Review: [untitled] Author(s): Mary M. Cameron Reviewed work(s): Body and Emotion: The Aesthetics of Illness and Healing in the Nepal Himalayas by Robert Desjarlais Source: Medical Anthropology Quarterly, New Series, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Mar., 1996), pp. 98-100 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/648586 Accessed: 17/07/2009 23:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. 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Blackwell Publishing and American Anthropological Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Medical Anthropology Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org 98 presentduringlabor.The midwife or friend talkedto the laboringwoman,heldherhand, rubbed her back, or did other small kindnesses one woman mightdo for another.In those cases fetal deaths,stillbirths,neonatal deaths,use of foreceps,andcesareansurgery ratesdropped,comparedwith controlgroups of women who experiencedstandardhospital procedures.This is a process thatcannot be measured as simple mechanism, yet highly significantdifferencesoccurred.People bound by the orthodoxAmericanmedical paradigmare not likely to change until more and more people read books like this one, turnto alternatives,andtherebythreaten the profitsof orthodoxpractitioners. I have used this fourthedition in undergraduateteaching,andit is very effective in engaging boththe intellectandthe emotions thatdrive intellectualcuriosity.It also offers new insightto the anthropologicalspecialist. It is located in the real world where all women, even if theydo notbecomemothers, think about childbirth.The description is vivid and the conceptsarethose of a mature scholar. One only wishes than an index, absent in the previouseditions, might have been addedto this one. MEDICAL ANTHROPOLOGY QUARTERLY Helambu region of east Nepal. To explore culturalshaping of the tactile and visceral, Desjarlaisapprenticedhimself to a shaman, a practitionerof the body who curesthrough ritual imaging that transformsthe bodily experiences of his patients from suffering anddistressto strengthandcomfort.Desjarlais's narrativetechnique conveys Yolmo knowledge of body andemotionthroughan "argumentof images" rather than words, emphasizing sensory experience (p. 30). This matchesthe way Yolma portrayillness as grippingimages of fear and pain, attacks and anxiety. Desjarlaiswishes "to advance a way of writing ethnographythat includes the reader'sbody as muchas the author'sin the conversationat hand"(p. 19). The book is organized into two parts, "Loss" and "Healing," each with five chapters containing figures, tables, and photographs.Chapter1,"Imaginarygardens with real toads," is a sensitive and strong appeal to anthropologistsand others interested in the relationshipbetweencultureand illness and healing to returnto the spaces of the body and refocus on the emotions. Of chief concern for Desjarlais is "the 'aesthetic'natureof everydaylife"(p. 19)etched on and throughthe body, a culturallybased preobjective condition read by others, including shamans. Desjarlais's focus on Body and Emotion: The Aesthetics of Ill- embodied knowledge is sharpenedby his ness and Healing in the Nepal Himalayas. own trance experiencesin which images are RobertDesjarlais. Philadelphia:University "crystallizedembodiedformsof knowledge. of PennsylvaniaPress, 1992 (cloth and paMeaning,patternedwithinthe body, [takes] per). xii + 300 pp. form through images, which [are] then absorbedanew by the body"(p. 26). MARY M. CAMERON Chapter 2, "Body, speech, mind," exDepartmentof Sociology,Anthropology, the meaning and experienceof pain, plores and Social Work and body, gender. An interactionbetween AuburnUniversity Meme the healer, an ill woman named Robert Desjarlais's Body and Emotion: Pasang, and Desjarlais demonstrates"how TheAestheticsof Illness and Healing in the culturalcategories shape the form, tenor,or Nepal Himalayas is an engagingly descrip- meaning of bodily experience"(p. 37) in a tive focus on the body as it experiences rudimentaryway. The spaces of the Yolmo emotions associated with many aspects of body are a cultural house that reflect and Yolmo Sherpa life, a Tibetan Buddhist become filled with the imageryof religion, people who live in the mountainous society, domesticity, politics, conflict, and BOOK REVIEWS other cultural geographies. The shaman's challenge is to treatboth the innerandouter sanctumsof this corporealhome. Chapter3, "An aestheticsof experience," focuses on MingmaLama,aneldermanwho has lost several of his life forces to ghosts. Desjarlaisarguesthatthe sufferingandpain of illness is experiencedthrougha culturally constitutedlens of aesthetic sensibilities (p. 68). Chapter4, "Pain clings to the body," describesthe power of funeralrites and the deceased family's chants to dissolve the "relational self' (p. 93). A village song describes pain as clinging to the body, makingit weary,thirsty,andheavy.The pain of isolation,melancholy,anddepressiveness resultingfromthe loss of a loved one is acute and tactile. Against this stirring backdrop Desjarlaiscritiquespostmoder approaches to the anthropologicalstudy of emotion that structure the unbounded emotional into frameworksof disembodied"discourse"(p. 100). In chapter 5, "Soul loss," Desjarlais combines semanticanalysis with phenomenology, the languageof illness as partof its experience. He examines how loss of spirit (bla) resultsin physicalsymptomsas well as the inabilityto make decisions and function in everyday life. Part 2 addresses the body's healing throughimagerystimulatedby the shaman's trances. The shaman's divinatory knowledge gleaned through dreams, a close relationshipwith a divine guru, and pulse reading awakens and rejuvenatesthe spiritual/lifefortitudeof the patient,describedin chapter6. Desjarlaischartsstagesof divinatory healing and interpretsthe words revealed by the shaman's deity according to Yolmo symbols of pain, space, kinship,and emotions, so that"social conflicts are given a tangible,objective form"(p. 179). In chapter7, "Metamorphoses,"suffering is alleviated through direct and imagistic interaction between the patient and the shamanwho protectsthe patient's body by manipulatingforces in space andkinesthetically transferringsuffering into other enti- 99 ties and spaces. In "A calling of souls," chapter8, vital life forces of the weakened body are retrieved through chants that compel patient and listener participationin the healing. In chapter9, "Departures,"the shamanasks the helping deities to returnto theirdomains.The immediacyof experience andhow it escapes ethnographicdescription is compassionatelytold in a final story of sorrowin chapter10, "Afterwords." Body and Emotion contributestheoretically, methodologically, and substantively to the anthropologyof experience and of medicine.Desjarlaisexpandstheboundaries of the analyticalconcept of the "person"to include the body as invested with cultural meaning and locales of knowledge in its perceiving, experiencing and expressing capacities. Methodologically, the anthropologist's cultural knowledge can be a constraint, but can also illuminate ethnographic insight. Direct questioning of the Yolmo was often met with vagueness, on a "lowrequiringparticipant-observation key level in everydaylife" (p. 24). Desjarlais participatedin the embodied knowledge of the Yolmo by a kind of culturalkinesthetic relativismin which his body became sensitive to, and mimetic of, the people around him. By having his body (and not just his mind) participate and observe, Desjarlais accessed Yolmo domainsof knowledge and gained access to the shaman's world of trance,empathy, suggestion, exorcism, and healing. The book is also an experiment in ethnographicwriting.Refreshingly,Desjarlais does not rationalize his efforts in the all-too-familiarpostmoder critique of anthropologicalrepresentation;rather,his effortsbringthe reader,and the reader'sbody, in touchwith the Yolmo-wa, to let the reader "know"in the Yolmo way of knowing.This he achievesby usingexperiencinglanguage, languageof the senses, and languageof the emotions, what he calls an "argumentof images"(p. 30). He describeswhat happens to the body during healing such that it 100 "knows" it is healed, and in doing so, Desjarlais goes beyond the symbolic efficacy of healing to underscorethe role of the kinesthetic(p. 195). The numerous interpretationsof Yolmo cultural symbols throughoutthe book, althoughnecessaryfor definingthe spacesand graces of the body, undermineDesjarlais's own critique of symbolic theories of ritual healing. But he breathessuch life into the body that his critiqueof postmodem "discourses of healing" remains sound and intact. One weakness in the book is thatDesjarlais neglects discussing his apprenticeship with Meme. Other writers on spiritual healing in the Himalayashave pointed out that these relationshipsare relatively longterm, arduous,and requiremultiple trance experiences. Did Meme view him as an apprentice?Also, the narrativeemphasison body and experience tends to silence the people whose emotions we hear relatively little about directly. Indeed, the experiencing body becomes diffusely reified as it shifts from named individuals,to practitioners, to social categories ("women"), to spaces of illness and knowledge and things in motion, to a culturalbody. Nonetheless, the book makes a significantcontributionto cultural theories of the body and medical anthropologyand can be used for teaching in upper-levelundergraduateand graduatelevel courses. MEDICAL ANTHROPOLOGY QUARTERLY Peru's northerncoast is famous as a center of curanderismo,a folk healing system that blendspopularCatholicismwith indigenous symbolism.In midnightceremoniesheld at backyardaltarsnear cities like Trujilloand Chiclayo,mestizoshamansingestmescaline brews of San Pedro cactus and perform songs, prayers, and ritual cleansings. The settingwill be familiarwith anyonewho has seen Sharon's classic film, Eduardo the Healer (1978), about charismaticEduardo Calder6n,who is one of 12 curersexamined in this book. Sorcery and Shamanism looks at how shamansand theirclients use the discourses of sorceryandcuringto cope witheconomic chaos and gender politics in contemporary Peru. Curanderos work by manipulating complementary forces of good and evil, right and left, up and down. Joralemonand Sharonstructuredtheirtext arounda similar dynamic of examining curanderismofrom two distinct vantagepoints, reflected in the book's two-partorganization.Part1, written mostly by Sharon,with contributionsfrom JoralemonandDonaldSkillman,focuses on shamans and the symbolism, metaphysics, and historicalroots of theirhealing art.Part 2, written by Joralemon,looks at clients' experiences and the social impactof curanderismo from the viewpoint of critical medical anthropology. This is collaborativeresearchat its best. The textbuildson multipleshiftsin perspective, moving between shamans and their patients,cosmology and political economy, shamanismas belief system andshamanism Sorcery and Shamanism: Curanderos as business. The result is one of the most and Clients in Northern Peru. Donald comprehensive, richly nuanced studies in Joralemon and Douglas Sharon. Salt Lake the ethnomedicalliterature. City:Universityof UtahPress, 1993 (cloth). Part 1 begins with short chapterson 12 x + 306 pp. curanderos' life histories and ritual practices. This broad scope is a welcome BETH A. CONKLIN to tendencies that have counterweight Departmentof Anthropology shamanism studies since Eliade's plagued VanderbiltUniversity search for shamanicarchetypes.Joralemon This remarkableethnographyexplores a and Sharon explicitly reject reductionist thriving tradition of urban shamanism. approachesthatrepresentethnomedicalbe-
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