30%
38%
50%
Religious
42%
41%
46%
46%
15%
Other
9%
6%
9%
15%
20%
13%
Table 60. Gravestones using other Languages at Mount Hope (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1
1911-1920
1
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
2
Nature
4
Religious
1
2
2
1
1
2
10
3
Other
1
Total
5
1
1
2
4
5
2
3
18
Table 61. Gravestones using other Languages at Mount Hope (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
25%
1911-1920
20%
1901-1910
1891-1900
Fraternal
Nature
80%
50%
50%
40%
50%
Religious
Other
20%
50%
25%
40%
50%
122
Table 62. Chinese-American Gravestone Symbols at Mount Hope (Raw Counts)
Year
2011-Present
2001-2010
1991-2000
1981-1990
1971-1980
1961-1970
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
Total
No Symbol
2
8
6
9
3
5
2
2
37
Nature
5
30
28
10
1
2
1
2
Christian
6
6
12
3
1
79
29
Buddhist
1
Portrait
4
11
11
1
1
1
1
28
Other Total
2
19
4
60
7
64
1
23
5
3
2
8
2
2
14
188
Table 63. Chinese-American Gravestone Symbols at Mount Hope (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
2011Present
11%
2001-2010
13%
1991-2000
9%
1981-1990
39%
1971-1980
60%
1961-1970
1951-1960
1941-1950
63%
1931-1940
100%
1921-1930
100%
Nature
Christian
26%
50%
44%
43%
20%
67%
50%
25%
32%
10%
19%
13%
20%
Buddhist
Portrait
Other
2%
21%
18%
17%
11%
7%
11%
4%
33%
50%
13%
123
Table 64. Japanese-American Gravestone Symbols at Mount Hope (Raw Counts)
Year
2011-Present
2001-2010
1991-2000
1981-1990
1971-1980
1961-1970
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
Total
No Symbol
Nature
4
14
24
24
28
24
19
9
4
1
2
1
1
4
3
Christian
2
2
1
2
Buddhist
Portrait
8
12
4
11
11
5
1
2
1
1
1
3
1
17
149
7
51
6
Other Total
1
5
5
32
1
42
5
37
9
50
2
40
2
33
4
16
1
1
31
4
2
261
Table 65. Japanese-American Gravestone Symbols at Mount Hope (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
2011-Present
2001-2010
13%
1991-2000
2%
1981-1990
5%
1971-1980
2%
1961-1970
3%
1951-1960
12%
1941-1950
19%
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
50%
Nature
80%
44%
57%
65%
56%
60%
58%
56%
Christian
5%
5%
3%
6%
Buddhist
Portrait
25%
29%
11%
22%
28%
15%
3%
5%
Other
20%
16%
2%
14%
18%
5%
6%
25%
2%
3%
3%
75%
25%
50%
Table 66. Muslim-American Gravestone Symbols at Mount Hope (Raw Counts)
Year
2011-Present
2001-2010
1991-2000
1981-1990
Total
No Symbol
Nature
16
12
7
35
19
27
6
52
Christian
Islamic
1
2
3
8
1
2
11
Portrait
1
Other
1
3
4
1
8
Total
1
46
46
17
110
124
Table 67. Muslim-American Gravestone Symbols at Mount
Hope (Percent)
Year
2011-Present
2001-2010
1991-2000
1981-1990
No Symbol
Nature
35%
26%
41%
41%
59%
35%
Christian
Islamic
Portrait
2%
12%
17%
2%
12%
2%
Other
100%
7%
9%
125
APPENDIX B
MICROSCALE CEMETERY BATTLESHIP
CURVE DIAGRAMS AND TABLES
126
Presented in this section of the appendix, from the cemeteries listed below, are the
battleship curves diagrams, calculated raw counts and percentage data tables that produced
the microscale cemetery dataset used in this thesis.
Carmel Valley Cemetery (Figure 41; Table 68; Table 69)
Buena Vista Cemetery (Brodie Cemetery) (Figure 42; Table 70; Table 71)
El Campo Santo (Old Spanish Cemetery; Catholic Cemetery) (Figure 43; Table 72;
Table 73)
San Luis Rey Pioneer Cemetery (Oceanside Cemetery) (Figure 44; Table 74;
Table 75)
Olivenhain Cemetery (Figure 45; Table 76; Table 77)
Pioneer Park (Calvary Cemetery) (Figure 46; Table 78; Table 79)
Ellis Ranch Cemetery (CA-SDI-9145) (Figure 47; Table 80; Table 81)
Flinn Springs Cemetery (Flinn Family Cemetery) (Figure 48; Table 82; Table 83)
San Pasqual Cemetery (Figure 49; Table 84; Table 85)
Tico Family Cemetery (Rancho Santa Fe Rd. Cemetery) (Figure 50; Table 86;
Table 87)
Potrero Cemetery (Figure 51; Table 88; Table 89)
Ortega Family Cemetery (Figure 52; Table 90; Table 91)
Mission San Antonio de Pala Cemetery (Figure 53; Table 92; Table 93)
Mount Olivet Cemetery (Figure 54; Table 94; Table 95)
Mission San Luis Rey de Francia Cemetery (Figure 55; Table 96; Table 97)
All Saints Episcopal Cemetery (Figure 56; Table 98; Table 99)
Linda Vista Cemetery (MCAS Miramar Cemetery) (Figure 57; Table 100; Table 101)
Macogo Ranch Gravesite (Figure 58; Table 102; Table 103)
Little Page Cemetery (Ballena Cemetery) (Figure 59; Table 104; Table 105)
Paroli Family Cemetery (Figure 60; Table 106; Table 107)
Mc Almond Family Cemetery (Figure 61; Table 108; Table 109)
Swain Family Cemetery (Figure 62; Table 110; Table 111)
Chilwell-Campbell (Figure 63; Table 112; Table 113)
Buckman Gravesite (Figure 64; Table 114; Table 115)
Knecktel, Anton Gravesite (Figure 65; Table 116; Table 117)
127
Higgins Family Cemetery (Figure 66; Table 118; Table 119)
Vallecito Stage Station Cemetery (P-37-018286) (Figure 67; Table 120; Table 121)
Botti Cemetery (Figure 68; Table 122; Table 123)
Davis Cemetery (Figure 69; Table 124; Table 125)
Scholder Cemetery (Figure 70; Table 126; Table 127)
Kolb Family Cemetery (Figure 71; Table 128; Table 129)
Fox-White Cemetery (Figure 72; Table 130; Table 131)
CARMEL VALLEY CEMETERY
Figure 41. Battleship curves of Carmel Valley Cemetery.
Table 68. Carmel Valley Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1
1941-1950
1
1931-1940
2
1921-1930
1
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
5
Nature
10
2
5
1
Religious
14
3
8
1
1
1
20
1
1
28
Other
Total
25
6
15
3
2
2
53
128
Table 69. Carmel Valley Cemetery (Percent)
Year
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
No Symbol
4%
17%
13%
33%
Fraternal
Nature
40%
33%
33%
33%
Religious
56%
50%
53%
33%
50%
50%
50%
50%
BUENA VISTA CEMETERY (BRODIE CEMETERY)
Figure 42. Battleship curves of Buena Vista Cemetery.
Other
129
Table 70. Buena Vista Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
Nature
1
Religious
1
1
1
Table 71. Buena Vista Cemetery (Percent)
Year No Symbol Fraternal Nature Religious Other
1951-1960
50%
50%
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Other
Total
2
2
130
EL CAMPO SANTO (OLD SPANISH CEMETERY; CATHOLIC CEMETERY)
Figure 43. Battleship curves of El Campo Santo Cemetery.
Table 72. El Campo Santo Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
Nature
Religious
1
1
2
Other
Total
1
1
2
131
Table 73. El Campo Santo Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Nature
Religious
100%
Other
100%
SAN LUIS REY PIONEER CEMETERY (OCEANSIDE CEMETERY)
Figure 44. Battleship curves of San Luis Rey Pioneer Cemetery.
132
Table 74. San Luis Rey Pioneer Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1
1941-1950
1
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
3
1911-1920
7
1901-1910
3
1891-1900
3
1
Total
19
1
Nature
4
4
1
3
6
4
6
28
Religious
4
4
1
1
2
2
14
Other
1
1
1
1
4
Table 75. San Luis Rey Pioneer Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
10%
1941-1950
10%
1931-1940
33%
1921-1930
38%
1911-1920
44%
1901-1910
43%
1891-1900
25%
8%
Nature
40%
40%
33%
38%
38%
57%
50%
Religious
40%
40%
33%
13%
13%
17%
Other
10%
10%
13%
6%
Total
10
10
3
8
16
7
12
66
133
OLIVENHAIN CEMETERY
Figure 45. Battleship curves of Olivenhain Cemetery.
Table 76. Olivenhain Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
8
1941-1950
5
1931-1940
4
1921-1930
5
1911-1920
6
1901-1910
3
1891-1900
4
1
Total
35
1
Nature
6
10
5
10
2
9
3
45
Religious
3
2
1
6
Other
Total
17
15
11
15
8
13
8
87
134
Table 77. Olivenhain Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
47%
1941-1950
33%
1931-1940
36%
1921-1930
33%
1911-1920
75%
1901-1910
23%
1891-1900
50%
13%
Nature
35%
67%
45%
67%
25%
69%
38%
Religious
18%
Other
18%
8%
PIONEER PARK (CALVARY CEMETERY)
Figure 46. Battleship curves of Pioneer Park.
Table 78. Pioneer Park (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
Nature
Religious
3
1
3
7
4
1
2
7
Other
Total
1
1
7
2
6
15
135
Table 79. Pioneer Park (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Nature
Religious
Other
43%
50%
50%
57%
50%
33%
17%
ELLIS RANCH CEMETERY (CA-SDI-9145)
Figure 47. Battleship curves of Ellis Ranch Cemetery.
Table 80. Ellis Ranch Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
3
1941-1950
1
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
2
1891-1900
1
Total
8
Nature
7
2
Religious
6
3
2
2
1
1
12
12
Other
Total
16
6
3
2
0
4
1
32
136
Table 81. Ellis Ranch Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
19%
1941-1950
17%
1931-1940
33%
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
50%
1891-1900
100%
Nature
44%
33%
Religious
38%
50%
67%
Other
100%
25%
25%
FLINN SPRINGS CEMETERY (FLINN FAMILY CEMETERY)
Figure 48. Battleship curves of Flinn Springs Cemetery.
Table 82. Flinn Springs Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
1
Nature
2
2
6
6
6
22
Religious
1
1
3
5
Other
Total
2
3
7
7
9
28
137
Table 83. Flinn Springs Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
14%
1901-1910
1891-1900
Nature
100%
67%
86%
86%
67%
Religious
Other
33%
14%
33%
SAN PASQUAL CEMETERY
Figure 49. Battleship curves of San Pasqual Cemetery.
Table 84. San Pasqual Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1
1941-1950
5
1931-1940
11
1921-1930
12
1911-1920
14
1
1901-1910
11
1891-1900
9
Total
63
1
Nature
2
3
3
3
2
6
19
Religious
Other
1
1
2
Total
3
8
14
15
17
18
10
85
138
Table 85. San Pasqual Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
33%
1941-1950
63%
1931-1940
79%
1921-1930
80%
1911-1920
82%
6%
1901-1910
61%
1891-1900
90%
Nature
67%
38%
21%
20%
12%
33%
Religious
Other
6%
10%
TICO FAMILY CEMETERY (RANCHO SANTA FE RD. CEMETERY)
Figure 50. Battleship curves of Tico Family Cemetery.
139
Table 86. Tico Family Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1
1891-1900
Total
1
Nature
Religious
Other
1
1
Table 87. Tico Family Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
100%
1891-1900
Total
Nature
Religious
Other
140
POTRERO CEMETERY
Figure 51. Battleship curves of Portrero Cemetery.
Table 88. Portrero Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
2
1941-1950
3
1931-1940
2
1921-1930
3
1911-1920
1
1901-1910
2
1891-1900
Total
13
Nature
4
3
2
4
3
1
Religious
2
2
3
2
Other
2
3
1
Total
10
8
8
9
4
7
17
12
4
46
Nature
40%
38%
25%
44%
75%
14%
Religious
20%
25%
38%
22%
Other
20%
43%
14%
1
Table 89. Portrero Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
20%
1941-1950
38%
1931-1940
25%
1921-1930
33%
1911-1920
25%
1901-1910
29%
1891-1900
13%
141
ORTEGA FAMILY CEMETERY
Figure 52. Battleship curves of Ortega Family Cemetery.
Table 90. Ortega Family Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1
1941-1950
1
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
1
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
4
Nature
3
2
5
2
12
Religious
7
3
5
5
Other
1
Total
11
8
11
8
1
20
3
39
Religious
64%
38%
45%
63%
Other
2
Table 91. Ortega Family Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
9%
1941-1950
13%
1931-1940
9%
1921-1930
13%
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Nature
27%
25%
45%
25%
25%
100%
142
MISSION SAN ANTONIO DE PALA CEMETERY
Figure 53. Battleship curves of Mission San Antonio de Pala Cemetery.
Table 92. Mission San Antonio de Pala Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
Nature
5
8
2
3
1
4
1
24
Religious
11
8
1
8
10
2
1
41
Other
1
2
3
Table 93. Mission San Antonio de Pala Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Fraternal
Nature
29%
50%
67%
27%
9%
50%
50%
Religious
65%
50%
33%
73%
91%
25%
50%
Other
6%
25%
Total
17
16
3
11
11
8
2
68
143
MOUNT OLIVET CEMETERY
Figure 54. Battleship curves of Mount Olivet Cemetery.
Table 94. Mount Olivet Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1
1931-1940
1921-1930
7
1911-1920
6
1
1901-1910
6
1891-1900
Total
20
1
Nature
Religious
Other
Total
2
5
5
2
6
1
3
5
1
1
2
1
4
8
18
11
14
20
10
4
55
Nature
Religious
Other
50%
63%
28%
18%
43%
25%
38%
28%
Table 95. Mount Olivet Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
25%
1931-1940
1921-1930
39%
1911-1920
55%
9%
1901-1910
43%
1891-1900
7%
6%
18%
7%
144
MISSION SAN LUIS REY DE FRANCIA CEMETERY
Figure 55. Battleship curves of Mission San Luis Rey de Francia Cemetery.
Table 96. Mission San Luis Rey de Francia Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
3
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
5
1911-1920
2
2
1901-1910
2
1891-1900
2
Total
14
2
Nature
1
3
5
10
7
1
2
29
Religious
3
9
7
34
17
16
7
93
Other
1
2
1
1
5
Table 97. Mission San Luis Rey de Francia Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
43%
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
10%
1911-1920
7%
7%
1901-1910
10%
1891-1900
18%
Nature
14%
23%
42%
20%
24%
5%
18%
Religious
43%
69%
58%
67%
59%
80%
64%
Other
8%
4%
3%
5%
Total
7
13
12
51
29
20
11
143
145
ALL SAINTS EPISCOPAL CEMETERY
Figure 56. Battleship curves of All Saints Episcopal Cemetery.
Table 98. All Saints Episcopal Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
4
1941-1950
1
1
1931-1940
12
2
1921-1930
5
1911-1920
4
1901-1910
5
1891-1900
2
Total
33
3
Nature
6
2
1
4
13
Religious
8
2
2
3
5
2
1
23
Other
3
3
Table 99. All Saints Episcopal Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
22%
1941-1950
25%
25%
1931-1940
57%
10%
1921-1930
56%
1911-1920
31%
1901-1910
71%
1891-1900
67%
Nature
33%
10%
11%
31%
Religious
44%
50%
10%
33%
38%
29%
33%
Other
14%
Total
18
4
21
9
13
7
3
75
146
LINDA VISTA CEMETERY (MCAS MIRAMAR CEMETERY)
Figure 57. Battleship curves of Linda Vista Cemetery.
Table 100. Linda Vista Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
1
Total
1
Nature
Religious
Other
1
1
2
2
Table 101. Linda Vista Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
50%
Nature
50%
Total
Religious
Other
147
MACOGO RANCH GRAVESITE
Figure 58. Battleship curves of Macogo Ranch Gravesite.
Table 102. Macogo Ranch Gravesite (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
Nature
1
Religious
1
Other
1
Total
3
1
1
1
3
Religious
33%
Other
33%
Table 103. Macogo Ranch Gravesite (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Nature
33%
148
LITTLE PAGE CEMETERY (BALLENA CEMETERY)
Figure 59. Battleship curves of Little Page Cemetery.
Table 104. Little Page Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
3
1941-1950
3
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
1
1911-1920
1
1901-1910
1891-1900
3
Total
12
Nature
Religious
Other
1
1
1
1
1
3
4
Table 105. Little Page Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
100%
1941-1950
75%
1931-1940
100%
1921-1930
100%
1911-1920
33%
1901-1910
1891-1900
100%
Nature
Religious
Other
33%
33%
25%
100%
Total
3
4
1
1
3
3
3
18
149
PAROLI FAMILY CEMETERY
Figure 60. Battleship curves of Paroli Family Cemetery.
Table 106. Paroli Family Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
Nature
Religious
Other
2
2
2
2
Table 107. Paroli Family Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Nature
Total
Religious
100%
Other
150
MCALMOND FAMILY CEMETERY
Figure 61. Battleship curves of McAlmond Family Cemetery.
Table 108. McAlmond Family Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
1
Nature
Religious
Other
1
1
Table 109. McAlmond Family Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
100%
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
Nature
Religious
Other
151
SWAIN FAMILY CEMETERY
Figure 62. Battleship curves of Swain Family Cemetery.
Table 110. Swain Family Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1
1941-1950
1
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
1
1911-1920
1901-1910
2
1891-1900
Total
6
Nature
Religious
Other
2
6
Table 111. Swain Family Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
100%
1941-1950
100%
1931-1940
100%
1921-1930
100%
1911-1920
1901-1910
100%
1891-1900
Total
1
1
1
1
Nature
Religious
Other
152
CHILWELL-CAMPBELL GRAVESITE
Figure 63. Battleship curves of Chilwell-Campbell Gravesite.
Table 112. Chilwell-Campbell Gravesite (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
2
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
2
Nature
Religious
Other
2
2
Table 113. Chilwell-Campbell Gravesite (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
100%
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
Nature
Religious
Other
153
BUCKMAN GRAVESITE
Figure 64. Battleship curves of Buckman Gravesite.
Table 114. Buckman Gravesite (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
Nature
Religious
Other
3
3
3
3
Table 115. Buckman Gravesite (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Nature
100%
Total
Religious
Other
154
KNECKTEL, ANTON GRAVESITE
Figure 65. Battleship curves of Knecktel, Anton Gravesite.
Table 116. Knecktel, Anton Gravesite (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1
1891-1900
Total
1
Nature
Religious
Other
1
1
Table 117. Knecktel, Anton Gravesite (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
100%
1891-1900
Total
Nature
Religious
Other
155
HIGGINS FAMILY CEMETERY
Figure 66. Battleship curves of Higgins Family Cemetery.
Table 118. Higgins Family Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1
1891-1900
Total
1
Nature
Religious
Other
1
1
Table 119. Higgins Family Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
100%
1891-1900
Total
Nature
Religious
Other
156
VALLECITO STAGE STATION CEMETERY (P-37-018286)
Figure 67. Battleship curves of Vallecito Stage Station Cemetery.
Table 120. Vallecito Stage Station Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
1
Nature
Religious
Other
1
1
Table 121. Vallecito Stage Station Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
100%
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
Nature
Religious
Other
157
BOTTI CEMETERY
Figure 68. Battleship curves of Botti Cemetery.
Table 122. Botti Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
Nature
Religious
Other
1
1
1
1
Table 123. Botti Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1921-1930
1911-1920
1901-1910
1891-1900
Nature
Total
Religious
100%
Other
158
DAVIS CEMETERY
Figure 69. Battleship curves of Davis Cemetery.
Table 124. Davis Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1
1941-1950
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
2
1911-1920
2
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
6
Nature
2
Religious
Other
1
2
2
2
8
Table 125. Davis Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
33%
1941-1950
1931-1940
100%
1921-1930
100%
1911-1920
100%
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
3
Nature
67%
Religious
Other
159
SCHOLDER CEMETERY
Figure 70. Battleship curves of Scholder Cemetery.
Table 126. Scholder Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1
1941-1950
1
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
1
1911-1920
1
1901-1910
1
1891-1900
Total
6
Nature
Religious
3
1
1
1
4
2
Other
12
Table 127. Scholder Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
100%
1941-1950
100%
1931-1940
20%
1921-1930
100%
1911-1920
33%
1901-1910
100%
1891-1900
Nature
Religious
60%
20%
33%
33%
Total
1
1
5
1
3
1
Other
160
KOLB FAMILY CEMETERY
Figure 71. Battleship curves of Kolb Family Cemetery.
Table 128. Kolb Family Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
1
1911-1920
1
1901-1910
1
1891-1900
4
Total
8
Nature
2
Religious
Other
1
1
3
1
8
16
2
4
8
Table 129. Kolb Family Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
1931-1940
100%
1921-1930
100%
1911-1920
33%
1901-1910
100%
1891-1900
50%
Nature
100%
67%
50%
Total
2
Religious
Other
161
FOX-WHITE CEMETERY
Figure 72. Battleship curves of Fox-White Cemetery.
Table 130. Fox-White Cemetery (Raw Counts)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
4
1931-1940
1
1921-1930
4
1911-1920
1
1901-1910
1891-1900
Total
10
Nature
2
3
1
1
7
Religious
Other
1
Total
2
7
2
6
2
1
1
19
Religious
Other
1
Table 131. Fox-White Cemetery (Percent)
Year
No Symbol Fraternal
1951-1960
1941-1950
57%
1931-1940
50%
1921-1930
67%
1911-1920
50%
1901-1910
1891-1900
Nature
100%
43%
50%
17%
17%
50%