Economic History Association The Market for Indentured Immigrants: Evidence on the Efficiency of Forward-Labor Contracting in Philadelphia, 1745-1773 Author(s): Farley Grubb Source: The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 45, No. 4 (Dec., 1985), pp. 855-868 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Economic History Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2121883 . Accessed: 09/05/2011 13:07 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. 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Cambridge University Press and Economic History Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Economic History. http://www.jstor.org The Market for Indentured Immigrants: Evidence on the Efficiency of ForwardLabor Contracting in Philadelphia, 1745-1773 FARLEY GRUBB Indentured servitude is modeled as a trans-Atlanticmarket in forward-labor contracts. The model is appliedto servant-auctionevidence in Philadelphia,and the determinantsof contract prices are used to test the efficient-markethypothesis. While competing for servants in Europe, most of the expected price differencesacross servants were lost througharbitrageby recruiters. INDENTURED servitude played an importantrole in European migration to North America in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.' Emigrantsattracted by the opportunitiesin America but too poor to affordthe voyage could trade contracts on their futurelabor for passage fare to America before leaving Europe. Shippers would carry these immigrantsand their labor contracts across the Atlantic and sell them to recover voyage expenses. By guaranteeingthe contract terms to the servant before sailing these shipperswere essentially speculating in forward-laborcontracts. As late as the American Revolution the majorityof European immigrantsmay have voluntarilyused servitude to pay for the journey.2 Indenturedimmigrationwas one of the most importantprivate-marketsolutions to financingthe colonial migrationof poor Europeans.3 Journal of Economic History, Vol. XLV, No. 4 (Dec. 1985). C The Economic History Association. All rightsreserved. ISSN 0022-0507. The author is Assistant Professor of Economics at the University of Delaware, Newark, Delaware 19716. He is gratefulto Gary Becker, John Craig, Stanley Engerman,Robert Fogel, VirginiaFrance, David Galenson, RichardHellie, Saul Hoffman,John Huizinga,CharlesKahn, Jeffrey Miller, Jon Moen, Jim Mulligan,John Pritchett, Peter Rossi, Theodore Schultz, Ralph Shlomowitz,RichardSutch, Donghyu Yang, the editor, and the anonymousreferees for helpful commentson earlierdrafts. Earlierversions of this paperwere presentedat the 1983Cliometrics Conferenceat the Universityof Iowa, the Universityof Chicago, the Universityof Connecticut, DartmouthCollege, the University of Delaware, and the University of Marylandat Baltimore County. The authoris gratefulfor the commentsfrom the membersof these seminars. ' For colonial studies of indenturedservitude see David W. Galenson, White Servitude in Colonial America, (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); and Abbot E. Smith, Colonists in Bondage (New York, 1947).Indenturedimmigrationalso appearedat varioustimes andplaces aroundthe worldin the nineteenthand early twentieth centuries, for example see Stanley L. Engerman,"Contract Labor, Sugar, and Technology in the Nineteenth Century," this JOURNAL, 43 (Sept. 1983),pp. 635-59; and David W. Galenson, "The Rise and Fall of IndenturedServitudein the Americas:An EconomicAnalysis," this JOURNAL, 44 (Mar. 1984),pp. 1-26. 2 FarleyGrubb,"The Incidenceof Servitudein Trans-AtlanticMigration,1771-1804,"Explorations in Economic History, 22 (July 1985),pp. 316-39. 3 The other major contractingform was known as redemptionerservitude, for example see FarleyGrubb,"The Marketfor RedemptionerServants,Philadelphia,1771-1804,"paperpresent- 855 856 Grubb Indenturedimmigrationwas a trans-Atlanticmarketin forward-labor contracts. Forward contracting distinguished this market from other forms of long-term contracting..The important issue in forward contracting is how well it conforms to the efficient-markethypothesis, or how well future values are estimated and how efficiently the value of information is arbitraged when negotiating the initial contract. The analysis that follows will model and test whether the market for indenturedimmigrantsconformed to the efficient-markethypothesis. Previous economic studies of colonial indenturedimmigrationhave ignored the issues of forward contractingand efficient forecasting and instead have favored use of the market to evaluate humancapital. For example, Robert Heavner analyzed the auction of servants after they arrived in Philadelphiaand used the variance in contract prices as the sole measure of differences in servant human capital.4 He modeled indentured immigrationas a spot market and ignored the effect that competitive recruiting of servants in Europe would have on their subsequent colonial prices.5 By contrast, David Galenson analyzed recruitment of indentured servants in Englandand used the variancein contractlengths negotiated prior to sailing as the primarymeasure of differencesin servant human capital.6 He assumed that recruiters in Europe competed away all expected contract price differences in the colonies by altering the contract terms offered servants, principallythe amountof service time, until their expected colonial value just equaled their shippingcost. The ed in the Workshop in Economic History, University of Pennsylvania, Dec. 1985 (mimeo); Galenson, White Servitude, pp. 10-15; and Smith, Bondage, pp. 3-42. Additionalcontracting methodsincludedthose used for shippingconvicts, servitudeby the customsof the country,andin government-sponsoredmigration.See for example, Kenneth Morgan,"The Organizationof the Convict Trade to Maryland:Stevenson, Randolph& Cheston, 1768-1775," Williamand Mary Quarterly, 42 (Apr. 1985), pp. 201-27; Walter A. Knittle, Early Eighteenth Century Palatine Emigration(Philadelphia,1937);and Lorena S. Walsh, "Servitudeand Opportunityin Charles County, Maryland,1658-1705,"in AubreyC. Land, Lois GreenCarr,and EdwardC. Papenfuse, eds., Law, Society, and Politics in Early Maryland (Baltimore, 1977), pp. 111-33. Robert 0. Heavner, "Indentured Servitude: The PhiladelphiaMarket, 1771-1773," this 38 (Sept. 1978),pp. 701-13. Heavnerappliedhis modelto redemptionerratherthanto indenturedservantswhichmakeshis results difficult to interpret. His evidence was for German immigrantservants who used the redemptionermethod exclusively. Under this method the immigrantcontracteda fixed debt for passagein Europeand promisedto sell himself in America,if necessary, to repaythe given loan. The redemptionerentered the colonial auction with a fixed price and bargainedover the time he would have to serve to repay his debt. The procedurewas the opposite of the colonial auctionin which an indenturedimmigranthad a contractof fixed length sold for the highestbid. Therefore, Heavner'sregression,when appliedto redemptionerevidence was incorrectlyspecifiedbecausehe treatedthe price as the dependentvariableand the contractlengthas an independentvariable.For more detail see Grubb, "RedemptionerServants." 6 David W. Galenson, "Immigration and the ColonialLaborSystem:An Analysisof the Length of Indenture,"Explorationsin EconomicHistory, 14(Oct. 1977),pp. 360-77; David W. Galenson, "The Market Evaluation of Human Capital: The Case of IndenturedServitude," Journal of 4 JOURNAL, 5 Political Economy, 89 (June 1981), pp. 446-67; and Galenson, White Servitude, pp. 97-113. Market for Indentured Immigrants 857 shipping cost was assumed to be constant across servants, therefore, the expected colonial price would be constant across servants. In effect, Galenson invoked the efficient-markethypothesis to assume that colonial auction prices had no additionalinformationwith respect to measuringhuman capital, and he used this to justify the absence of contract prices in his regression analysis. However, if recruiters in Europe did not forecast the future colonial prices of their servants with perfect efficiency, then the relationshipbetween contractlength and the value of servant humancapital would be broken. Therefore,Galenson's conclusions depend critically on how well the marketconformedto the efficient-markethypothesis. At first glance, evidence on contract prices in the colonies does not support the efficient arbitrage of all price differences. For example, indentured immigrant prices in Philadelphia, the largest and most developed servant market in eighteenth-centuryNorth America, exhibited considerablevariance, see Table 1. The standarderrorin prices was around16 to 22 percent of the mean price, and female prices were below male prices. The price distribution was similar to that of contract lengths, suggesting that price variance was as important as contract length variance in explaining servant values. However, the evidence also suggests that indenturedimmigrationwas not a spot market and that competitive recruitingin Europe had some effect on subsequent colonial prices. The positive relationshipbetween service time and contract price, expected in a spot market,was not very evident. The correlation coefficient between contract price and length was -.06 in the 1745 sample and .25 in the 1771 to 1773 sample. Secondly, 15 Pennsylvaniapounds equalledabout 8.6 pounds sterlingin 1745and 9.3 pounds sterlingin 1772.8 The rangeencompassedthe costs incurred in recruiting, equipping, and transporting servants.9 This findingsuggests excessive profits may have been competed away in the recruitingprocess.' 7 The coefficients were significantat the .15 and .001 levels for the 1745 and 1771 to 1773 samples. 8 John J. McCusker, Money and Exchange in Europe and America, 1600-1775, A Handbook (ChapelHill, 1978),pp. 185-86. 9 See Smith, Bondage, pp. 35-39; Galenson, WhiteServitude,pp. 251-52; MildredCampbell, "English Emigrationon the Eve of the AmericanRevolution,"AmericanHistorical Review, 61 (Oct. 1955), p. 17; and R. J. Dickson, Ulster Emigration to Colonial America 1718-1775 (London, 1966),pp. 86-87. The freight cost was around3.5 to 6 pounds sterling. Addingin recruitingand equippingcosts could raise the amountto 10 or 12 pounds sterling.These estimates of shipping costs may not include returnsto uncertaintyor risk caused by servant default due to death or disease which could cause the estimatedcost of shippingservantsto increase even more. '0 Profits in the indenturedimmigranttrade can not be directly estimated with this evidence because the cost of shippingservants was not recordedand the risk of servant default through death,disease, and escape is unknown.For a systematiceffortto estimatethe profitsfromshipping redemptionerservants see Farley Grubb, "Risk and the Rate of Return to Financing the Immigrationof GermanServants to Philadelphia,"paperpresentedat the annualmeetingof the EconomicHistory Association, Sept. 1985(mimeo). Grubb 858 TABLE 1 PRICESAND LENGTHS OF BRITISHIMMIGRANTINDENTURECONTRACTS IN PHILADELPHIA,1745AND 1771-1773 Number Average ContractPrice AverageContractLength 432 66 15.50 (2.57) 13.23(2.71) 4.44 (1.05) 4.14 (0.68) 584 248 15.22(3.28) 13.42(2.11) 4.13 (1.08) 3.97 (0.72) 1745 Males Females 1771-1773 Males Females Notes: Standarderrors are in parentheses. Contract prices are in Pennsylvaniapounds and contractlengths are in years. Sources: George W. Neible, ed., "Servants and ApprenticesBound and Assigned Before James Hamilton Mayor of Philadelphia, 1745," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 30-32 (1906-1908);and "Recordof Indenturesof IndividualsBoundOut as Apprentices,Servants,Etc. and of Germanand Other Redemptionersin the Officeof the Mayorof the City of Philadelphia October3, 1771,to October5, 1773,"(unpub.ms. in the City Archivesof Philadelphia).Additional informationfor the 1771-1773 sample was derived from Michael Tepper, ed., Emigrants to Pennsylvania 1641-1819 (Baltimore, 1978), pp. 180-81. AlthoughTable I does not offer much supportfor the efficient-market hypothesis, it does not rule it out. The efficient-markethypothesis is a statementabout expected prices, not actual prices. Efficientforecasting does not mean perfect price prediction.Manyunpredictableevents may have intervened between contract formationin Europe and subsequent sale in the colonies. For example, colonial labor-marketconditions may have changed unexpectedly between recruitmentin Europe and delivery in the colonies, particularygiven the four to six months it took informationto make the roundtrip across the Atlantic. The rigorsof the voyage may have also altered expected servant productivity.11Thus shippersmay have found the value of the indenturesin their possession unexpectedly changed before the colonial auction. Such events may have introduced price variance into colonial-servantauctions. The presence of substantial risks for merchants speculating in forward-laborcontracts does not imply that the market was inefficient. Risks were informationcosts that affected decisions just like any other cost. The presence of risks makes measuring the efficiency of the market difficult. A model of indentured immigration must separate predictablefrom unpredictablesources of price varianceto measurethe degree to which the marketconformed to the efficient-markethypothesis. Such a procedure will also help determinewhether the variance in contract prices or contract lengths best measured the differences in servant human capital. The evidence used to test the model was taken from the indentured '" For discussions of late eighteenth-centuryvoyage conditionson the North Atlanticsee John Duffy, "The Passage to the Colonies," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 28 (June 1951), pp. 21-38; and FarleyGrubb,"MorbidityandMortalityon the NorthAtlanticPassage:EvidenceFrom Eighteenth-CenturyGermanImmigrationto Pennsylvania,"Journalof InterdisciplinaryHistory (forthcoming). Market for Indentured Immigrants 859 portionof the Philadelphiaimmigrantservant marketfor the years 1745 and 1771to 1773.12 The sample contained over 1,300 separate contract sales. Philadelphia possessed a large and active market in contract labor, perhaps the single largest in eighteenth-centuryNorth America. Colonies south of Pennsylvaniahad shifted to reliance on slave labor by the eighteenth century, and colonies north of Pennsylvania never attractedmany immigrantservants.13 Buyers from as far away as South Carolina,New Hampshire, and Kentucky purchasedservants in Philadelphia.14 The Philadelphia market was also unique among North American colonies in that civil authorities periodically recorded the salient features of each servant sale. THE MODEL OF INDENTURED IMMIGRATION Indentured immigrationis modeled as a competitive trans-Atlantic market for forward-labor contracts.15 The first half of the model, outlined in Table 2, involves the recruitmentmarket for servants in Europe where all the contract parameterswere determined. Competitive equilibrium in the shipping market, equation 1, implies that recruitersbid for servants until the expected colonial contract price of each servant just equaled the cost of delivering that servant, thus yielding zero economic profits. The price Europeanrecruitersexpected to receive for the servants in the colonies depends on their forecast of the net value of the colonial productivity of their servants over the 12 The Philadelphiarecords includedcontractsfor residentservantsand apprenticesas well as for immigrantindenturedand redemptionerservants. Indenturedimmigrantswere distinguished fromredemptionersby the fact that indenturesales were contracttransfersand so "assigned"by a seller, otherthanthe servanthimself, to a buyer. Redemptionercontractswere formedon the spot directlyby the servant.Indenturedcontractscommenceduponarrivalin portwhereasredemptioner contracts commenced upon sale. In the 1745 records roughly 87 percent of the immigrant servantsused the indenturemethod and in the 1771to 1773records roughly30 percentused the indenturedmethod.Residentsand immigrantswere separatedby the referencesto the originof the servant.All of the indenturedimmigrantsin the 1745samplewere Irish. About 12.6percentof the 840 indenturedimmigrantsin the 1771 to 1773 sample were English with the rest being Irish. AlthoughIrishand Germanimmigrantseach accountedfor about40 percentor moreof all servants arrivingin this period,Germansused the redemptionermethodexclusively and so do not appearin this study. 13 See Smith, Bondage, pp. 3-4; Galenson, WhiteServitude,pp. 117-68;Grubb,"Incidenceof Servitude," p. 334; Gloria L. Main, "Marylandand the ChesapeakeEconomy, 1670-1720,"in Land, et al., Law, Society, and Politics, pp. 140-44; Russell Menard,"From Servantsto Slaves: The Transformationof the ChesapeakeLabor System," SouthernStudies, 16 (Winter1977),pp. 355-90; Peter Wood, Black Majority.(New York, 1974),pp. 131-66;RichardS. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves (New York, 1972), pp. 47-83; Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery American Freedom (New York, 1975),pp. 295-315;andFarleyGrubb,"ImmigrantServantLabor:TheirOccupational and Geographic Distributionin the Late Eighteenth-CenturyMid-AtlanticEconomy," Social Science History, 9 (Summer 1985), pp. 249-76. 14 For the geographicdistributionof purchasersof immigrantservantswho arrivedin Philadelphia see Grubb,"ImmigrantServant Labor." 's The European recruitmentof indenturedservants appears to have been competitive, see Galenson, White Servitude, pp. 97-98; and Smith, Bondage, pp. 1-18. The sale of indentured Grubb 860 TABLE 2 A MODEL OF INDENTUREDIMMIGRATION I. The EuropeanRecruitmentMarket CompetitiveEquilibriumin the ShippingMarket: DC = E(CP) (1) ContractFormationAsset PricingEquations: E(CP) = foT E(VNP)exp(-rt) E(VNP) = f(H,K) (2) (3) dt CompetitiveEquilibriumin the RecruitmentMarket: DC = constant = E(CP) = g(T,H,K,r) (4) II. The Colonial MarketAuction The EfficientMarketHypothesis: CP = E(CP) + PRI + random error CP = constant + g(T,H,K,r) + PRI + random error (5) (6) SpecificationEstimated: ln(CP) = constant + ailnL r ] + a2H + a3K + bjPRI + random error (7) Where: E(CP) = expectation at the time of recruitmentin Europeof the futurecolonial contractprice. DC = delivery cost which is assumedconstantacross servants, and not a functionof (THK,r). E(VNP) = expectation at the time of recruitmentin Europeof the futurevalue of the net productivityof servants in the colonies. T= contractlength determinedin Europe. r = discount rate. H = a vector of all servantcharacteristicsobserved at the time of recruitmentin Europe. K = a vector of all contractparametersother than contractlength determinedat the time of recruitmentin Europe. CP = actual contractprice in the colonies. PRI = a vector of post-recruitmentinformationwhich was unpredictableat the time of contract formationin Europe. a, b = estimatingcoefficients. lengthof the contract, continuouslydiscounted, equation2. The expected net value of servant productivityis a function of fixed servant traits and contract parameters, other than length, observed at the time of recruitmentin Europe, equation 3.16 Finally, the evidence suggests that servantsin Philadelphiaalso appearsto have been competitive.The 1745samplehad around500 servants,deliveredon over 30 ships, and marketedby over 75 agents. The 1771to 1773samplehad around840 servants, deliveredby over 40 ship captains,and marketedby an even greaternumber of agents. No colonial buyer purchasedover 1 percent of the servants in either sample. A direct example of the spirited competition for immigrantcargoes can be seen in the transportation contractsigned by 26 Germansgoingfrom Rotterdamto Philadelphiain 1756.Isaac and Zacharias Hope, majorrecruitersin Rotterdam,contractedto ship these Germansfor 7.5 doblonseach, but within the contract was also writtenthe followingcondition:"But if anyone agrees to take these Germansfor less than the above-mentionedsum, Messrs. Isaac & ZachariasHope promiseto do the same, except where it is plainlydone as spite workagainstMessrs. Isaac & ZachariasHope, in which case they release the people from the contract, however in such case those who offer cheapertransportationare to pay Messrs. Isaac & ZachariasHope for the expenses which they incurredbefore the people arrivedin port." Otto Langguth,"PennsylvaniaGermanPioneersfrom the County of Wertheim, Pennsylvania German Folklore Society, 12 (1947), pp. 260-61. 16 This function is being modeled as a hedonic price index, for a discussionof such indices see SherwinRosen, "Hedonic Prices and ImplicitMarkets:ProductDifferentiationin PureCompeti- tion," Journal of Political Economy, 82 (Jan. 1974), pp. 34-55; and Zvi Griliches, ed., Price Indexes and Quality Change (Cambridge, Mass., 1971). Market for Indentured Immigrants 861 the delivery cost was constant across all adult servants, which yields equation 4, the competitive equilibriumin the European recruitment market."7After considering the characteristics and expected colonial value of each servant, the recruiterwhile in Europe would adjust the negotiable contract terms through competitive bidding until each servant was expected to sell for the same price in the colonies, just enough to cover the cost of delivery. The model of the European half of the marketis basically consistent with the Galenson analysis.'8 The second half of the market, also outlinedin Table 2, is the colonial auction where the actual contract price was determined.The efficientmarket hypothesis, equation 5, is formulatedby separatingthe actual price into the part expected at the time of recruitmentin Europe, the partdue to unpredictablechanges occurringbetween Europeanrecruitment and colonial sale, and an errorterm. Substitutingthe expressions for the expected contract price from equation 4 into equation 5 yields equation 6 which will allow testing of the efficient-markethypothesis. Because the expected contract price is already embodied in the constant term, all the information that went into formulating the expected contract price (the g function) should add nothing to the explanationof the variance in actual contract prices. Efficiencyimplies that the estimated coefficients on the terms in the g function should be jointly insignificant. Significantcoefficients on any of the g terms will indicate areas in which recruiters experienced forecasting difficulties. The particular specification estimated, equation 7, is a double-log version of equation 6 where H, K, and PRI are modeled as multiplicative exponential vectors in the asset-pricingequation. Efficiency under this specification entails that the a coefficients be jointly insignificant and that the error term be random. EMPIRICAL RESULTS Equation7 was estimated using the indentured-immigrant portion of the contract sales recordedfor the port of Philadelphiain the years 1745 and 1771to 1773. In these years the civil authoritiesrecordedthe salient features of each contract sale: the price, date of sale, date of contract 17 Evidence on passengerfare structuresfor the late eighteenthcenturyis scarce. However, the existing evidence indicatesthat all adult servantsabove age twelve on a given ship were charged the same fare; see the fares charged on the ships Belvidere, Commerce, Pennsylvania, and Elizabeth recorded in Ralph B. Strassburger, Pennsylvania German Pioneers, William J. Hinke, ed., (Norristown,Pa., 1934),vol. 3, pp. 112-14, 131-34, 137-38;and "PassengerList of the Ship 'Elizabeth', Which Arrived at Philadelphia in 1819," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography,25 (1901),pp. 255-58. The impressionof a constantfare structureacross adultsis also conveyed in immigrantdiaries. See for exampleJuliusF. Sachse, "A Missive FromPennsylvania in the Year of Grace 1728,"PennsylvaniaGermanSociety, 28 (1909),p. 18;GottliebMittelberger, Journey to Pennsylvania in the Year 1750 and Return to Germany in the Year 1754, (Cambridge, Mass., 1960),p. 17;and Strassburger,Pioneers, vol. 1, p. xxxvii. This structureof passagefares is also used by Galenson in his model, see fn. 6. 18 Galenson, see fn. 6, extends the model by assuming that contract length was the only parameteradjustedto reach equilibriumin the recruitmentmarket. Grubb 862 TABLE 3 CONTRACT PRICE DETERMINATION IN THE PHILADELPHIA MARKET FOR INDENTURED IMMIGRANTS, 1745 AND 1771-1773 Explanatory Variables Constant I - exp(-r7) In Number of Cases 498 498 r K Vector Training provided 17 5 No freedom dues I H Vector Females (unmarried) 2.7131*** (.1220) 0.0652 (.1206) 26 66 0.0485 (.1319) 840 3 0.2032* (.1031) -0.0475 (.1609) (.2948) -0.0389 (.0787) -0. 1549*** (.0344) 675 -0.0055 (.1609) 248 -0.0680*** (.0185) 8 840 498 5.2488 (9.7469) 0.3454* (.0602) -0.5604* Time of Arrival Year X the order of sale 840 1771-1773 Coefficients 0.0350 (.0882) Married with a joint contract 10-4 Number of Cases 5 Employed at a skilled trade Extra freedom dues Servant as his own marketing agent Sold by the ship's captain 1745 Coefficients 0.3000 (.9000) 0.0391 * (.0270) 0.0252 (.0795) 0.1140** (.0367) -0.1096* (.0822) -0.0016 (.0055) 237 0.0007 (.0227) 302 -0.0189 (.0215) Port of Departure Ulster 246 South Ireland 247 -0.0322* (.0244) -0.0316* (.0239) 0.2051*** (.0347) 0.1083*** (.0406) Fall 224 Winter 14 Spring 75 Summer Bristol 65 London 41 PRI Vector 26 additional variables R2 Corrected R2 F-statistic Durbin-Watson statistic Number of observations .277 .131 .094 2.62*** 2.02 498 .257 13.59*** 1.88 840 Market for Indentured Immigrants 863 commencement, origins of the servant, contract length, any other special contract stipulations, the names of the principalsto the transaction, and the residence of the colonial purchaser. Many of these variables were not common to both bodies of evidence, and separate regressions were performed on each sample. The description of the * Indicatessignificanceabove the .2 level. Indicatessignificanceabove the .05 level. *** Indicatessignificanceabove the .001 level. a Includes variables relating to the time needed to sell the contract in the colonies and the geographicresidence of the purchaser. The results and interpretationof these coefficients are availablefrom the authorupon request. Notes: Standarderrorsare in parentheses.The methodof estimationis ordinaryleast squares.The dependentvariableis the naturallogarithmof the contract price in the colonies denominatedin Pennsylvaniapounds. ** Independent Variables InL - Ip r : discountedlog of contractlengthmeasuredin years wherethe discountrateis 25 percent. Trainingprovided:equalsone if the contractstipulatedemployerprovisionof occupationaltraining at a skilled trade and zero otherwise. Employed at a skilled trade: equals one if the contract mentionedthat the servant was to be employedat a skilled trade and zero otherwise. Extra freedom dues: equals one if the contractstipulatedthe provisionof dues at the end of the contractabove the customarylegal level and zero otherwise. No freedomdues: equalsone if the contractstipulatedwaivingthe rightto customarylegalfreedom dues and zero otherwise. The zero categoryfor the two freedomdues variablesis the provisionof legal or "customary"freedomdues. Servantas his own marketingagent: equals one if the servantwas not directly "assigned" by an agent to a buyer and zero otherwise. Sold by the ship's captain:equals one if the contractwas "assigned" to a buyer directlyby the captainof the ship on which the servant sailed and zero otherwise. Female: equals one if the gender of the servant's first name was thoughtto be female and zero otherwise. Marriedwith a joint contract:equals one when a husbandand wife were sold jointly underone contractwith the same length and zero otherwise. The zero categoryfor the genderand married variablesis single adult male. Year: the numericalyear in which the servant arrivedand was sold. Orderof sales: order in which the contracts were recordedas purchased, I to 498, in the 1745 market. Fall: equals one if the contract was recorded as sold duringthe months of Septemberthrough Novemberand zero otherwise. Winter:equals one if the contractwas recordedas sold duringthe monthsof Decemberthrough Februaryand zero otherwise. Spring:equals one if the contractwas recordedas sold duringthe monthsof MarchthroughMay and zero otherwise. Summer:equalsone if the contractwas recordedas sold duringthe monthsof JunethroughAugust and zero otherwise. The zero category for the seasonal variablesis Summerfor the 1745sample and WinterthroughSpringfor the 1771-1773sample. Port of Departure:equals one if the servant came from the port or region indicatedand zero otherwise. Ulster ports are Londonderry,Belfast, and Newry. The South Irelandports are Cork and Waterford.The zero categoryfor all ports is beingfrom Dublinorjust havingthe designation "Ireland" in the record (10 observations) or where the port of origin was not recorded (61 obversations). Sources: See Table 1. 864 Grubb variables, their construction, and the regression results are given in Table 3. At the time of contract formation in Europe recruiters would have informationon the first fifteen and possibly the first nineteen variables listed in Table 3. The first seven were negotiated contract parameters: the discounted contract length, the provision of trainingor employment at a skilled trade, adjustmentsto the dues paidat the end of the contract, and who would be selling the servant. The second eight were observed servant characteristics and circumstances: gender, marital status, and time of arrival. The last four were the ports of departure. The age, physique, and perceived health of the servants, importantto determiningtheir expected colonial value and observed by recruitersin Europe, were not recorded by the civil authorities. These variables, however, were embodied in the contract parameters, principally the length. It was through adjusting the contract length that recruiters arbitragedthe value of this information.Therefore, the contract length serves as a proxy for age, physique, and any other observable servant characteristicsnot directly controlled in Table 3.19 The market was relatively efficient in arbitragingprofitableinformation known at the time of servant recruitmentin Europe. The amountof contract price variance explained by all the variables in Table 3 was small, 13 percent for the 1745sample and 28 percentfor the 1771to 1773 sample. And the variables representinginformationknown at the time ' The rate assumed to discount all contractswas 25 percent;the results provedto be relatively invariantto rates rangingfrom 5 to 50 percent. The properdiscount rate was not obvious. Other studies have simplyassumeda rate withoutmuchjustification.For example,the Galensonstudies, see fn. 6, implicitlyassumed a zero discount rate, and Heavner, "IndenturedServitude,"pp. 7375, assumed a 15 percent discount rate. A crude measureof the discount rate of new immigrant servantcontractswas derivedby comparingthe averagepriceto the contract-lengthratiobetween residentand new immigrantservants. The measureassumed that the averageprice to lengthratio should be constant across similar servants; any differenceswould thereforegenerate a residual discount rate: (CPRITR)= (CPIITI)I(l+ r)TI-TR Where: CPR = average resident servant prices CPI = average immigrantservant prices TR = average resident contract lengths TI = average immigrantcontract lengths r = discount rate Applying the formula to the evidence cited in Table 1 yielded a discount rate of 25 percent, independentof the group of resident servants: resold immigrantcontracts, local residents who voluntarilyentered service, or local residentsforced into service by debt. The values of immigrant contracts were discounted relative to resident servant contractsfor several reasons: immigrants experiencedhighermorbidityand mortality,took longerto adaptto the new tasks requiredof them in the New World, and may have been more likely to run away because most of the contract's compensationwas alreadypaid in the form of passage to the colonies. If the 25 percentwas a risk premium,then the appropriaterate would be 25 percentplus the marketrate. But because the 25 percent may also capture some real productivitydifferencesbetween labor in the first year and subsequentyears of the contract, the 25 percent rate was used as a best guess. Market for Indentured Immigrants 865 of recruitment,the major contract parameters,servant characteristics, and market conditions listed in the first fifteen variables in Table 3, explained only about 2 percent of the variance in contract prices. As a group, these fifteen variables were jointly insignificant.20In addition, the ratherlargeand unexplainedresidualvariancein contractprices was relatively random over the chronological order of contract sales, as observed in the residual plots and measured by the Durbin-Watson statistic. Thus most of the realized fluctuations in contract prices appears to be unrelated to conditions known at the time of contract formation because the price differences relating to these conditions were arbitragedaway in the competitive recruitmentprocess. On the individual level, recruiters in the 1745 sample completely arbitragedaway the value of informationpertainingto servant training, extra freedom dues, who would be the sales agent, the order of sale within the seasonal market, and the other informationembodied in the contract length, such as age, physique, and health. Recruiters in the 1771 to 1773 sample completely arbitragedaway the value of information pertainingto extra freedomdues, who would be the sales agent, and the seasonal and yearly pattern of prices. The natureof the arbitrageprocess was apparentin several cases. For example, recruiters expected contracts associated with occupational training to have a relatively lower colonial value. Therefore, they negotiated these contracts to be 21.3 percent longer on average. The extra service time just offset the trainees' lower value, and their contracts sold for the same price as other contracts.2' Therefore, merchants were fully compensated and were indifferent to shipping these less-productive servants. Another example involved the order of sale in the 1745 sample.22 Controllingfor the season of arrival, the order of sale indicates trends within the main fall and spring markets. Merchantswere keenly aware of the competitive effects of arrivaltiming, as illustratedby a letter sent from Philadelphiato Irelandin 1766: 20 For the 1745samplethe partialF-statisticwas 1.09whichindicatedthatthejoint insignificance of these variablescannot be rejectedwith confidence,a .3 significancelevel. For the 1771to 1773 sample the partial F-statistic was 1.78 which also indicatedthat their insignificancecannot be rejectedwith confidence,a .18 significancelevel. However, for the 1771-1773samplethis does not includethe ports of departurewhich if includedwould raise the partialF-statisticto a significant level. 21 This adjustmentmay have been caused by the lower age and productivityof the trainees relativeto the averageservant.The effect was also consistentwith the argumentthat theirtraining was marketableconfirmmspecific) and so the cost should have been borne by the servant. The servantrepaidthe master'strainingexpenses by servingfor a longerthannormalperiod.See Gary S. Becker, Human Capital(2nded., Chicago, 1980),pp. 19-26, for a discussionof nonfirmspecific humancapital. Althoughthe 1771-1773sample does not have any contracts stipulatingtraining, severalindenturedcontractsrenegotiatedafterarrivalindicatedthat servantstradedan extra year of service for includinga new trainingprovisionin their contract. 22 All the immigrantservants arrivingin 1745 were included in the sample in Table 3. This variablewas not used in the 1771-1773samplebecause this markethad manyother redemptioner 866 Grubb Irish servants will be very dull sale such numbershave alreadyarrivedfrom Different ports & many more expected, that I believe it will be over done, especially as several Dutch vessels are expected here, which will always command the Market. Captain Power I believe has near sold all his, he being pretty early.23 Merchants arriving late in the seasonal market carried servants with contracts4 percent longer on average than those deliveredearlierin the season. The adjustmentwas apparentlyenough to maintaina constant price over each seasonal market. Recruiters expected servants arrivingin the main fall market to be less valuable than servants arrivingin the springmarket.Springarrivals were offered shorter contracts than fall arrivals. In the 1745 sample springcontracts were 3.3 percent shorter;for 1771to 1773they were 8.3 percent shorter. Fall was the only season when German servants arrived in great numbers. Relatively longer contracts offered British servants arrivingin the fall may have been compensationfor merchants having to sell in a more competitive seasonal market.24However, this adjustment was not enough to arbitrage seasonal price differences completely in the 1745 sample in which springarrivalssold for prices 8 percent higher than fall arrivals. But by the 1771 to 1773 sample the increased lengtheningof fall contracts relative to spring contracts had completely arbitragedaway the seasonal price difference. In several cases recruiters experienced difficulty in forecasting the value of available information and failed to fully arbitrage profit opportunities. The most important involves the price difference between males and females. Ex post, recruiterslost by shippinga female instead of a male. The average female price was 14.4 and 11.8 percent below the average male price in the 1745 and 1771 to 1773 samples.25 The approximateloss in shipping66 females in the 1745marketand 248 females in the 1771to 1773market,in terms of lost opportunitiesto ship males, was 145 and 445 Pennsylvania pounds.26Recruiters actually allowed females to have shorter contracts than males, by a quarterof a year on average, in the 1745 sample. Recruiters mistakenly expected servantsarrivingat the same time. Thus the interpretationof this variablefor the 1771-1773sample would be unclear. into PennsylvaniaThroughthe 23 Quotedin FrankR. Diffenderffer,"The GermanImmigration Portof Philadelphia,and 'The Redemptioners',"PennsylvaniaGermanSociety, 10(1899),p. 227. 24 The pattern of seasonal contract lengths was opposite of Galenson's finding in White Servitude, p. 105, and was caused by the different nature of the Philadelphiamarket. The Philadelphiamarketwas uniqueamong the colonies in that almost half of the immigrantservants were Germanswho arrivedexclusively in the fall. 25 A lower contractprice would also result if females were cheaperto transportor experienced lower voyage mortality.Existingevidence suggests this was not the case. See fn. 17;and Grubb, "Mortalityand Morbidity." 26 The comparison assumes that recruiters could make substitutionson the marginwithout affectingthe cost of recruiting.To fill the last few spots on the ship before sailing,recruitersmay have accepted low-valuedservantsor offeredshortercontractsthus loweringthe profitson these last servants. Market for Indentured Immigrants 867 females to be relatively more valuable.27The modest narrowingof the male-to-female price differential between the 1745 and 1771 to 1773 samples was accomplished by lengtheningfemale contracts relative to males by 10.4 percent between the two periods. The difficulty in forecastingthe differencein marketvalue between males and females in both samples may explain the occasional advice merchantssent to their European recruiters to "send no more women.' 28 There were several minordeviations from perfectly efficientforecasting.29For example, the adjustmentto contractlength in the 1771to 1773 sample was incomplete. A one-year increase in service time, from four to five years, raised the contract price by 5 percent. In response to the observed age, physique, or health of the servant, for which the contract length served as a proxy in Table 3, recruitersslightlyovercompensated for below-average servants by excessively lengtheningtheir contracts. Finally, the price variance relating to different ports of departurein the 1771to 1773 sample may have representedan additional,but minor, source of forecast error. However, because the cost of delivery and the marketstructureof recruitingmay not have been constant across these ports, the interpretationof these regression results must remain speculative. The reference port was Dublin, and servants from Irish ports both north and south of Dublin sold for 3.3 percent less, whereas servants from London sold for 10 percent more, and servants from Bristol sold for 20 percent more than Dublin servants.30 Different shipping costs, as measured by the sailing distances to Philadelphia, could not explain all estimated price differences. Contracts for Bristol servants were 15.8 percent longer on average than those for servants from Dublin or London, and because Bristol servants were sold for prices above London servants, recruitersin Bristol may have underestimatedthe relative value of their servants. Ulster servants had 7.3 percent shorter contracts, and servants from South Irelandhad 4.1 percent longer contracts than Dublin servants. Prices for both 27 The differencebetween male and female contractlengthswas the same as foundby Galenson, WhiteServitude,p. 104, for English servants leaving London between 1718and 1759.Eitherthe relative value of male versus female servants was changingby 1745, at least in the Philadelphia market,or recruitershad overestimatedthe relative value of females for some time. 28 See Diffenderffer,"The GermanImmigration,"p. 227; and SharonV. Salinger," 'Send No MoreWomen:'Female ServantsIn Eighteenth-Century Philadelphia,"PennsylvaniaMagazineof Historyand Biography, 107 (Jan. 1983),pp. 29-48. 29 For example, prices for marriedservants were 10 percent lower, and prices for those with tradeskills were 22 percent higher,than the 1771-1773average. By waivingthe rightto freedom dues, a lower price of over 50 percent resulted in the 1745 sample. However, these cases only accountedfor 14contractsout of 1,338and so are of minorimportance.The difficultyin forecasting the value of some of these infrequently-usedcontractstipulationsmay explain why servantswho wantedthese conditionstended to opt for the redemptionercontractform. See Grubb,"Redemptioner Servants." 30 The Bristol coefficientwas significantlydifferentfrom the London coefficientin Table 3 with an F-statisticof 3.74 and significantat the .05 level. The Ulster and South Irelandcoefficientswere not significantlydifferent. 868 Grubb groups were below those for Dublin servants, thus recruitersin Ulster may have slightly overestimated the value of their servants while recruitersin South Ireland may have slightly underestimatedthe value of their servants, relative to Dublin servants.3' CONCLUSIONS Merchantstransportingindenturedservants from Europe to America were speculating in forward-labor contracts. They guaranteed the contractterms to the servant before sailing and then sold the contractin the colonies at auction. Merchantshad to forecast the colonial price of each contract to successfully compete for servants in Europe. Separating predictable from unpredictablesources of price variance indicates that recruitersused informationknown at the time of recruitmentwith relative efficiency. They successfully arbitragedknown profit opportunities relating to expected differences in colonial servant values. The minorareas of forecast errorwere between males and females, on a few infrequently-used contract stipulations, and across different ports of emigration. Recruiters slightly overestimated the relative value of female, Ulster, Bristol, and marriedservants. And they slightly underestimated the relative value of skilled and South Irish servants. The large variance in colonial auction prices was predominantlyrelated to unforeseeable events that occurred after the voyage had begun. Thus the variancein contract parameters,principallycontractlength, was the best measure of permanent differences in servant human capital. And the variance in contract prices was the best measure of unexpected changes in servant values induced by events such as a traumatic voyage. The degree to which the trans-Atlanticlabormarketconformed to the efficient-markethypothesis, given the substantiallevel of risk and uncertainty, is suggestive of the general performance of American colonial markets. 3 The contract price and length adjustments across ports measured the relative market evaluationof servant humancapitalbetween groups. For example, because Londonservantshad the same contractlengthas Dublinservantsbut sold for higherprices, the humancapitalof London servants must have been more highly valued in the colonial marketthan were Dublin servants. Similarly, because servants from Ulster and South Ireland sold for the same price but Ulster servantshad shortercontracts, the humancapitalof Ulster servantsmust have been more highly valued in the colonial marketthan were South Irish servants.
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