Schaghticoke
by R. Beth Klopott
T
he origins of Schaghticoke, New York, located in the westernmost corner of Rensselaer County, coincide with the history of
colonial New York. Schaghticoke developed from a colony of
Albany in the eighteenth century to a thriving agricultural and
industrial town in the nineteenth century. By 1855 the Hudson Valley was
dotted with just such towns which had developed as agricultural and
industrial centers. It is the purpose of this article to investigate the growth
of Schaghticoke "as an example or prototype of some of these towns.
The history of Schaghticoke must begin with the history of Albany.
Briefly, Beverwyck was founded as a trading post just north of Fort Orange
between 1646 and 1652. It faced west, the direction from which the Iroquois
came with their furs . At the back of the village was the Hudson River.
Although isolated, Beverwyck sat in the middle of Killian Van Rensselaer's
estate, Rensselaerswyck. As such, it was landlocked. Because of various
political disputes, the Van Rensselaers would not give up or sell any
portion of their vast holdings to the town, and it was this situation that
gave rise to the need for a colony beyond the limits of the town and
Rensselaerswyck.
In 1674 the Treaty of Westminster was signed between England and
Netherlands bringing New Netherlands, now New York, under English
rule. Under British control, Beverwyck. now Albany, began to grow more
The Hudson Valley Regional Rev iew , March 1985, Volume 2, Number I
29
rapidly than it had under the Dutch. This was true, in fact, for the entire
colony. It is estimated that by 1689 the total population of Albany City and
county was 2,016. 1 Because the population of Rensselaerswyck was sparse
there is good reason to believe that the majority of this number lived within
the limits of Albany.
It was evident to Thomas Dongan, governor of the colony, that the city
of Albany was suffering from seventeenth century urban congestion.
Therefore, in the Dongan Charter of 1686, the governor provided the city
with the breathing space it needed by giving Albany the "full liberty at
their pleasure, to purchase from the Indians, the quantity of 500 acres of
low or meadow land, lying at a certain place, called ... Schaahtecogue,
which quantity of 500 acres shall, ... be, in what part of Schaahtecogue, or
the land adjacent, as they the said mayor ... shall (find) most convenient."2
The Indians to which the Charter referred were the Schaghticoke Indians
who had been invited by Governor Edmund Andros in 1676 to settle in the
area of present day Schaghticoke. They had been refugees from King
Philip's War in New England and Andros's main reason for urging their
settlement in New York was to provide a buffer zone between Albany and
the French and their Indian allies who periodically swooped down upon
the New York frontier from Canada. When the whites finally began
settlement in Schaghticoke they quickly encroached upon Indian lands
and by 1754 the Schaghticokes had departed from the area and became
allies of the French.
The white settlement at Schaghticoke was originally encouraged partly
because the Indians, by 1705, were no longer a reliable source of protection
for the city. Furthermore, Albany needed cash in order to maintain its
defenses. The colonial legislature was reluctant to supply the city with its
needs, even during periods of hostility between France and England, and
subsequently, Canada and New York. The sale of leases to tenant farmers
and the collection of rents satisfied at least some of the city's financial needs.
Twenty-one years passed before the Albany City fathers purchased the
land in Schaghticoke. There were several factors involved in the delay. It
was highly unlikely that many people could have been persuaded to settle
on the edges of the frontier during this period. The ever-present threat of
attack by the French and their native allies did little to encourage departure
from the city for even more dangerous locations. Secondly, it was not until
after 1700 that the fur trade declined significantly in Albany, thus leaving at
least a segment of the population with the need for alternative incomes. 3
Lastly, Dutch custom was a factor. It apparently took the Dutch
considerable time to appreciate the value of owning land in the colony for
economic gain. The initial reason for the existence of New Netherlands
was the fur trade, not to create a colony of farm communities. However,
30
The Hudson Valley Regional Review
with the decline in the fur trade by 1700 and the influx of English people
and ideas after 1674, the Dutch began to view the land in a different light.
By the turn of the century land became a viable alternative as a moneymaking enterprise and the notion of a supply of agricultural produce for
market became more appealing to the merchants of Albany, many of
whom were members of the city Common Council. Then too, a state of
peace existed between New York and French Canada making settlement on
the frontier a less risky proposition.
In
1698 the Albany magistrates decided to act upon their charter right to
buy land from the Schaghticoke Indians. To their dismay they discovered
that Hendrick Van Rensselaer of Claverack was in illegal possession of a
six-square-mile area at Schaghticoke which the Albany Common Council
wished to purchase. After considerable debate between Van Rensselaer and
the Common Council, Hendrick agreed to sell his patent to Albany City for
{I 00. 4
By 1707 the Common Council was finally ready to come to an agreement
with the Indians. They bought a two-mile-wide tract from the Schaghticoke
Indians adjacent to the tract they had obtained from Hendrick Van
Rensselaer. The price was "2 blankets, 12 duffel coats, 20 shirts, 2 guns,
twelve pounds powder, 36 pounds Lead, 8 gallons Rom, 2 casks Beer, 2
Rolls Tobacca, 10 gallons medera wine, and some pypes, and moreover
yearly to be paid and delivered unto the said Indian mashahaes or his heirs
in the month off October dureing the space of tenn years commencing from
this day [Feb. 28, 1707] I Blanket, I shirt, I pair Stockings I Lapp I kegg of
Rom 3 pounds powder 6 pounds Lead 12 pounds Tabacco." In addition
the Indians were given twelve acres of lowland to cultivate. This was to be
fenced off at the expense of the city.5 Albany City petitioned Governor
Edward Corn bury for a patent for the land which was granted in short
order. The following June notice was given that leases for eight farms
would be sold on July 10, 1708. 6 The money obtained from the sale of the
leases and from the rents to be charged to the tenants was used to hel pfund
Albany's war treasury. The peace that existed between New York and
Canada in this year was, in fact, nothing more than a temporary neutrality
on the part of New York. Albany took advantage of this situation to
promote settlement on its outer frontiers and to enable it to plan for future
financial resources.
The total quantity of land leased in the first sale was 400 acres lowland
near Schaghticoke Creek (Hoosick River) and eighty acres upland. Each
farm was approximately fifty acres lowland and ten acres upland. Fifteen
pounds consideration-money, ordown payment, was due upon issue of the
deeds. The rent was "two skeple good merchantable winter wheat" for
Schaghticoke
31
every two acres " forever." (One Schepel of wheat equalled four-fifths of an
English bushel. The rent, then, was forty-eight bushels.) The leases were in
perpetuity. The first rent payment was due in 1714 and thefarms were to be
improved within the first three years on penalty of forfeiture and a fine of
the fifteen pounds. No rent was due for the duration of any conflict with the
French and their Indians. The city retained the right of first refusal in the
event of a sale. Lots were drawn for the leases and the eight original deeds,
drawn up in 1709, went to Daniel Ketelhuyn, Dirck Van Vechten, Johannis
Harmense Vicher, Johannis DeWandelear, Jr., Barent Gerritse, Johannis
Knickerbacker, Corset Vedder and Lewis Veile. 7 The original eight farms
remained the only white settlement at Schaghticoke until the end of Queen
Anne's War in 1714 with the one exception of fifty acres sold to Symon
Danielse of Schenectady in 1710.
There were several sections of what subsequently became the Township
of Schaghticoke in 1788 that were initially part of large land grants and
which lay outside the territory owned by Albany City. These patents
included Schuyler or William's Patent granted in 1739; the Cambridge
Patent of 1761 which included 61,000 acres and was held by such people as
George Clinton and the Lansinghs of the future Lansingburgh (now
North Troy). Another patentof 1,275 acres belonged to John DePeyster and
lastly there was the Hoosick Patent granted to Maria Van Rensselaer in
1688 containing 70,000 acres. Its westernmost section would eventually fall
into the Schaghticoke Township. Until 1772, only Albany City lands were
referred to as Schaghticoke. In 1772 the District of Schaghticoke was
formed by the colonial government which incl uded all of the Albany land ,
all the patents mentioned above or parts thereof, and part of what
subsequently became the Township of Pittstown in 1788.8
Al bany City lands were settled far more rapidly than the remaining areas
of the future town. Speculation was partly responsible for this. Most of the
lands of the large grants were sold off in large and expensive chunks. While
no rent was required, in most cases the cost of the land was beyond the
means of most individual farmers. Albany City, on the other hand,
auctioned off leases for smaller farms at lower prices. Some farmers
preferred to lease the land into the nineteenth century. In 1807 the city
ordered a commission to study the idea of eliminating the leased land from
city possession. By this date the leases were no longer profitable to the city.
Furthermore, in that year the city sold off its remaining fifty-five lots in
Schaghticoke, that had been the commons, the use of which had been given
in the tenants' leases. The commission believed this would ultimately lead
to trouble from the tenants. They also believed that the city could more
wisely invest the money they would acquire from the sale of the lands to the
32
The Hudson Valley R egional R eview
tenants if they kept it within the city and thus, not have to go to
Schaghticoke to collect the rent. By August 1810, it was agreed that the
termination fee for the leaseholds would be based on $1.00 per bushel of
wheat or money rent for twenty years. If the tenant did not have cash equal
to the sum of twenty years' rent, security was taken in the form of a
mortgage on the land and a bond given by the tenant for the amount due.
Although some leases continued into the last quarter of the nineteenth
century, the overwhelming majority were terminated by 1830. 9 The
condition of a leasehold, then, allowed individuals of lesser means to work
their own farmland and a lease in perpetuity, as the Albany leases were,
allowed heirs to inherit the land as if owned by the leasee. Looking at the
list offreeholders in Albany City and County of 1763 it is clear that all those
listed for Schaghticoke were tenants of Albany. Not only could farmers
obtain land through leaseholds, but they prospered as well. Men frequently
took leased land in eastern New York in the colonial period because it was a
means by which they could obtain land for a minimal cost with good
results.IO The number of leaseholds in eastern New York is evidenced by the
number of men involved in the anti-rent wars of 1839 and 1840.
Schaghticoke farmers were not concerned with these events because the
Albany Common Council had wisely chosen to terminate the majority of
leases ten years earlier. The few farmers who remained tenants of Albany
City after 1830 did so out of choice, and therefore, had no gripe with the
system as did the tenants of Rensselaerswyck and other manors.
The white population of Schaghticoke grew very slowly at first. Between
1720 and 1763 two major wars were fought on New York's frontiers; hence
the reluctance of many to move to this area. Even though the few farmers
who were there seem to have prospered, they were, nevertheless, tenants of
Albany and all their legal affairs had to be carried on in Albany. Indeed, all
their affairs were carried on in the city. The Albany City Common Council
served as the Schaghticoke government officially until 1772 when a district
government was established by the colony. For the tenants of Schaghticoke
the Common Counci I remained their court of la w in settling all difficul ties
and disputes involving the land and rents. The only order of business
carried on in Schaghticoke was that of the Dutch Reformed Church which
was established in 1714. But even here, no permanent minister was sent
until 1773. 11
There was not a large turnover of population prior to, or immediately
after, the Revolution. The same Dutch families who settled the Corporation
lands, that is, the Albany City lands, continued to live there after 1783.
Many of the children remained and obtained farms of their own, sometimes
buying the leases directly from their fathers. Others such as the Ketelhuyns
and the Van Vechtens expanded their holdings by purchasing land outright
Schaghticoke
33
in the several granLs that fell inLO the Township of Schaghticoke
es tablished in 1788.12 The population for 1763 can be es timated from the
Albany City Records. These documenLs indicate that approxima tely forty
people held leases to la nd in Schaghticoke. If we assume that each family
had a t least four children, which in 1763 might be a slight underestimation ,
we can then assume tha t the Schaghticoke population was a t leas t 240. By
1795 the population had increased to 1590 people. 13 The larges t source of
thi s population growth after the Revolution was from an influx of New
Englanders.
T he major source of income in thi s time period was, of course,
agriculture, and in particular, the raising of wheat. This was typical of the
enLire agriculLural community of New York. T he farmers paid their rent in
wheat for the most pa rt. Very few Schaghticoke tenants paid a ll their rent
every year but most of them paid some of their rent most years. The
Common Council spen t considera ble time pressuring the tenants for rent
payments. There were endless threa ts of prosecution of delinquent tenants
a nd this in itself was apparently sufficient to bring forth at leas t partial
payments by the tenant, oron occasion, by a relative. Mostof the wheat that
did reach Albany was a uctioned off periodically to the highest bidders.
Thus the mercha nts of Albany acquired wheat to ship to New York City
and the Wes t Indi es at fairly low rates and the city obtained much needed
cash . Pa rt of the wheat that was not auctioned was used to a id the indigent
and th e rest was stored in case a future disaster prevented the city from
obtaining its supplies.14
T here are no records available to indica te the exact quantity of wheat
grown in Schaghticoke as a whole. However, an estima te can be established.
Fresh wheat fi elds yielded twenty to thirty bushels of wheat per acre, or
more, according to contemporary reports. It is likely that this was the
production rate at Schaghticoke initially. Since New York farmers did not
rotate their crops in the colonial period, it was probable that only one half
the acreage available was sown with wheat in one year. The res t was left to
lie fa llow. On a typical farm of sixty acres in Schaghticoke, only thirty acres
were sown with wheat. This yielded approximately 600 bushels of wheat
a nnually if the contemporary observations are to be believed. If even half of
this was produced per farm, and subtracting the thirty-seven to fifty bushels
of wheat due to Albany, the Schaghticoke farmers were still left with a
considerable marketable crop. IS
In spite of its slow start, by 1790 the population of the entire town stood
a t 1,634. By 1810 this had increased to 2,492 people and twenty years later it
had a lmost reached its pre-Civil War pea k of 3,002 people.16 In March 1788
the counties of New York were divided into towns. The boundaries
34
The H udson Valley Regional R ev iew
established for the Town of Schaghticoke were similar to present-day
demarcations. The town lies on the east bank of the Hudson River, north of
Troy. In 1819 a small southern section was annexed by the village of
Lansingburgh at its northern end. This is the southern boundary of
Schaghticoke as it stands today. The town government established by the
state included a supervisor, a town clerk, assessors, constables, pound
masters who maintained a pound for stray cattle and hogs, highway
commissioners, commissioners and inspectors of the common schools,
overseers of the poor, overseers of the highways and a sealer of weights and
measures. In February 1791 Rensselaer County was formed from the
eastern section of Albany County. Schaghticoke fell into thejurisdiction of
the new county.I7
Of
the 1,634 souls who resided in Schaghticoke in 1790,348 of them, or
twenty-one percent of the population, were tenants of Albany City. This
was the majority of Dutch in the town a lthough there were a few Dutch
families who were not Albany tenants. The rest of the population was
largely English in descent, immigrants from New England and some Irish
or Scotch-Irish. Most of these people, in this year, were freeholders who had
obtained their land out of the grants that fell outside the Albany city lands.
After the Revolution these lands were opened for purchase by small farmers
and as happened in many other communities throughout the HudsonMohawk region , there was a large influx of New Englanders who bought
these lands. There were 143 slaves listed in this census. The Dutch tenants
owned 116, or eighty-two percent of the slaves. The remaining twentyseven slaves were owned largely by Dutch outside Albany City lands. The
most prominent Dutch family of the time, the Knickerbackers, owned
eighteen slaves. The slaves were largely household servants although some
were farm hands. After emancipation in New York in 1827 the overwhelming majority of blacks left Schaghticoke. In 1845 there were forty-five free
blacks recorded on the state census for the town . Only one of these people
paid taxes and had the right to vote. In 1850 there were twenty-seven blacks
and four mulattoes listed on the census. By 1855 there were on ly fifteen
blacks in Schaghticoke out of a population of 3,303. Apparently, there was
no place for free blacks in Schaghticoke society. IS
Not only were the Albany City tenants the largest slaveholders in
Schaghticoke; they were also the most well-to-do. The 1779 assessment roll
for Schaghticoke indicates that nine percent of the District of Schaghticoke
population was assessed for [1 00 or more. Seventy percent of those assessed
for this high rate were tenants of Albany. The tax list for the Town of
Schaghticoke for 1789 shows ten percent of those assessed paid [1 or more
in taxes. Sixty percent of those paying this amount were again, Albany
Schaghticoke
35
Schaghticoke and surrounding area.
36
T he H udson Valley R egiona.l R eview
NEW YORK STATE LIBRARY
Schagh I icoke
37
tenants. In 1794 eight and one half percent of those taxed paid £I or more
and seventy-five percent of these people were Albany tenants. 19 The tenants
of Albany were, of course, the longest established of the population and
therefore, had the best chance of being the most prosperous. Indeed, it was
not until the post-Revolutionary era that the Yankee population began LO
grow and prosper in Schaghticoke. It did not take long for the Anglicization
of the community to occur.
By 1790, the Dutch community found itself largely surrounded by the
New Englanders newly arrived from their native states, moslly Massachusells, Vermont and Rhode Island. The first non-Dutch church, the
Presbyterian Church of Christ, was established in 1803. By the 1840s there
were a n urn ber of other denominations in the LOwn i ncl udi ng the Methodist
Episcopal Church, the Protestant Episcopal Church or Trinity Church
and St. John's Catholic Church, all of which were located at Schaghticoke
Point, the present-day site of the village of Schaghticoke. By 1840, then, the
population had become quite diversified. 20
Very quickly, some of the most prominent members of the Dutch
community, such as Herman Knickerbacker, Cornelius Van Vechten and
Harmon T. Groesbeck joined the Presbyterian Church. Other congregants
of the Dutch Church became members of other, more Anglican churches.21
There was other evidence that the Dutch community was under pressure to
conform to the now-dominant Yankee society in Schaghticoke. Two
polemical societies were established at the beginning of the nineteenth
century. The Schaghticoke Scientific Society for the General Diffusion and
Promotion of Useful Knowledge (1797) and the Schaghticoke Polemic
Society (1819-1820) both had substantial Dutch membership. It was quite
common for the Dutch to maintain the use of their mother language in and
out of their homes. Nevertheless, both societies passed resolutions "that no
Dutch be spoken or used in any meeting" of the societies. The Dutch
membership itself introduced these resolutions and voted in favor of them. 22
T he population of Schaghticoke did not begin at the center and spread
outward. Instead, the Dutch remained generally in the upper third of the
town around the Hoosick River but outside Schaghticoke Point and the
incoming Yankee population filled in the empty territory, especially the
southern two-thirds of the town and Schaghticoke Point. There is no
evidence that Schaghticoke had a physical layout such as the New England
towns. There was no town commons or meeting house. Town meetings
were held in taverns throughout the first half of the nineteenth century.
The inhabitants lived on scallered farms and it is most likely that the
majority of these people did not see each other except on Sunday. In spite of
their reputation as a close-knit group, especially in Albany, the Schaghti38
Th e Hudson Valley Regional R eview
coke Dutch were not such a community. The most obvious reason for this
lack of cohesiveness was that the community's axis was in Albany, eighteen
miles away. Until 1772 the government of Schaghticoke was the Albany
City Common Council. The physical separation of people from the
government produced a scattered atmosphere. 23 It was not until sixty years
after the first white settlers arrived that Schaghticoke had its own LOwn
meeting. This was not conducive LO a close-knit environment.
The first indications of a town center were in the 181 Os as industry began
to develop along the Hoosick River at Schaghticoke Point. In 1823 the
Presbyterian Church relocated in Schaghticoke Point and in the 1830s the
Catholic Church was built there. By 1855 there was a considerable village
consisting of industrial establishments, taverns and groceries. Although
the industrial sites were surveyed for the manufacturing companies,
particularly the Rensselaer Woolen and Cotton Company, there was no
plan for the development of the village. The surveys themselves are not
extant. Significantly there was still no LOwn meeting hall or specific LOwn
center in spite of the obvious Yankee influence in the town by 1820. This
influence apparently extended into the social and industrial life of the
town but did not go beyond that.
Early in the nineteenth century subtle shifts began LO occur in
agricultura l production in New York State. Where wheat had been the
mainstay of agriculture, there was now a diversification of crops. Barley,
oats and rye were grown in greater quantities. Orchards began to appear.
The presence of an orchard on a farm became a good selling point. During
the Embargo years of 1807 to 1809 sheep-raising became more important as
a source of wool for domestic manufacture. During and after the War of
1812 there was an epidemic of sheep-raising. Although , this died out
toward the middle of the century, in 1825 the Schaghticoke farmers raised
6,783 sheep and ten years later the number increased to 8,116. Advertisements for merino sheep appeared in the Lansingburgh Gazette as early as
1808. It was during the Embargo years that domestic manufacture began to
grow. The 1820 Census of Manufactures for New York notes that during
these years the textile industry in Schaghticoke, as well as elsewhere, was
able to do quite nicely since there was no foreign competition. 24
O ne reason for the shift away from wheat in eastern New York was the
opening of the Erie Canal. The western New York farmers, and subsequently the midwestern farmers as well, were now able to ship their wheat
LO Albany and New York City at a much reduced cost. Eastern New York
farmers could not compete with the huge quantities of wheat coming from
the west. Furthermore, the Hessian fly and wheat midge began LO take a LOll
of wheat crops in the early 1830s. In the years 1835 and 1836 these two pests
Schaghticoke
39
destroyed almost the entire wheat crop in the Hudson Valley. The
Washington County branch of the New York Agricultural Society reported
that by 1835 "the midge was progressing on its way south, through the
adjoining counties of Rensselaer and Saratoga, devastating the wheat fie lds
there. "25
The decrease in wheat production in Schaghticoke was dramatic. There
was a decline of 20,429 bushels in the ten year period between 1845 and
1855. This was a twenty-three percent drop in terms of the county as a
whole. In its place flax, rye and oats were planted. The quantity of flax lint
harvested in these two census years nearly doubled. Rye increased by 22,078
bushels and oats by nearly 10,000 bushels. This represented an increase of
thirteen and one half percent to twenty-six percent of the county flax
production and increases of sixteen to twenty-three percent and ten and one
half to twelve percent respectively of the county rye and oat production. 26
Unlike other parts of the county where, by 1840, cattle-grazing and
dairying had begun to take the place of the wheat crop, the Schaghticoke
farmers chose to raise flax and significant amounts of grain other than
wheat. In fact according to census reports, while Schaghticoke farmers
owned 2,273 cattle in 1835, they owned only 976 in 1855. The residents of
Schaghticoke began, instead, to produce crops for local markets. The flax
was sold to the flax dressing mills in Schaghticoke, which in turn, sold the
dressed flax to the linen factory in neighboring Pittstown. The oats were
probably sold, at least in part, to the neighboring towns where cattle were
being raised in greater numbers.27
This shifting pattern of agriculture was again exhibited in the raising of
livestock other than cattle. In 1835, 8,116 sheep were raised . Ten years later
that number increased to 11,906. By 18550nly 5,91 sheep were recorded. It
was in the ten years' period from 1835 to 1845 that the Rensselaer Woolen
and Cotton Manufacturing Company and other textile milis operated in
Schaghticoke. By 1845 these early factories shut down or declined. One
major reason for this decline was that these industries did not have
adequate protection against foreign competition . After the War of 1812
foreign textiles flooded the American market and nearly destroyed the
budding American industry. The Tariffs of 1816, 1828, and 1832 did little to
significantly protect this industry and only the larger firms were able to
hold on against the foreign goods. All of this seems to account for both the
rapid rise and even more rapid decline in sheep raising in Schaghticoke.
The town's wool production dropped from seven percent of the county
production in 1845 to three and one half percent in 1855. 28 What happened
later in the agricultural sector of the Schaghticoke economy is beyond the
scope of this study, but it appears that prior to 1855 the farmers of
Schaghticoke grew what was in immediate demand in the local market.
°
40
Except for the wheat crops which were sold to Albany merchants, farming
for export did not occur in Schaghticoke, at least not before the Civil War. 29
Schaghticoke's industrial development started almost immediately if we
take into account the usual saw and grist mills built in any frontier
agricultural community. The Hoosick River passes through what is now
the Village of Schaghticoke providing excellent water power for many
industrial enterprises. In addition, there are several streams and riverlets
running through the town at various locations such as the Tomhannock
Creek. The Albany Common Council granted Johannis Knickerbacker
and Drick Van Vechten permission to build a sawmill at Schaghticoke as
early as 1709. They had the privilege of cutting wood from the city property
or commons at Schaghticoke. Quite a number of saw mill sites were leased
by the ci ty to residen ts in Schagh ticoke throughou t the eigh teen th cen tury.
Grist mill sites were also rented to farmers in Schaghticoke, but these were
far fewer in number. Undoubtedly the fact that flour had to be bolted in
Albany if it was for export accounts for the dearth of grist mills in
Schaghticoke. The wheat ground to flour in the Schaghticoke area was
only for home consumption. Between 1718 and 1825 there are only three
grist mills recorded while there were seven saw mills constructed at various
times during these years. In 1825 there were six saw mills and one grist mill
reported in the census. 30
Manufacturing existed in Schaghticoke prior to 1810 but it largely
consisted of individuals engaged in small enterprises sometimes based on
home manufacture. This, of course, was commonplace throughout the
northeastern United States in the early nineteenth century. For example, in
1798 an advertisement in the Troy Northern Budget stated that Edward
Hart "has taken the Fulling Mill at Schaghticoke Point wherein he intends
carrying on the clothier's Business in its various branches." The mill was
apparen tly in existence at the time Hart began his enterprise. 31 The early
industrial enterprises of the entire northeast region were rarely incorporated. This goes far to tell us that the initial inves tments involved in
these firms were small. Unfortunately, it also leaves us with few records to
study many of these industries. We must rely on the few incorporated
companies that exist in corporation records, a scattering of census record~
and on such items as newspaper advertisements of various sorts. The
compan y records, themselves, are rarely extant.
S pace does not permit an account of all the industrial enterprises in
Schaghticoke between 1810 and 1855. However, two or three will serve as
prime examples of the types of industry that developed, who ran the firms
and what became of them. The Rensselaer Woolen and Cotton Manufacturing Company was one of the first industria l enterprises located at
Schaghticoke
41
Schaghticoke Point. This particular company was incorporated in 1810
with a capital stock of $50,000. A share could be had for $50.00. The first
directors were James Brookins, James Cornell, Munson Smith, Leonard
Cozzens and Charles Starbuck, all of whom were transplanted New
Englanders. Payments for shares were routinely advertised in the local
papers such as the Northern Budget. The company obtained at least part of
its raw materials by advertising in the Budget for quantities of wool from
local farmers to be exchanged for finished wool c1oth.32
In 1814 the company advertised for "six or seven good Families, who
would engage several out of each Family to be employed in the
Manufactory-for whom good and convenient house room will be
furnished , and good encouragement will be given." At the end of that year
the company advertised the sale of new cotton machinery: "four throssel
frames containing 60 spindles each, and two Mules containing 180
spindles each."33 The concern was in financial trouble. This was not new
in its history. In 1812 the state lent the company $7,000 and in 1816 the
comptroller was authorized to lend the company "a sum not exceeding
$10,000. "34 In 1819 a writ of Furi Facius was issued by the New York
Supreme Court against the Rensselaer Woolen and Cotton Company for
debts amounting to $5,830. Its property was ordered sold to cover the debts.
In 1821 a fire destroyed the factory but it was rebuilt by Amos Briggs of
Schaghticoke and Richard P. Hart, industrial magnate of Troy.35
The Farmer's Manufacturing Company was incorporated in March
1811 for the purpose of manufacturing "woolen , cotton and Linen goods
and for making Glass and from ore Bar-Iron, anchors, Mill-Irons, Steel,
Nail-Rods, Hoop-Iron and ironmongery, sheet-lead, shot, white-lead and
Red-lead ." Its capita l stock was $100,000 with 1000 shares. The five original
trustees included one Dutchman, and although Herman Knickerbacker
was president in 1819, one year later Richard P. Hart had taken over. The
company owned considerable amounts of property at Schaghticoke Point
on the Hoosick River, some of which was obtained from the Rensselaer
Woolen and Cotton Company. The lands were rented in lots large enough
to hold a small business or factory. 36 What they apparently did was to
incorporate a variety of businesses that were established on property owned
by the Farmer's Manufacturing Company. This facilitated matters financially and did not require that large industrial complexes or factories be
built on the part of the owners, thus reducing costs considerably. Again the
principal owners of the company were New England born. The 1820
Census of Manufactures indicates that by this time the company was
engaged in cotton manufacturing alone. Nine men, three women and
eighty-seven boys and girls were employed by the company. Wages
amounted to $ 12,500 for the year. It was noted by the proprietor, Richard
42
Th e Hudson Valley R egional R eview
Hart, that the company had once been larger, but due to foreign
competition, cutbacks had been necessary. In spite of complaints about
cutbacks, . this company actually employed more people than other
companies whose records are available. Gordon Holland owned a cotton
mill which employed only four men, six "young women".and ten boys and
girls. Charles Joy's Linen Manufacture, which produced hemp and flax,
employed five men and ten boys and girls.37
One of the larger textile establishments of the time was the Starr
Manufacturing Company which was incorporated in 1814. In spite of its
size and apparently excellent location on the Hoosick River, it went
bankrupt in 1833, undoubtedly a result of the foreign competition in
textiles. This company, too, was owned by New England transplants. 38
H ome manufacture was still predominant in the Northeast until the
1820s in spite of this initial industrial flurry. This was as true in
Schaghticoke as anywhere else. In 1825, 4,638 yards of fulled cloth, 6,482
yards of flannel and other woolens not yet fulled and 11 ,234 yards of linen
and cotton were manufactured domestically in Schaghticoke. A great
change took p lace in home industry over the next ten years. In 1835 only
2,912 yards of fulled cloth, 3,120 yards of flannel and 3,352 yards of cotton
and linen were domestically manufactured. The 1835 census reported five
cotton mills in the town where there had previously been one. 39 This
change in production methods from home manufacture to the factory
system, took the place of one of the most important and time-consuming
obligations of the female population. The tradition of home manufacture
of textiles disappeared rapidly with the advent of the textile mills. This
served to change women's work, especially that of unmarried women, in a
significant way. It took women, largely between fifteen and thirty years,
out of the home and into the factory where they carried on their traditional
occupations of spinning and weaving. With this came a new mobility. For
married women this change caused them to focus more and more on their
children.40 Although neither company nor private records are available to
confirm this, it is reasonable to assume that these domestic changes
occurred in Schaghticoke as well as elsewhere, particularly in light of the
dramatic decline in home manufacture in the town.
In response to the demands of the War of 1812, the Schaghticoke Powder
Mill was established. The mill was apparently founded in response to
letters written to the Governor of New York, D.D. Tompkins, from James
Madison and James Monroe. There was no ammunitions supply center
between New York City and the Canadian border. Several possibilities exist
for the choice of Schaghticoke as the site. In the election of 1807
Schaghticoke supported Tompkins for governor by a larger percentage of
Schaghticoke
43
the vote than any other town in Rensselaer County.41 In addition,
Schaghticoke was located on two rivers, thus making the transport of raw
materials and finished powder easier. Furthermore, not only was it close
enough to population centers to protect the mill in the event of a British
invasion from Canada, but it was also just across the Hudson River from
the newly established Watervliet Arsenal.
Joseph and Nicholas Masters built the mill on the Tomhannock Creek
and started operations in 1813. Obviously wartime demand was brief and
in 1820 only seven men were employed at the mill. In the 1820
Manufacturing Census Mr. Masters reported that the mill yielded little or
no profit. "When we were at war with Britian gunpowder could not be
imported and so a profit was to be made. At present, owing to the
introduction of foreign gunpowder into our country, My business has
decreased more than half. This can only be remedied by a heavy duty on
foreign powder which now takes the preference in market not because it is
superior in quality but because of the predilection of the American people
in favor of foreign manufactures. The situation is a true one ... and is also
applicable to many of our manufacturing establishments." In 1820 the mill
employed only seven men.42Several of the industries that had begun before
1812 and were thriving during the war were in decline by 1820, although
not necessarily bankrupt.
A s we have seen, the immediate local markets were the destinations for
the majority of farm produce after 1835. The industries that met their
demise in the 1820s and 1830s were often bought out by other individuals or
groups, and by 1840 Schaghticoke had a new set of such enterprises
forming an industrial core to an otherwise agricultural town. Table I
indicates the growth in the number of pursuits in Schaghticoke from 1835
to 1855. Unfortunately, thenumberof people employed in each occupation
is not available before 1850. Notably some of the industries were directly
involved in agriculture such as the fanning mill, the grist mill, the grain
cradle and scythe factories and the flax dressing mills. The intertwining of
industry and agriculture in communities with a large agricultural
economy was not uncommon. This applied not only to farm produce
going to the factories, but also to manufactured goods needed on farms
being sold or exchanged locally.
By 1845 some of the earlier mills were on their feet again and new ones
had been established. Amos Briggs of Schaghticoke and Betsey Amelia
Hart, widow of Troy industrialist Richard P. Hart, began a partnership in
about 1845 in order to engage in a variety of industrial pursuits in
Schaghticoke. They owned considerable land on the Hoosick River at
Schaghticoke Point and chose to rent it to various people, including
44
Th e Hudson Valley R egional R eview
Table I Manufactures in Schaghticoke: 1835-1855
. Factorv
1835
Grist Mills
Saw Mills
Pulling Mill
Carding Machine
Conon Factories
1845
1855
Grist Mills
Saw Mills
Carding Machines
Conon Factories
Dyeing & Priming
Factories
Silk
Grain Cradle &
Scythe Factories
Fanning Mill
Machine Shop
Conon Factory
Conon Warp
Factory
Flax Dressing
Mills
Coach & Wagon
Manufactory
Grist Mill
Cooper's shops
Lath Manu.'s
Saw Mills
Powder Mills
Number
Persons Emploved
2
7
I
I
5
2
5
I
3
I
6
2
10
16
?
160
39
2
50
2
6
5
15
Sources: j . y. State Census for 1835, NYSL. N. Y. State Census for 1845. N. Y. State Census for
1855. The census records are unreliable until 1850. There is no information pertaining 10
occupations nor are popu lation figures really accurate. Because of thi s the accuracy of the first
two years is in some question. For example neither census listed the powder mill which was
established in 181 3.
Amos's son Pardon Briggs. Pardon Briggs and his partner Charles Stratton
had the privilege of using the waterpower to drive the machinery of a
cotton factory in which they produced timbry cloth and employed twenty
men for $220 per month and twenty-four women for $170 per month .
Briggs and Hart bought other lots at Schaghticoke Point, both along the
river and on Main Street. In 1847 they purchased a bankrupt cotton factory
from Robert Brown of Schaghticoke. The 1850 Census of Manufactures
indicates that Briggs and Co. had an enterprise that produced timbry cloth,
Schaghticoke
45
a flax factory, a twine factory and a shoe thread factory, employing a total of
100 men and 175 women who were paid $ 1, 150 per month and $1,300 per
month respectively. Thus, the Briggs and Hart partnership that would lead
to furth er industrialization in Schaghticoke after the Civil War, was well
underway in 1855.13
In spite of this industrialization in Schaghticoke, the majority of the
population remained in agriculture. As indicated by Table II, on the 1850
census 411 men listed themselves as farmers; 385 listed themselves as other
than farmers . Of this latter group 110 were laborers. At least half of these
men were farm hands . A more accurate count of farmers was approximately
470, while there were only 335 men engaged in pursuits outside agriculture.
Therefore, we can estimate that about seventy-one percent of the adult male
population of Schaghticoke in 1850 were farmers. Interestingly only about
forty percent of this population considered themselves farmers in 1845.
Again, occupations other than farming were probably listed for many
individuals who were, in reality, farmers. However, even taking this into
account, five years later there was actua ll y a far greater portion of the
population involved in agriculture than in 1845.44
These differences can be accounted for in several ways. First, a large
number of sons of farmers came of age in those five years and were now
counted on the census list as farmers. Second, after 1845 severa l of the textile
mills discontinued operation and some of their employees were likely to
have returned to their original occupation of farming. In spite of the
industrial development of Schaghticoke Point, the Town of Schaghticoke
remained agricultural in its economic base and the majority of the
population were participants in this aspect of the economy. Last, the
census records in the first half of the nineteenth century did not comment
upon the occupations of women and children. We can assume, however,
that the majority of textile factory employees in Schaghticoke were either
female or minors, as was the case in other textile factories in other towns. 45
This, of course, left the majority of males involved in agriculture.
In
spite of the maintenance of agriculture as the economic base of the
community, Schaghticoke Point played an important role in the development of the town. As more industry was introduced along the Hoosick
River, some famili es established residence at Schaghticoke Point. There
was even a boarding house for single men who worked in the factories,
several churches, groceries, and taverns located in the village. The map of
the town of Schaghticoke, dating from 1854, indicates quite a densely
populated village by mid-century. Significantly, the map demonstrates
that there was still no real town center or town square or general meeting
hall of any sort. What is also observable on this map is the diffusion of the
46
The Hudson Valley R egiona l R eview
Table II Occupations in Schaghticoke 1850
Occupation
Baker
Barber
Bar Turner
Blacksmith
Bookkeeper
Brick Maker
Butcher
Cabinet Maker
Carder
Carpenter
Carriage Maker
House Dealer
Clerk
Contractor,
Railroad
Cooper
Dentist
Dryer
Farmers
Flannel Dryer
Flax Dryer
Furnace Man
Gate Tender
Grocer
Innkeeper
Laborers
Lace Maker
Lawyers
Manufacturers
Man ufacturers
with property
People Engaged
I
5
25
I
2
II
2
5
35
I
I
6
2
3
I
3
411
I
2
I
I
6
8
110
I
3
II
Occupation
Masturner
Masons
Mechanic
Merchants
Millers
Mill Wright
Ministers
Moulders
Mule Spinners
Painters
Physicians
Pin Maker
Post Master
Powder Makers
ProspecLOr
School Teachers
Ship Carpenter
Shoe Makers
Spinners
Stage Driver
Stove Maker
Students
Tailors
Tin Smith
Turners
Wagon Makers
Weavers
Gone to
California
People Engaged
3
5
21
17
4
I
4
5
4
4
4
I
I
9
I
3
I
8
7
I
I
4
6
I
12
7
3
3
4
Sources: United States Census, Rensselaer County, Town of Schaghticoke, 1850, microfilm,
NYSL. Note must be taken that the eleven manufacturers listed were not manufacturers
themselves, but apparently meant that they worked in factori es.
population. The population remained scattered, living on individual
farmsteads , as would become the pattern of settlement through the
remainder of the United States.
Between 1835 and 1855 there was a leveling off of industrial development
in Schaghticoke. There were several more enterprises in existence in 1850
than in 1835, but as we have seen, the percentage of farmers in the
population actually rose between 1845 and 1855. Nevertheless, there was a
substantial number of men employed outside farming and there were
Schaghticoke
47
undoubtedly a considerable number of women and children employed in
the fa cLOri es as well. Later in the nineteenth century linen and co lton mills
were operating at Schaghticoke Point in greater number' and size. Briggs
and H art were the proprieLOrs of these establishments according to an 1867
map of Hart's Falls. However, this did not last beyond the end of the
century and Schaghticoke's agricultural emphasis was to remain
predominanl. 46
The population in Schaghticoke seems to have lived relatively comfortabl e lives. A survey of wills wriuen by individuals in the town revea ls a
good amount of personal property, usually valued at about $1000.00,
livestock, household goods in considerable number, and prior to 1827, a
few slaves. 47 Only ten paupers were listed on th e 1845 census. Allhough two
overseers of the poor were elected annually at the LOwn meeting, it was not
until 1847 that a LOwn fund was es tablished for th e poor. This is
particularly noteworthy when it is recalled that after 1810 the LOwn had a
definite New England influence. The New England LOwns were noted for
their provisions for the poor. Atthe 1847 town meeting it was resolved that
"$100.00 be raised as a continuing fund for the support of the poor. "48
By the mid-nineteenth century there was a steady stream of foreign
arrivals coming to seule in Schaghticoke. The 1845 census listed ninetyfour aliens in Schaghticoke and by 1855,616 aliens were recorded on the
census out of a population of 3,303. The largest foreign born group in
Schaghticoke in 1855 was the 600 Irish who resided there. The second
largest group was the seventy-one English and Scotch. There were also
forty-nine Germans and thirty Canadians living in the LOwn.49 The result
of this influx of foreign born was LO add to the diversity of communal
institutions. With the coming of the Irish, the Catholic Church was
es tablished. The Germans increased the Lutheran population. By the
middle of the century the original Dutch community was completely
overshadowed by the Anglo-Saxon and Catholic populations in the town.
The Irish immigrants in Schaghticoke engaged largely in the manufacturing and service segments of the economy. Very few Irishmen became
farmers, although many of them were employed as farm laborers. The
services they worked in were blacksmithing, carpentry, masonry, tailoring,
tinsmithing and wagon making. In manufacturing they were turners and
moulders in the iron works, as they were in Troy. They were also powder
makers and flax and flannel dryers as well as carders in the textile
industries. Although specific occupations remained unmentioned for
women, the census indicates large numbers of single girls with Irish
surnames living in households in Schaghticoke. From this we can
conclude that they were household servants. Undoubtedly, many Irish
women were also engaged in the textile factories as well. The Dutch in the
48
Th e Hudson Valley R egional R eview
community were, for the most part, farmers. Some were carpenters and
innkeepers. Few were engaged in manufacturing. On the other hand, the
Yankee segment of the population was the element that developed and
owned the manufacturing enterprises of the community. Charles Stratton
and Charles and Benjamin Joy were from Rhode Island and the Briggs
family came from Massachusetts. However, in spite of this industrial
activity on the part of some Yankees, the majority of New Englanders were
farmers. They also made up that portion of the population engaged in
other occupations such as grocers, innkeepers, merchants, physicians,
shoemakers and butchers. The Germans tended to be cabinet makers,
innkeepers and masons. Few of them were farmers. 50
S chaghticoke then, presents a picture of what might be described as a
typical agricultural community which engaged in some industry because
of its location on a river. The majority of the population was agriculturally
oriented. A small segment was involved in the industrial development. The
town had the usual number of innkeepers, blacksmiths, carpenters, and
grocers. Those engaged in the factories as proprietors were of Yankee
origins and those engaged as employees were Irish immigrants and
probably the single daughters of the local farmers . Typically, factory
occupations, such as mule spinner, were filled by men.
The original Dutch settlers had not gone to Schaghticoke to es tablish a
new community. They considered th emse lves, and were, an ex tension of
Albany City. They lived on scattered farms which were largely selfsufficient. Home manufacture of textiles and farm implements was carried
out on a large scale. The closest stores were in Lansingburgh at the
southern end of the town. The only central point in Schaghticoke from
1715 to 1810 was the Dutch Reformed Church. The influx of New
Englanders immediately before and after the Revolution led to the
introduction of tex til e mills and the creation of Schaghticoke Point. This
was the first sign of a town center. This development changed the
economic situation of the town. Home manufacture of textiles decreased
rapidly. Grocery stores were established and some churches moved to the
village. By 1855 there was a railroad station in Schaghticoke Point.
Although industrial growth might be described as sporadic because of the
turnover of fa ctories almost every decade, progress along th ese lines was
made. In spite of the concentration of industry at Schaghticoke Point,
however, the town continued to lack cohesiveness. The ex istence of
Schaghticoke Point was based strictly upon economi cs; it was neither a
political nor social center for the town.
By 1855 the diversity of the population in ethni c and religious
orientation was great. The Dutch continued for the most part, to marry
Schagh t icoke
49
within their ethnic group, allhough they gave up their "Dutchness" in
public. Obviously the Yankees and Irish had little in common with each
other. The lack of cohesiveness in the community is even more striking
when the permanence of the population is realized. Generally speaking the
families who settled in Schaghticoke tended to remain there. The
population was not transient. Only the Irish immigrants and the freed
blacks seemed to have left in any numbers. The majority of farmers
continued their residence in the town for generations. With this kind of
stability in the population, it is quite remarkable that the town did not
have a sense of community.
The hope for a social and political center of the town that seemed so
promising in 1855 was never fulfilled. Although the Yankees who came to
Schaghticoke had the tradition of a tight-knit community life, it no longer
seemed as necessary as it once had. For the most part, these newcomers to
Schaghticoke arrived in search of the land their fathers could no longer
provide for them in Massachusetts or Rhode Island. The very fact that they
had to leave their homes in order to pursue their lives, disrupted their
traditional modes of behavior. This goes far in explaining why this
overwhelmingly Yankee population did not design a town center in
Schaghticoke. Neither the Dutch nor the Yankees came to Schaghticoke to
create a town, but rather to earn a livelihood. The Town of Schaghticoke
then, was largely a creation of the state and not of the people who lived
there.D
Notes
'Census oj the State oj New York jor 1855 (Albany, N. Y., 1857), iv. The introduction to the
N. Y. Census of 1855 provides an excellent source for census material and population from the
colonial period LO 1855.
2Joel Munsell, ed., The Annals oj Albany, 10 vols. (Albany, N.Y., 1865), II, 66-67.
' E.B. O'Callaghan, ed. , Documents Relative to the Colonial History oj New York State 15
vols. (Albany, N.Y. , 1853-1861), IV, 789. hereafter referred LOas Docs. Rei. to Col. Hist . oj N. Y.
'Munsell, ed., Annals, III, 34-36. Hendrick Van Rensselaer to City of Albany, Deed, Aug. 8,
1699, Deeds and Indentures Collection, McKinney Library, Albany, N. Y.
5Munsell, ed., Annals, V, 147-148.
6Munsell, ed., Annals, V, 171-172. It is interesting to note that Albany City was required to
pay a quitrent of sixteen shillings annually for the Schaghticoke Patent. Later this equalled
$2.00. According to the Albany City Records, in 1805 the city terminated the quitrent by
paying $32.00 in arrears and $48.00 for termination fees.
7Munsell, ed., Annals, V, 182-184, 196, 199-200; VI, 242; Deed Books, Albany County Clerk
V, 177-178,387-389. The right of first refusal was the landlord 's rightLO purchase the lease
before it was offered LO an outside party. This maintained the landlord's control over who
purchased leases for his property.
'The Colonial Laws oj New Yorkjrom 1664 to the Revolution,S vols (Albany, N .Y. 1894),
V,383-387.
50
The Hudson Valley Regional Review
9A lbany Common Council Minutes. XVII. 582; XIX. 101-104.234.306.325-326.347; XXII.
Oct. 22. 1812. NYSA. Albany City Records. Box 4. Oct. 23. 1786; May 7. 179 1; Sept. 18. 1807;
Box 22. June 1. 1802; LXVIII. 181 5- 1830. NYSA.
IOBy 1763 ' the freeholder li st for the county of Albany included seventeen res idents of
Schaghticoke although there were fort y tenants . The Co lonial Laws of New York from 1664 to
th e R evo lution . 5 vols (A lba ny. N.Y .. 1894). III. 185.599 indica tes that sixty pounds in la nd
whether leasehold or freehold or other property was required to be cons idered a freeholder
with the right to vote.
"N. B. Sylvester. History of R ensse laer County, (Philadelphia. Pa .. 1880).446. Sy lvester is
not always accurate but he is reliable for church informa tion . Munsell's Th e Annals. Th e
Collections of Albany, (A lbany. 1850) are accurate sources perta ining to the relationship
between the tenants a t Schaghticoke and the Albany Common Council. The Annals are an
exact reproduction of the Albany City Common Council Minutes loca ted in the NYSA
pertaining to this subj ect.
"Albany County Deed Books. Albany County C lerk 's Office. VI. 1-12- 144. Deeds. leases in
Schaghticoke. Mise. Mss. Lansing Family Papers. Box II. Folder 2. NYSL. Katherine K. Viele
Papers. Folder 9. deeds . NYSL. Rensselaer County Deed Books. Rensselaer O :>lInty Clerk's
Office. I. 465-472; II . 5 17-5 18. 523-524.
"List of Freeholders of City and County of Albany. 1763. Census of Schaghticoke 1795.
Gerrity Lansing papers. Box I. folder 6. NYSL. This popu lation figure included 130 black
slaves.
"Albany City Records. vol. 62.1719-1741 vol. 58. 1765-1779; vol. 75.1740-1811; Box 22.
Oct.-Nov. 1780. Sept. 22. 1782; Ins Court. Munsell. ed .. A nnals, VII. .<; 1. 53-54; VIII. 229. 242.
244-245.26 1.263.264; IX, 16.25.62; X. 21. Munse ll . ed .. Collections, 1.95. 265. 3 11. 346.
349-350; II . 236. George Howell and]. Tenney. Hist ory of th e County of Albany, New York
1609- 1886, (New York. 1886). I. 469.
"A m erican Husbandry: Containing an account of th e Soil, Climate, Production and
Agricu lture of the British Colonies in Nort h America and th e West Indies, 2 vols.. Bya n
America n (Lo ndon , 1775), 1.98.
16H eads of Families at th e First Census of the United States Tak en in 1790, Dept. of
Commerce a nd Labor (Washington, D.C., 1908),41-42. United Sta tes Census. The State of
New York, Rensselaer County. Town of Schaghticoke. 1810 and 1830. microfilm. NYSL.
" Laws of the State of New York (A lbany. N.Y .. 1886). II. 757-758; III . 201; IV. 414.
Schaghticoke Town Minute Book 1839- 1876, State Historia n Town Records. Rensselaer
County. NYSL. ].H. French, Gazelleerof the State of New York (Sy racuse. N. Y.. 1860). 5.<;5-557.
18New York State Census. 1845 and 1855. United States Census. New York Sta te, Rensselaer
County, Schaghticoke, 1850.
19Assessmem Roll. Schaghticoke. 1779, Gerrity Lansing Papers. Box I, folder 17. NYSA;
Tax List for Township of Schaghticoke. 1789, 1794. Lansing Family Papers. NYSA.
2°Board of Trustees. Minute Boo k 1803- 1853. Pres byterian Church Records. Presbyterian
Church. Schaghticoke. N.Y .. Ren. Co. Deed Book LXXXII . 96-97. N.B. Sylvester. Hist. of
R en. Co. , 446-450.
"Constitution for the Schaghticoke Point Sunday School Society. Mar. 25. 1830. Sunday
School Subscribers' Li sts. 1823-1830. Presby terian Church Records. Schaghticoke. N.Y ..
22Schaghticoke Scientific Society for the General Diffusion and Promo tion of Useful
Knowledge. Minute Book, Feb. 8. 1797. NYHS. Schaghticoke Po lemic Society. March 1819 to
Sept. 1820. NYHS.
" P. Boyer and Schaghticoke Nissenbaum. Salem Possessed (Mass., 1974) , Chapter Two.
The ph ys ica l separation of a group of people from their governmem crea tes an atmosphere of
splimering within the group because there is no immediate so urce to which problems ca n be
Schaghticoke
51
directed. Kenneth A. Lockridge, A New England Town: The First One Hundred Years (New
York , N.Y., 1970), Chapter One discusses the importance of a town center to the idea of
community. Peter Kalm, The America of 1750: Peter Kalm 's Travels in North America: The
English Version of 1770, ed. Adolph B. Benson (New York, N.Y. , 1937),340-345.
" New York State Census for 1825. NYSA. New York State Census for 1835. in Atlas of New
York State, 1829, Republished by Stone and Clark (Ithaca, N.Y.. 1839), NYSL. Census of
Manufactures for New York , 1820, Special Coll ections and Manuscripts, NYSL. Lansingburgh Gazette, Ap. II , 1809. Farmer 's Register, June II , 1811, Troy Public Library, New York.
" New York State Agricultural Society Transa ctions 1841-1860 (A lbany, N.Y., 1842-1861),
XX, 750-752.
26 N.Y. State Census for 1845. Census of the State of N. Y. for 1855. N. Y. Agr'ISociety Trans. ,
V, 388-397; XI, 446-447.
2l N. Y. State Agr'l Society Trans., I, 1835, 1846and 1851. N. Y. State Census for 1845. Census
of the State of N. Y. for 1855.
'" Ren. Co. Deed Book, lXII , 478-479. N.Y. State Census for 1845; N. Y. State Census for 1855.
N. Y. Agr'l Society Trans., V, 388-389; XI , 446-447. Census of Manu's. for New York , 1820. An
excellem discussion of the relationship between these industries and the agricu ltu ral
communi ty in Rochester, N. Y. is available in Paul E. Johnson's, A Shopkeeper's Milienium,
Chapter One.
"An interes ting sideligh t to this is the fact that the Schaghticoke farmers, a long with the
other farm ers of Rensselaer County, gave their support for the Embargoof 1807. This support
was short-lived as whea t prices bega n to fa ll and retail prices began to rise. The Lansingburgh
Ga zette, which was th e most widely read paper o f the area , complained billerly and often of
this economic disaster to the local farmers a nd merchants. Lansingburgh Ga zette, May 12,
1807, Dec. 22, 1807, J a n . 12, 1808, Mar. 7, 1809; Once the War of 1812 bega n , wheat pri ces
skyrocketed a nd the farm ers became great supporters of the war, Herman Knickerbacker to
Bethel Math er, 1809, Briggs-Mathers Family Papers, NYHS.
,oMunsell, ed. , Annals, V, 191; VII , 82; VIII , 232, 242-243; X, 3 1, 105-107. Munsell , cd. ,
Collectio71s, 1, 2 14, 27S. Albany City Records, Box 22. Misc. Mss: Schaghticoke, Deeds, Leases,
etc., NYHS. Ren. Co. Deed Books, II , 517-5 18. Common Counci l Minwes, Memorandum on
Mortgages, IlIA, 103. N.Y. State Census, 1825.
, jTroy Northern Budget, Aug. 7, 1798, Troy Public Library, New York . For furth er
information concerning rural indu stry see Amhony F.e. Wallace, Rockda le (New York, N.Y.
1972), Chapter One and George R. Taylor, The Transportation R evolution 1815- 1860, (New
York, 195 1), Chapter Six. This chapter a lso contains an excellent discussion on the
development of the faclOry system.
" Laws of N . Y. State, 1810, 104- 107. Troy Northern Budget, Ap. 16, ISII, Aug. 13. ISII ,
June 23 , ISI2, June 30, 1812-Sept. 15. 1812, Sept. 29, 1812-Nov. 24, 1812, Ap. 6, 181 3-Ap. 20,
181 3, Ap. 5, 181 4.
" Troy Northern Budget, Ap. 5, 1814, Nov. 8, ISI4-Jan. 10, ISI5.
" Laws of N. Y. State, 18 12,562; 18 16; 27S-279.
" Ren. Co. Deed Books, XXXII. 206-207; XXXVII, 382-3S3. Sy lvester, Hist. of R en. Co. , 454.
'6 Business Corporat ions, Vol. Icc, Ap. 19, lS I I-Mar. 7, 1828. microfi lm , Office of the
Secretary of Corporati ons, Albany, New York.
" Records of th e IS20 Census of Manufactures, Roll 8, Schedule for New York By County,
Rensselaer County, Special collections and manuscripts, NYSL.
'" Business Corp. , Vol. Icc. Laws of N. Y. State, IS20-IS21 , 119. Ren. Co. Deed Books, XI,
246-249; XVIII, 161-162, 162- 163; XIX, 73-74; XXXII , 201-202. Unfortunately, for this
compa ny, there are no records ava ila ble concerning individua ls employed, payrolls, etc.
j9 . Y. State Census, 1825. N. Y. State Census, IS35 in Atlas.
52
Th e H udson Valley R egio71al Review
40For an exce llent analysis of these cha nges in women's work as the Industria l Revo lution
LOok hold see Nancy F. Coll, Th e Bonds of Womanhood, Chapter One.
"Lansingburgh Gazette, May 12, 1807.
42Census of Manu 's. for N. Y. 1820. Newspaper clippings of the A lbany Evening News, Dec.
1936. Gerril Winne Papers, pkg. I. YSL. The Powder mill was incorporated in 1858
according LO the Business Corp. records , Vol. 6, Mar. 6, I 858-Dec. 28, 1859.
" Ren. Co. Deed Books, LXIV, 123- 124; LXV , 80-81 ; LXVIII, 254-257; 1850 Census of
Manufactures, New York, Box 2, Special collections and manuscripts, YSL.
"United Slates Census, Rensselaer County, Town of Schaghticoke, 1850, microfilm,
NYSL. Ce nsus for lhe Stale of New York for 1845 (A lbany , .Y., 1846). Occupalions were
listed for a ll mal es who were sixteen years of age and over in a ll census records in this perioel.
"For information concerning women and ch ildren in the texti le industry see Wallace,
Rockdale and Daniel Walkowitz, Worker City, Company Town: Iron and Cotton Worker
Protest in Troy and Cohoes, N. Y., 1855-1884. (Chicago, 1978).
46 Map of Hart 's Fa ll s 1867, County A tlas of Rensselaer, New York 1876. Schaghticoke Point
was renamed Ha rt 's Fa ll s in 1867 and laler cha nged ilS na me 10 the Vi ll age of Schagh ticoke.
The na me Hart 's Fa lls was acknowledgement of the major role p layed by Betsey A. Han in the
industrial deve lopment of the vi ll age.
"Wills and Proofs: IV , 170-I71; VII, 1-3; XII , 176- 178; LVIII , 98-100; LXIV, 236-237,
Rensselaer County Surrogate Court Records, Rensse laer Coul1lY Court Hou se, Troy, N. Y.
Rensselaer County Surrogate Court Fi le Numbers 216, 244, 256, 520.
48Schaghticoke Town Minute Book, 1839- 1876, NYSL.
49Census of N.Y., 1855.
50U nited States Census, Ren. Co., Schaghticoke, N. Y., 1850. The 1850 census was the first
accurate and tru ly informative census taken by the federal government. From this census, for
example, we can g lean the fact lhat forty-five percent of the households in Schagh ticoke were
extendec1, that is, family other than the nucl ear family res ided in the same residence. From this
census we also know that merchants housed their clerks in th eir households a nd that large
numbers of sing le Irish girls lived in households as servants. We ca n also conclude that
seventy-nine percent of the 1850 popu lation was under forty years old.
Schaghticoke
53