syntaxofspeechacts.linguistics.ubc.ca The Syntax of Sentenceperipheral Discourse Markers A NEO-PERFORMATIVE ANALYSIS Martina Wiltschko, UBC, Johannes Heim, UBC 1 Prologue What does it mean to be inside or outside of the clause? 2 From the call for papers… Extra-clausal constituents (ECC): parentheticals, discourse markers, appositions, non-restrictive relative clauses, tails and afterthoughts, insubordinate clauses, vocatives, interjections, left-dislocands, formulae of social exchange, etc. outside ordinary sentence grammar syntactically independent from the linguistic environment only loosely associated with a host construction not easily accountable in terms of clauseinternal rules of sentence grammar 3 From the call for papers Extra-clausal constituents (ECC) outside ordinary sentence grammar What is syntax? syntactically independent from the linguistic environment only loosely associated with a host construction What is a clause? not easily accountable in terms of clauseinternal rules of sentence grammar What is outside the clause? 4 What does it mean to be outside the clause? (1) So Mary Du Maria You Mary [you have a new dog] eh [du host an neichn Hund] goi you have a new dog ECC 5 What does it mean to be outside the clause? Distribution: Sentence-peripheral ECC’s So Mary Du Maria You Mary Root clause ECC’s [you have a new dog] eh [du host an neichn Hund] goi you have a new dog 6 What does it mean to be outside the clause? Function: Speech Act Modifier Request for confirmation Assertion ECC’s ECC’s Root clause So Mary [you have a new dog] eh The syntax of sentence-peripheral discourse markers Grounded clause ECC’s ECC’s Root clause So Mary Du Maria You Mary [you have a new dog] eh [du host an neichn Hund] goi you have a new dog 7 8 What is syntax? The relation between form and interpretation is mediated by syntax. Syntax (LF) Interpretation Speech ACT (PF) Form Utterance 9 What is a clause? Consists (minimally) of subject and predicate Expresses a proposition VP = ‘small clause’ (2) I saw [ John walk his dog ] VP NPSubj John V' V walk NPObj his dog 10 What is a clause? CP Consists (minimally) of subject and predicate Independent clauses require tense & agreement (some) embedded clauses require a complementizer (3) Independent clause: a. *John walk his dog b. John walks his dog. (4) Embedded under factive predicate a. I regret *[ John walks his dog ] b. I regret [that John walks his dog ] CP = complement clause C' IP = finite clause IP C that NPSubj John I' VP I TENSE walks NPSubj John V' V walk NPObj his dog 11 Clauses come in different sizes A clause is the maximal projection of the highest functional category Complement clause CP associated with a small clause. IP Finite clause VP Small clause 12 Clauses come in different sizes A clause is the maximal projection of the highest functional category A’-syntax: linking structure CP associated with a small clause. IP Each domain has distinct syntactic properties A-syntax: anchoring structure VP Theta-syntax event structure 13 Working hypothesis: A syntactic layer for grounding Grounding structure CP IP VP 14 Grounding Grounding is the fundamental, moment-by-moment conversational process by which speaker and addressee are constantly establishing mutual understanding. (Bavelas et al. 2012) Set of beliefs about the world and interlocutor(s) Set of beliefs about the world and interlocutor(s) Malamoud&Stephenson (forth.), Stalnaker (2002) 15 The grounding structure Grounded clause ECC’s ECC’s Root clause So Mary Du Maria You Mary [you have a new dog] eh [du host an neichn Hund] goi you have a new dog 16 Inside the grounding structure Call on Addressee What S wants A to do Ground.Adr (What S thinks about) A’s attitude towards p Ground.S S’s attitude towards p Root-clause Proposition 17 Introducing confirmationals “So I go to this shrink, eh, and he goes like I don’t have no confidence, eh? I go, ‘No way, man.’ He goes I should take assertiveness training, Weird eh? Like I’m always supposed to be seeking approval, eh , from, you know, other people? I felt like he could kiss my Royal Canadian, eh? But sayin’it woulda been too pushy. Dyuh think?” http://www.billcasselman.com/casselmania/mania_eh.htm 18 Introducing confirmationals (5) a. You have a new dog eh? b. You have a new dog right? c. You have a new dog huh? d. You have a new dog no? 19 The function of confirmationals Utterance You have a new dog. You have a new dog, eh 20 The function of confirmationals … modify the speech act … derive complex speech acts (Beyssade & Marandin 2006a,b, Reese & Asher 2007, a.o.) Speech act What S wants A to do What S is saying Utterance Assertion Believe p! i) p ii) I believe p You have a new dog. Request for confirmation Respond i) p ii) I believe you believe p You have a new dog, eh 21 The syntax of ‘eh’ Call on Addressee ! Rising intonation: Respond! Ground Root-clause eh (what S thinks about) A’s attitude towards p Proposition and clause type 22 Decomposing ‘eh?’ So I go to this shrink, eh, and he goes like I don’t have no confidence, eh? “Eh comes in two basic flavors, in two categories of usage: final interrogative eh? With a rising intonation, and a narrative eh with a sustained or flat intonation and found in the mist of spoken Canadian English sentences.” http://www.billcasselman.com/casselmania/mania_eh.htm 23 Decomposing ‘eh?’ Narrative eh Confirmational eh? 24 Intonation and clause boundaries Assertion of Adr attitude towards p Assertion of p Root clause [you have a new dog] eh 25 Intonation and clause boundaries Request for confirmation Assertion of Adr attitude towards p Assertion of p Root clause [you have a new dog] eh 26 Intonation and clause boundaries Request for confirmation Assertion of p Root clause [you have a new dog] 27 Rising intonation without ‘eh’ (6) You have a new dog? 28 The function of rising intonation Utterance What S is saying What S wants A to do Speech act You have a new dog. i) p Believe p Assertion of p You have a new dog? i) p Respond Question You have a new dog, eh? i) p ii) you believe p Respond Request for confirmation You have a new dog, eh. i) p ii) you believe p Believe p’ Assertion of p & p’ 29 The syntax of ‘eh’ Call on Addressee ! Rising intonation: Respond! Ground Root-clause eh (what S thinks about) A’s attitude towards p Proposition and clause type 30 The syntax of ‘eh’ The relation between utterance and speech act is mediated by syntax. Syntax Speech ACT Utterance 31 The syntax of ‘eh’ Call on Addressee ! Rising intonation: Respond! Ground Root-clause eh (what S thinks about) A’s attitude towards p Proposition and clause type 32 Confirm that you believe p. (7) Surprise! You’re on candid camera (#eh?) 33 Confirm that you believe p. Utterance I have a new dog. I have a new dog, eh I have a new dog? 34 Confirm that you believe p. Speech act What S wants A to do What S is saying Utterance Assertion Believe p i) p I have a new dog. Request for confirmation Respond to p’ i) p ii) you believe p I have a new dog, eh Question Respond i) p I have a new dog? 35 The syntax of ‘eh’ Call on Addressee ! Rising intonation: Respond! Ground Root-clause eh (what S thinks about) A’s attitude towards p Proposition and clause type 36 The syntax of ‘eh’ Call on Addressee ! Rising intonation: Respond! Ground Root-clause eh (what S thinks about) A’s attitude towards p Proposition and clause type 37 Confirm that you believe p. (8) a. I have a new dog eh? b. #I have a new dog right? c. #I have a new dog huh? d. #I have a new dog no? 38 The syntax of ‘eh’ Call on Addressee Ground Root-clause ! Rising intonation: Respond! huh S’s attitude towards p right no Proposition and clause type 39 Call on Addressee Ground.Adr Ground.S Root-clause huh right no eh !Rising intonation: Respond! A’s attitude towards p (inter-subjectivity) S’s attitude towards p (subjectivity) Proposition and clause type 40 Argument 1: Distribution Why syntax? Argument 2: Why not? Argument 3: Defines a formal typology a tool for cross-linguistic comparison 41 Distribution: Stacking Cantonese: (9) daai6 seng1 zau6 dak1 laa3 me1 ho2? big voice then okay change.of.state me1 ho2 ‘Can one get by just by being loud? I don’t think so! You’d agree I’m asking a valid question, right?’ * daai6 seng1 zau6 dak1 laa3 ho2 me1 42 Distribution: Stacking Bavarian: (10) a. Da Hansi geht fei äh zum Eikaffa det Hansi goes fei äh to.det shopping ‘Hansi is going shopping I already knew this you don’t seem to know’ b. *Da Hansi geht äh fei zum Eikaffa 43 Distribution: Mirror effects Addressee grounded clause Speaker grounded clause Adr S Root clause S Adr 44 Call on Addressee Ground.Adr Ground.S Root-clause huh right no eh !Rising intonation: Respond! A’s attitude towards p (inter-subjectivity) S’s attitude towards p (subjectivity) Proposition and clause type 45 Argument 1: Distribution Why syntax? Argument 2: Why not? Argument 3: Defines a formal typology a tool for cross-linguistic comparison 46 The universal structure of categories κP !!!!!!!!!!!!!!arg Discourse markers relate the host utterance to the discourse situation i) my evaluation of host ii) your evaluation of host iii) how I want you to respond κ #####κ !!!!!!!arg [ucoin] Wiltschko, in press 47 Why not Syntax? Each domain has distinct syntactic properties A’-syntax: linking structure CP IP A-syntax: anchoring structure VP Theta-syntax event structure 48 Why not Sytax? Each domain has distinct relational properties relates the host utterance to the discourse situation GroundP speaker ~ addressee relates the utterance to the host utterance CP topic ~ focus relates the event to the utterance IP subject ~ object VP agent ~ patient relates the argument to the event 49 Why not not Syntax: ECC’s (11) a. Ma du gäu,… b. ?*Ma gäu du,… c. ?* Du ma gäu,… d. **Gäu du ma,… e. **Gäu ma du,… Root clause …da Hons hot an neichn Hund. 50 Call on Addressee Ground.Adr Ground.S Root-clause !Rising intonation: Respond! A’s attitude towards p (inter-subjectivity) S’s attitude towards p (subjectivity) Proposition and clause type 51 Argument 1: Distribution Why syntax? Argument 2: Why not? Argument 3: Defines a formal typology a tool for cross-linguistic comparison Previous analyses: Classification without a formal analysis type of “eh?” reversed polarity constant polarity affirmation/confirmation Force/strength of statement politeness stylistic imperative exclamation polar interrogative wh question pardon checking anecdotal (narrative) classification is based on… equivalence with tag equivalence with tag output (when input is statement) output in comparison to input output in comparison to input output in comparison to input input clause type input clause type input clause type input clause type equivalence output (when input is question or command) function 52 53 A tool for crosslinguistic comparison Spanish Tú tienes un coche nuevo, no? You have.2SG.PRES a car new, eh? ‘You have a new car, eh?’ Medumba kʉla u ɣʉ ʙʉ swə a? Part 2SG have dog new Q “you have a new dog, eh?” Cantonese ngo5 san1 joeng5 zo2 zek3 gau2 me1? 1SG new keep ASP CL dog PRT? ‘What, I have a new dog!???’ 54 Research agenda What are the grounding categories: (linguistic expressions that occur in the grounding domain) Are there any correlations between the GCs and their host clause? Selectional restrictions? (particle – clause-type] Are there any restrictions that hold between the grounding expression and a clause-internal constituent? Are there co-occurrence restrictions among different types of grounding elements? Are there any linear ordering restrictions that hold between i) the grounding expression and the clause Ii) among different types of grounding expressions What are the prosodic properties of i) the grounding expression Ii) the combination of the clause and the grounding expression What are the lexicalization patterns of I) external merge grounding expression ii) internal merge grounding expression 55 Thank you! Financing: SSHRC Insight Grant Eh-lab Team: Hermann Keupdjio, Wai Man (Zoe) Lam, Adriana Osa Gomez, Emily Sadlier-Brown, Sonja Thoma, Oksana Tkachman Story board illustrations Strang Burton Comments on earlier versions Laurel Brinton, Strang Burton, Rose-Marie Déchaine Elizabeth Ritter Select References Beyssade, C. and J.-M. Mrandin. 2006. The Speech Act Assignment Problem Revisited: Disentangling Speaker’s Commitment from Speaker’s Call on Addressee , in Selected papers of CSSP 2005, 37-68. Available at http://www.cssp.cnrs.fr/eiss6/index_en.html . Degand, L. (forthc.). 'So very fast very fast then' Discourse markers at left and right periphery in spoken French. In Beeching, Kate and Ulrich Detges, eds. Forthcoming. The Role of the Left and Right Periphery in Semantic Change. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Gunlogson, C. 2013. True to form: Rising and falling declaratives as questions in English. Routledge. Haegeman, L. and V. Hill. 2013. The syntactization of discourse In: R. Folli, C. Sevdali and R. Truswell (Eds.) Syntax and its limits. Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics. 70-390 Krifka, M. 2007. Basic notions of information structure. In C. Fery and M. Krifka (eds.), Interdisciplinary Studies of Information Structure 6, Potsdam, 2007. Also in Acta Linguistica Hungarica 55 (2008), 243-276. Ross, J. R. 1970. On declarative sentences. In R. A. Jacobs & P. S. Rosenbaum (Eds.), Readings in English transformational grammar (pp. 222–272). Washington: Georgetown University Press. Speas, P. and C. Tenny. 2003. Configurational Properties of Point of View Role. In DiSciullo, A. (ed.) Asymmetry in Grammar. Amsterdam: John Bejamins, 315-343. Stalnaker, R. 2002. Common Ground. In: Linguistics and Philosophy, 25, S. 701-721. Truckenbrodt, H. 2012. Semantics of intonation. In Claudia Maienborn, Klaus von Heusinger & Paul Portner (eds.), Semantics. An international handbook of natural language meaning. Vol. 3. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2039-2969 Wiltschko, M. S. Burton, and S. Thoma. 2012. A unified analysis of Canadian ‘eh?’. Talk presented at the Canadian Linguistic Association, Waterloo, May 2012. Zimmermann, M. 2011. Discourse particles. In von Heusinger, Maienborn and Portner (eds.) 2011, Semantics (HSK 33.2), de Gruyter, 2011–2038. 56 57 Appendix Interaction Management Sentence Typing Other Confirmationals and the different GroundP levels An alternative analysis for the peripheries Evidence from non-tonal languages Elaboration on the syntactic analysis Other Confirmationals and the different GroundP levels
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