1 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management
Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial Temples
Hsu Cheng-hung│PhD student, Institute of History, National Tsing Hua University
Abstract
The imperial temples of Yuan Dynasty covered a wide range of religions, including
the four major religions of Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, and 79 Nestorianism,
and were managed by the five bodies of Taixizongyin Yuan, Xuanzheng Yuan,
Imperial Academy of National History, Jixian Yuan, and Chongfu Department.
Among these, the Buddhism system under the jurisdiction of Taixizongyin Yuan and
Xuanzheng Yuan was of the greatest scale and importance. This paper provides a list
of China Yuan Dynasty imperial temples based on historical records as well as
providing discussion and analysis of the four major imperial temple systems and their
management bodies, while also giving an explanation of the effects of imperial temple
on Yuan Dynasty religion, politics, and political system based on the historical context
surrounding the establishment of the imperial temples.
Key Words: imperial temples, spirit halls, Shenyu hall, religion, management, Yuan
Dynasty
Introduction
The imperial temples of Yuan Dynasty (also known as spirit halls or shenyu
halls) can be classified into two categories: the Imperial Academy of National
History system (where portraits of the three emperors were kept) and dedicated
imperial ancestral temples. 1 Such classification is based on whether portraits of
emperors are worshipped in the temple. The imperial temples can also be
The paper was submitted for review on June 29, 2009. It was approved for publication on September
11, 2009.
1
Ma Mingda, “A Study of Portraits of Yuan Dynasty Emperors and Empresses,” in Ji Zongan and Tang
Kaijian ed., Historical Journal of Chi Nan, No.4 (Guangzhou: Jinan University Press, 2006), p.199. In the
paper, Ma mistakenly described Suyong Hall as located in the National History Academy. Suyong Hall
actually belonged to the Taixizongyin Yuan. As for the question of whether portraits of Yuan emperors
and empresses were kept and worshipped in Suyong Hall, there is no evidence in existing literature to
determine the truth. See (Yuan Dynasty) Song Jiong, A Collection of Swallow Stone (Ancient Rare
Books from the Beijing Library Collection, No.92, Photofacsimile Reprint of the Qing Dynasty version,
Beijing: Bibliography and Document Publishing House, 1988), Vol.11, “Suyong Hall’s Letter to Liang
Wen regarding Taixizongyin Yuan,” p.201 (page number on the original text not applicable); (Yuan
Dynasty) Xiong Mengxiang, Beijing Library Rare Books Unit ed., Collection of Surviving Sections of the
Gazetteerof Xijin (Beijing: Beijing Ancient Books Publishing House, 1983), “Historic Spot: Suyong Hall,”
p.110.
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 2
divided into five categories based on type of religion and responsible agency: 2
the first type is mostly Tibetan Buddhist imperial temples in Khanbaliq that
were managed by Taixizongyin Yuan. The second type includes temples under
the jurisdiction of Xuanzheng Yuan. The third type involves temples where the
portraits of the three Yuan emperors (Genghis Khan, Qubilai Khan, and Tolui)
were kept and worshipped. These temples were under the jurisdiction of the
Imperial Academy of National History. The fourth type includes Taoist temples
such as the Yuhua Temple in Zhending under the jurisdiction of the Jixian Yuan
(Academy of Scolarly Worthies). The fifth type involves Nestorian temples
including Erkeunor Arkaim Temple in Khanbaliq and Cross Temple in
Ganzhou under the jurisdiction of Chongfu Department. The five types of
imperial temple practiced four religions including Buddhism, Confucianism,
Taoism, and Nestorianism (Table 1), nearly covering all major religions in the
world except for Islamism. 3 This paper aims to provide a preliminary
discussion of the five types of imperial temples and the agencies in charge of
management of these imperial temples, in order to facilitate understanding of
Yuan Dynasty imperial temple system.
Ⅰ. Buddhist Temples: Taixizongyin Yuan and Xuanzheng Yuan
Table One “Yuan Dynasty Imperial Temples by Religions and Management
Authorities” sums up the author’s findings of Yuan Dynasty imperial temples
where portraits of Yuan Dynasty emperors and empresses were kept. The table
brings up two interesting points:
The first point is the number of imperial temples belonging to various
religions. Of the 24 imperial temples investigated, 18 or 75% were Buddhist
temples. Of these Buddhist temples, 10 were under the jurisdiction of
2
Although some believe the Shamanist “Shao Fan Yuan” to be a place where Yuan royalties held
family mourning, the place is actually similar in nature to imperial temples in China. See Gao
Rongsheng, “Three Aspects of Religious Rites During the Yuan Dynasty,” Journal of Nanjing
University (Philosophy, Humanities, and Social Sciences), 2000, No.6, pp.79-80. However, this paper
would not elaborate on the subject of how rituals were held or who were worshipped in Shao Fan
Yuan, due to a lack of data.
3
Islamism is against idol worship, calling it “a filthy act” and “a devil’s act.” As such, it is impossible for
mosques to house portraits of emperors and empresses to be worshipped. See Ma Jian (translated),
Quran (Beijing: The China Social Sciences Press, 1981 First Edition, 1985 Second Print) Chapter 5 “The
Table Spread with Food (Sura Al-Ma'ida),” Section 90, p.89. In addition, Christianity also forbids the
practice of idol worship and sacrifices to ancestors. For example, the second of the Ten
Commandments says that “You shall not make for yourself an image in the form of anything in heaven
above or on the earth beneath or in the waters below. You shall not bow down to them or worship
them; for I, the Lord your God, am a jealous God.” Cited from unknown translator, Old and New
Testaments (Nanjing: China Christian Council, 1989), “Old Testaments, Exodus, Ten Commandments,”
Chapter 20, Sections 4-5, p.71. Nestorianism is a branch of Christianity, and there were imperial
temples in Yuan Dynasty that practiced Nestorianism, as discussed below.
3 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
Taixizongyin Yuan, and 8 were under the jurisdiction of Xuanzheng Yuan. Only
6 imperial temples belong to three other religions. Of the imperial temples
under the jurisdiction of Taixizongyin Yuan, only Dalongxiang Jiqing Temple
was located in Jiqing Road (in today’s Nanjing of Jiangsu Province), the rest
were all located in Khanbaliq, and were mostly Tibetan Buddhist temples. Of
the imperial temples under the jurisdiction of Xuanzheng Yuan, only
Guangsheng Temple was located in Zhaocheng of Pingyang (today’s
Zhaocheng Town of Hongdong County of Shanxi Province), and all the others
were located in Khanbaliq. As for the religion of the temples, one can only
confirm that Xingjiao Temple is a Tibetan Buddhist temple, and Qingshou
Temple is of Linji school of Zen Buddhism. A lack of data has made it difficult
to determine the religion of other imperial temples.
The second point is the number of imperial temples with halls where
portraits were kept. Of the 49 portrait halls known to have existed, 42 or 86%
were located in Buddhist imperial temples. Of these portrait halls, 33 or 67%
were under the jurisdiction of Taixizongyin Yuan, which greatly outnumbered
the 9 or 18% under the jurisdiction of Xuanzheng Yuan and the 7 of the other
three categories. Moreover, an imperial temple under the jurisdiction of
Taixizongyin Yuan often had more than one portrait hall. In portrait halls such
as these, Yuan emperors were often worshipped alongside Yuan empresses, a
fact which demonstrates the special status of imperial temples under the
jurisdiction of Taixizongyin Yuan.
It can be concluded from the aforementioned observations that, firstly, the
majority of Yuan Dynasty imperial temples were Buddhist temples. Although
the exact figures were influenced by the abolishment of Shenyu halls, the fact
that the great majority of the imperial temples were Buddhist temples was
enough to suggest the importance of Buddhism to Yuan Dynasty imperial
temples. In the Confucian, Taoist, and Nestorian imperial temples, only the
emperors and empresses of the Mongol Empire era were worshipped, not the
emperors and empresses from Qubilai Khan onward. The imperial temples
were a proof of Yuan Dynasty rulers’ preference for Buddhism, especially
Tibetan Buddhism. Moreover, Taixizongyin Yuan and Xuanzheng Yuan were
responsible for running different Buddhist imperial temples. The imperial
temples under the jurisdiction of Taixizongyin Yuan were temples established
at the order of Yuan emperors, and most of these temples were located in
Khanbaliq and practiced Tibetan Buddhism. The imperial temples under the
jurisdiction of Xuanzheng Yuan had greater varieties, including existing
temples in China (such as Qingshou Temple and Baoen Temple) and temples
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 4
built by Yuan royalties (such as Zhongyuan Temple and Shunsheng Temple).
These temples, with the exception of Xingjiao Temple, are not Buddhist
imperial temples built at the order of Yuan emperors, and most of them did not
practice Tibetan Buddhism.
As discussed above, most of Yuan imperial temples were located in
Khanbaliq. Of the temples located outside Khanbaliq, only Longxiang Temple
of Jiqing and Guangsheng Temple of Zhaozheng are known to have kept and
worshipped portraits of Yuan emperors and empresses. But I suspect that there
were other imperial temples outside Khanbaliq that kept and worshipped
portraits of Yuan emperors and empresses. For example, Wang Yun (1227-1304)
once suggested that an imperial temple should be built in Junzhou of Henan
(today’s Yuzhou of Henan) to honor Tolui Khan (ca.b. 1186-1192, d. 1232), and
that “princes should be charged with holding annual rituals in commemoration
of Tolui Khan. 4” Gamala (1263-1302), elder brother of Temür Khan, took time
out to make portraits of deceased ancestors and hold commemorative rituals in
restricted areas near Karakorum while commanding an army in northern
Mongolia. He often burned incense to his deceased ancestors. 5 Yang Jiheng,
Magistrate of Yibin County (today’s Yibin of Sichuan) in late Yuan Dynasty era,
proposed to establish a Shenyu Hall in commemoration of Möngke Khan (b.
1209, r. 1251-1259) in Panlong Mountain (today’s Langzhong of Sichuan). 6
There is no evidence to show that whether the suggestions of Wang and Yang
were carried out, or what religion was practiced by the resulting Shenyu Hall. It
remains to be investigated whether Gamala did build the temple, what kind of
rituals he performed, who were the ancestors he enshrined, or whether
members of the royal family or princes were allowed to set up their own “spirit
halls” to enshrine their ancestors. 7 Moreover, the book Khanbaliq of Yuan
Dynasty written by Mr. Chen Gaohua and Mr. Shi Weimin contains a section
4
(Yuan Dynasty) Wang Yun, The Complete Works of Master Qiujian (Collection of Rare Copies of
Works of Yuan Dynasty Writers, Books 1-2, Photofacsimile Reprint of the Yuan Dynasty version
amended in Ming Dynasty, Taipei: Xinwenfeng Publications, 1985), Vol.92, “The Making of Imperial
Temples in Junzhou,” p.2a-b. The archive contained an error, mistaking Tolui Khan for Möngke Khan.
5
(Persia) Rashid al-Din Tabib ed., translated by Yu Dajun and Zhou Jianqi, History, Vol.2 (Beijing: The
Commercial Press Bookstore, 1985, first edition, 1997, third printing in Beijing), p.377.
6
(Ming Dynasty) Song Lian et al., History of Yuan Dynasty (proofread version, Beijing: Chunghwa
Books, 1976, first edition, 1997, sixth printing), Vol.183, “Biography of Wang Shoucheng,” p.4210.
7
(Yuan Dynasty) Unknown Author, Portraits and Statues of Yuan Dynasty (in Yen Yiping ed., Collection
of Photos of Carved Texts, Photofacsimile Reprint of the version released by Cangsheng Mingzhi
University of Shanghai in 1916, Taipei: Yiwen Press, 1971), “Portraits of Emperors and Empresses,”
according to the text written on November 27, 1307, “the images of Prince Nomokhan and his consort,
and the Prince of Jin and his consort were woven based on the small-sized portraits in the palace
tent.” (p.1a). The words “small-sized portraits in the palace tent” seem to suggest that Yuan princes
also set up their own Shenyu Halls to conduct commemorative rituals. However, it remains to be
investigated whether this is true.
5 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
entitled “Temples in Khanbaliq” in which Qianyuan Temple was mentioned.
According to The History of Yuan, Qianyuan Temple used to have a Zongguan
Fu and a Tidian Suo (management units), so it was possibly under the
jurisdiction of Taixizongyin Yuan and probably had a Shenyu Hall in its
domain. 8 Yuan Dynasty China had two capital cities. Taixizongyin Yuan was in
charge of supervising imperial temples, especially those with Shenyu Halls,
and the great majority of these temples were located in Khanbaliq. It remains to
be investigated whether imperial temples in Shangdu were also under the
jurisdiction of Taixizongyin Yuan, and whether Shenyu Halls were established
in these imperial temples. However, there is no record in the historical archives
of Yuan Dynasty suggesting that the abolished management mechanism of
Qianyuan Temple was replaced with another management mechanism under
the jurisdiction of Taixizongyin Yuan. Moreover, not all imperial temples under
the jurisdiction of Taixizongyin Yuan had Shenyu Halls. In other words, the
arguments of Chen and Shi would need more historical evidence to be
considered valid.
My work A Preliminary Discussion of Imperial Temple System of Yuan
Dynasty: Focusing on the Taixizongyin Yuan 9 contains details regarding the
history, organizational structure, and jurisdiction of Taixizongyin Yuan, which I
will not be repeating in this paper. As for Xuanzheng Yuan’s way of managing
imperial temples, 10 with the exception of Xingjiao Temple, which had a general
manager, all the other temples in Khanbaliq might have been under the
jurisdiction of the fourth-class Tidian Suo of Khanbaliq. 11 Moreover, Buddhist
rituals in Shenyu Halls and temples were all under the jurisdiction of
Xuanzheng Yuan. 12
Ⅱ. Confucian Temples: Hanlin Academy
Commemorative rituals at imperial temples in Yuan Dynasty began when
Hanlin Academy enshrined the portraits of Temüǰin (b.1162, r.1206-1227),
8
Chen Gaohua and Shi Weimin, Shangdu of Yuan (Changchun: Jilin Education Publishing House, 1988),
pp.199-200.
9
Hsinchu: A master’s degree thesis presented to the Institute of History of National Tsing Hua
University, 2009.
10
For details regarding the responsibilities of Xuanzheng Yuan, see Chang Yun, A Study on the
Administrative System in the Tu-bo Locality in Yuan Dynasty (Beijing: The China Social Sciences Press,
1998), pp.82-87. Xuanzheng Yuan was responsible for managing Confucian imperial temples. However,
little was mentioned about this in historical archives, and further research is needed to investigate the
truth.
11
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.87, “Biographies of Officials III, Xuanzheng Yuan,” pp.2194-2195.
12
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.35, “Biography of Jayaatu Khan IV,” p.786.
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 6
Ögödei (b. 1186, r.1229-1241), and Tolui Khan. 13 In November 1278,
Qurqosun, a member of Hanlin Academy, received orders from the emperor to
produce the portrait of Temüǰin. 14 Then in February 1279, Qurqosun was
charged with the task to produce the portrait of Tolui Khan. The finished
portrait of Tolui Khan was kept in Hanlin Yuan along with an old portrait of
Temüǰin to be used in commemorative rituals given by Hanlin Yuan officials. 15
It was in the reign of Qubilai (b.1215, r.1260-1294) that the official portraits
of Temüǰin, Ögödei, and Tolui to be used in future commemorative rituals were
finally selected. It was common knowledge that four Khans had ruled the
Mongol Empire before Qubilai’s ascension to the throne. These Khans were
Temüǰin, Ögödei, Güyüg (b.1206, r.1246-1248), and Möngke. As biological
father of Möngke and Qubilai, Tolui served as regent of Mongol Empire briefly
(1227-1229) but never really took the throne. Qubilai’s profound meaning
behind his choice of Temüǰin, Ögödei, of Tolui to be enshrined is an interesting
subject worth discussing. This discussion would begin with the changes in
Yuan emperors enshrined in imperial temples in Yuan Dynasty. In October
1264, the portraits of Yuan emperors were placed in the imperial temple of
Khanbaliq. It was decided then that seven deceased Yuan royalties would be
enshrined in the imperial temple, namely Temüǰin and his consort, Ögödei,
Jochi, and Chagatai and their consorts, Tolui and his consort, Güyüg and his
consort, and Möngke and his consort. 16 In July of the same year, the fight for
throne between Qubilai and his younger brother Ariq Böke (?-1266) was
over. 17 The October decision of enshrining seven Mongol royalties in imperial
13
Hanlin Academy is responsible for compiling historical texts, issuing decrees, and providing advisory
services. See History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.158, “Biography of Dou Mo,” p.3732. Before 1285, Jixian
Yuan and Hanlin Yuan were known as “Hanlin Jixian Yian.” Rituals in commemoration of Temüǰin,
Ögödei, and Tolui were probably the responsibility of Jixian Yuan, which was in charge of all rituals. It
remains to be investigated why Jixian Yuan stopped handling commemorative rituals after it became
an independent agency. For details regarding the history and responsibility of Hanlin Yuan, see
Michiue Takafumi, “A Study on the History of Hanlin Yuan of Yuan Dynasty,” in Institute of History of
Ming Dynasty ed., Collection of Papers delivered at the 35th Anniversary of Institute of History of Ming
Dynasty (Tokyo: Kyokoshoin, 2003), pp.419-456.
14
Yu Hui concluded based on this that while Qurqosun was commissioned to draw portraits of the
deceased Yuan emperors and empresses, it was not necessary for him to be skilled in painting. This
was also pointed out by Xiao Qiqing. Ma Mingda cited Wang Yun’s The Complete Works of Master
Qiujian and argued that the portraits were in fact drawn by a person with a last name of Sun. See Yu
Hui, “A Study on Court Paintings of Yuan Dynasty,” in Yu Hui, Solving the Mysteries in the History of
Painting (Taipei: Dongda Book, 2000), p.285. Xiao Qiqing, “Sinology of Yuan Dynasty Mongols,” in Xiao
Qiqinhg, A New Study on the History of Yuan Dynasty (Taipei: Asian Culture Co. Ltd, 1994 first edition,
2006 third printing), pp.215-216; Ma Mingda, “A Study on Portraits of Yuan Emperors and Empresses,”
p.201.
15
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.75, “Rituals IV: Shenyu Halls,” p.1876.
16
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.74, “Commemorative rituals III: Imperial Temples I,” pp.1831-1832.
17
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.5, “Biography of Qubilai Khan II,” p.98. For discussions regarding
the clash between Qubilai and Ariq Böke, see Meng Fanqing, “A Preliminary Discussion of the Fight
7 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
temples may be seen as Qibilai’s way of declaring legitimacy of his ruling
power. By commemorating the four Khans of northern Mongolia and the four
sons of Temüǰin, Qubilai was showing the world his position as the Great Khan
of Mongol Empire.
In October 1266, Qubilai once again called a meeting of ministers to enact
honorific titles for late Yuan emperors and empresses. It was decided that eight
late emperors and empresses (with the addition of Yesügei) would be enshrined
in imperial temples. 18 In 1279, the Mongols crushed the Southern Song
Dynasty, and it was also in this year that the Mongols started to hold
commemorative rituals using the portraits of Temüǰin, Ögödei, and Tolui. 19 In
December of the following year, reconstruction work of the imperial ancestral
temple in Khanbaliq was completed, and the portraits of the three late emperors
were moved to the newly reconstructed temple. The old temple, on the other
hand, was demolished. The Mongols enacted the imperial temple and imperial
ancestral temple system at around the same time they conquered China and
forged the Yuan Dynasty, so the one thing must have something to do with the
other. However, different figures were enshrined in imperial temples and
imperial ancestral temples, notably the fact that Güyüg and Möngke were not
enshrined in imperial temples, and that portraits of the consorts of Temüǰin,
Ögödei, and Tolui were not enshrined in imperial temples along with those of
their husbands. It seems that there are special considerations for these
arrangements in the imperial temple system of early Yuan Dynasty.
When Külüg Khan ascended to the throne in 1307, there were once again
changes in the arrangements of imperial ancestral temple “the portrait of
Temüǰin was placed in the middle, the portrait of Tolui was placed in the first
place from the west, the portrait of Qubilai was placed in the second place from
the west, the portrait of Zhenjin was placed in the third place from the west, the
portrait of Darmabala was placed in the first place from the east, and the
portrait of Temür was placed in the second place from the east. 20” Of the four
Great Khans of Mongolia, Ögödei, Güyüg, and Möngke were not enshrined.
The arrangement of the imperial temple was made in a way to highlight the
“Temüǰin-Tolui- Qubilai” lineage. This suggests that the Yuan Mongol Empire
was more regional than global, and indeed did things that “betrayed the advice
between Qubilai and Ariq Böke, in Institute of Historical Studies in Yuan Dynasty ed., Collection of
Papers on Historical Studies in Yuan Dynasty, Book 2 (Beijing: Chunghwa Books, 1983), pp.167-174.
18
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.6, “Biography of Qubilai Khan III,” p.112; Vol.74, “Commemorative
rituals III: Imperial Temples I,” p.1832.
19
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.11, “Biography of Qubilai Khan Ⅷ,” p.228.
20
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.74, “Commemorative rituals III, Imperial Temples I,” p.1836.
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 8
of ritualists.” 21 While Ögödei was made the central figure of imperial temple,
his portrait was nevertheless preserved and worshipped alongside those of
Qubilai and Tolui. 22 Now it is difficult to find out why this was the case.
It was decided in 1279 that Temüǰin, Ögödei, and Tolui would be worshipped
two times per year, once in spring and once in autumn. Buyantu Khan once
instructed in 1311 that commemorative rituals should be held once per month,
but later changed his ideas because of opposition from Ölei who carried the
honorific chancellor title Zhongshu Pingzhang, and others, so it was decided to
stick to the original decision of holding commemorative rituals twice per year
and “make it a routine. 23” Two conclusions may be drawn from the records of
rituals in commemoration of Temüǰin, Ögödei, and Tolui in The History of Yuan
Dynasty (Table II). Firstly, the rule regarding two commemoration (spring and
autumn) rituals per year was not strictly fulfilled. Hong Chinfu cited the 17th
item in Peking Gazetteer Xijin zhi on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies as
merely stating that the portraits of Temüǰin, Ögödei, and Tolui “would be
worshipped in the first half of July. 24” Hong argued that Toghon Temür had
made the decision to hold one ritual per year (in autumn) instead of two
because of his distant relationship with Temüǰin, Ögödei, and Tolui. The
History of Yuan Dynasty recorded 12 commemorative rituals given by Yuan
emperors. Only Emperor Ming and Emperor Wen of Yuan Dynasty held the
required two commemorative rituals per year. It may be that Toghon Temür
was not the first Yuan emperor who gave the order to reduce the frequency of
rituals from twice per year to once per year. 25 Secondly, the portraits of
21
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.72, “Commemorative rituals I” p.1780.
Imperial temples were different from imperial ancestral temples. Strictly speaking, Ögödei does not
have an “imperial temple” in his name.
23
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.24, “Biography of Ayurbarwada Buyantu Khan I,” p.543; Vol.75,
“Commemorative rituals IV: Shenyu Halls,” p.1877.
24
Hong Chinfu, A Study of a Text Found in the Peking Gazetteer Xijin zhi on
Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies of the Yuan Dynasty, Journal of Institute of History and Philology of
Academia Sinica, Vol.79, No.1 (2008), p.31.
25
In 1341, Toqto'a initiated changes to the old policies of Bayan, and there were talks of “resuming
the seasonal rituals at the imperial ancestral temples.” In December 1360, Yuan emperor gave the
order that, “the rituals at imperial ancestral temples and spirit halls are important events in
commemoration of ancestors. However, as a result of military campaigns and dwindled internal
revenue in recent years, the seasonal commemorative rituals had been reduced to twice per year,
once in spring and once in autumn, in order to cut costs. Now it is time to return to the old pattern of
holding seasonal rituals.” However, the emperor’s order was never carried out. Prior to the reign of
Toghon Temür, the imperial ancestral temples and spirit halls of Yuan all conducted rituals four times
per year, once in each season. The pattern was changed to twice per year, once in spring and once in
autumn, in the wake of “military campaigns and dwindled internal revenue.” Proposition in 1360 to
return to the seasonal pattern eventually led nowhere. Rituals in spirit halls included regular rituals
(four times per month), festival rituals, and death anniversary rituals. Seasonal rituals were a practice
unheard of. The portraits of Temüǰin, Ögödei, and Tolui were worshipped once in spring and once in
autumn every year. So it was unclear what it means in this context to “return to the seasonal pattern.”
22
9 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
Temüǰin, Ögödei, and Tolui were mostly worshipped in Hanlin Yuan. Although
the portraits at one time were briefly (1323-1331) moved to Puqing Temple, the
rituals were still organized by the officials of the legislative bureau of the
government and Hanlin Yuan. The newly created Taixizongyin Yuan did not
take over the responsibility of worshipping the portraits of Temüǰin, Ögödei,
and Tolui from Hanlin Yuan, and Hanlin Yuan continued to independently
conducted commemorative rituals in imperial temples throughout Yuan
Dynasty. 26
Imperial temples in Hanlin Yuan were like Shenyu Halls within a
government agency. It remains to be investigated whether there were other
Shenyu Halls within Yuan government agencies or even the palace. 27 Zhu
Youdun of Ming Dynasty (1379-1439) wrote the hundred-chapter book Poems
of Yuan Palace based on stories of Yuan palace relayed to him by the daughter
of a Yuan empress’s wet nurse. Much of the book is about “information that is
not found in historical texts and not made public. 28” Chapter 88 of the book
contains the following poem:
I tied my hair in a simple style and wore light makeup. I watched the princes
in a pavilion.
Because the emperor favored me, I was asked to serve in the small spirit hall
of Khutughtu Khan. 29
See The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.45, “Biography of Toghon Temür VIII,” p.952; Vol.75,
“Commemorative rituals IV: Shenyu Halls,” pp.1875-1876; Vol.138, “Biography of Toqto'a,” p.3343.
26
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.40, “Biography of Toghon Temür III,” the record dated January 11,
1268 says, “the Office of Rituals and Sacrifices was created, and the portraits of Temüǰin, Ögödei, and
Tolui were placed and worshipped in Stone Buddha Temple” (pp.853-854). The text in the version
released by Chunghwa Books appears in such a way that would easily mislead the reader into believing
that the establishment of Office of Rituals and Sacrifices had something to do with the worship of the
portraits of the three Yuan emperors. The Office of Rituals and Sacrifices was actually not responsible
for holding commemorative rituals. It was in charge of Mongol Shamanist rituals, and was responsible
for overseeing traditional etiquette in imperial ancestral temple rituals. As such, it actually had
nothing to do with the portraits of the three Yuan emperors that were worshipped in Hanlin Yuan. See
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.23, “Biography of Külüg Khan II,” p.521; Vol.77, “Commemorative
rituals VI: Traditional Customs and Etiquettes,” p.1923.
27
According to the epigraph for Right Chancellor…posthumously the Prince of Yun and Wenzhong
written by Huang Jin, after Gegeen Khan took the throne, it became necessary to find a place to
worship the late Ayurbarwada Buyantu Khan, but the imperial ancestral temple had no space left for
him. Later the imperial ancestral temple was expanded to have 15 rooms in the front hall. The temple
reportedly “placed the portraits of late emperors in the same room.” See (Yuan Dynasty) Huang Jin,
proofread by Wang Ting, Complete Works of Huang Jin (Tiangjin: Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing
House, 2008), Vol.2, p.641. The Biography of Xu Shilong in The History of Yuan Dynasty also mentioned
that after the imperial ancestral temple dedicated to Qubilai was built, “the portraits of late Yuan
emperors were placed in the temple” (p.3770). Both sources did not make it clear that it was actually
the “portraits” of the late emperors that were placed in the temples.
28
(Ming Dynasty) Zhu Youdun, annotated by Fu Leshu, Annotated Poems of Yuan Palace (Beijing:
Bibliography and Document Publishing House, 1995), “Original Introduction,” p.2.
29
Annotated Poems of Yuan Palace, p.97.
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 10
Fu Leshu argues that the “small spirit hall” in this context refers to the
small-sized Shenyu Halls in palaces in Khanbaliq and Shangdu, which were
like “inner imperial temples” and were equivalent to royal chapels in Europe. 30
However, the accuracy of such interpretation is questioned, because Fu might
have misunderstood the following two pieces of historical texts:
The first misinterpretation occurred when Fu cited the poem “Chronicles of a
Visit to the Capital Palace” written by Zhou Boqi (1298-1369): “In the
three-legged cooking vessel sits the five-colored glossy ganoderma; the duo
dragons danced under the bead-decorated cover; high on the walls were the late
emperors’ jade clothes, which symbolized their feats. 31” Fu believed the poem
was proof that Daan Pavilion of Shangdu had spirit halls which “were like
Shenyu Halls.” Fu’s idea probably came from the line “high on the walls were
the late emperors’ jade clothes.” The “jade clothes” that were hung high in
Daan Pavilion were actually the surviving clothes of Qubilai and other Yuan
emperors. For example, Gegeen Khan once saw the old clothes of Temüǰin and
Qubilai in May 1323 at Daan Pavilion. Upon seeing the plain, patched clothes
made of cotton, Gegeen Khan lamented the difficult lives his ancestors had in
forging the empire. 32 Qubilai deliberately left his clothes to warn his
descendants against extravagance. 33 It was also for this purpose that he planted
nutgrass flatsedge from the plateau on the lot before Daming Hall of Khanbaliq.
The “jade clothes” in the poem was actually a euphemism used by Zhou to
describe the clothes of late Yuan emperors, a phrase that carried no implications
of being portraits of late Yuan emperors and empresses.
Fu’s second misinterpretation occurred in the reading of Biography of
Toghon Temür in The History of Yuan Dynasty which says, “(In May 1269),
the incense needed for conducting monthly commemorative rituals in spirit
halls was placed in Daming Hall. In the event of a ritual, government officials
were to use the incense.” The text only suggests that incense was readily
available at the Daming Hall, and is hardly proof that Daming Hall had a spirit
hall.
Although it might be difficult to ascertain what “small spirit hall of
Khutughtu Khan” in Poems of Yuan Palace means, it is important to point out
30
Annotated Poems of Yuan Palace, pp.98-99.
According to Fu, the last sentence of Zhou Boqi’s poem would read “which symbolized the feats of
holy ancestors,” but the correct sentence should read “which symbolized the feats of the emperors.”
See (Yuan Dynasty) Zhou Boqi, Collected works of Zhou Boqi (Photofacsimile Reprint of the Wenyuan
Pavilion Copy of the Imperial Collection of Four, Vol.1214, based on the version of National Palace
Museum, Taipei: The Commercial Press Ltd, 1983), Vol.1, p.20b.
32
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.28, “Biography of Gegeen Khan II,” p.631.
33
Chen Gaohua and Shi Weimin, Khanbaliq of Yuan Dynasty, p.103.
31
11 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
that Fu lacked ample evidence to support the claim that there was spirit halls in
Yuan palaces.
Ⅲ. Taoist Temples: Jixian Yuan
This type of imperial temple includes Taoist temples such as Yuhua Temple
in Zhending. Construction of Yuhua Temple and its Shenyu Hall began in the
reign of Qubilai. 34 The portraits of Tolui and his consort were kept and
worshipped in this Taoist temple, which was under the jurisdiction of Jixian
Yuan. 35 On the death anniversaries of Tolui and his consort, officials of Jixian
Yuan were supposed to conduct rituals on behalf of the emperor. They led the
officials of the Surveillance Commission of the Yannan and Hebei Circuits and
the officials of Zhending (today’s Zhengding of Hebei) wearing full regalia,
making three sacrifices, and playing the Taichang ceremonial music in the
commemorative rituals. 36 The etiquette for the three sacrifices was enacted by
Taichang Boshi based on Song Huiyao. 37 The Taichang ceremonial music was
used in state commemorative rituals. It started to be used in commemorative
rituals in Yuhua Temple in the reign of Ayurbarwada Buyantu Khan, 38 and
34
For a complete history of Yuhua Temple and Xiaosi Hall, see (Yuan Dynasty) Wang Yun, The
Complete Works of Master Qiujian, Vol.82, Chronicles of the Cabinet, July 23, 1261 entry, p.9a-b.
(Yuan Dynasty) Liu Yueshen, Collection of Works of Mr. Liu Shenzhai (from Collection of Rare Copies of
Works of Yuan Dynasty Writers, Taipei: National Taiwan Library, 1970), Vol.7, “Inscription on the Stele
of Yuhua Temple,” p.5a-6b.
35
Jixian Yuan was responsible for recruiting able and virtuous men to work for the government, and
encouraging such men to come out of retirement. It was also responsible for handling affairs related
to Imperial Academy, Taoism, all types of rituals, and divination. See The History of Yuan Dynasty,
Vol.87, “Officials III: Jixian Yuan,” p.2192. For further studies on Jixian Yuan, see Sakurai Satomi,
“Establishment of Jixian Yuan of Yuan Dynasty China,” Journal of History, Vol.83 No.3 (2000),
pp.115-143.
36
(Yuan Dynasty) Naxin, Records of Visiting the Historical Sites of Heshuo (in Yen Yiping ed., Reprint of
100 Sets of Chinese Collectanea, Vol.64, based on Collected Works of Yueyatang released in the reign
of Xianfeng Emperor of Qing Dynasty, Taipei: Yee Wen Publishing Company, 1965), First Volume,
“Zhangshan County,” p.11a.
37
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.75, “Commemorative Rituals IV: Shenyu Halls” contains a brief
introduction to the ritual (p.1876). Details of the ritual are still found in Song Dynasty Manuscript
Compendium. See (Qing Dynasty) Xu Song, Song Dynasty Manuscript Compendium (Photofacsimile
Reprint of National Library of Beijing copy pre-1936, Beijing: Chunghwa Books, 1957), Rituals 13-7.
38
The History of Yuan Dynasty gives contradicting accounts as to the year when Yuhua Temple started
to use Taichang ceremonial music in rituals. Volume 68 “Rites and Music II: The History of Music
Making” gives the date as 1699, whereas Volume 75 “Commemorative Rituals IV: Shenyu Halls” gives
the date as 1317 (p.1876). According to Item 37 of Peking Gazetteer Xijin zhi on Imperial Sacrificial
Ceremonies, “…on September 9, 1699…Rituals in Zhending started to use Taichang ceremonial music
at the order of the emperor, and continued to do so until March 1320.” This account corroborates with
the account given in“Rites and Music II: The History of Music Making.” Hong Chinfu argues that Peking
Gazetteer Xijin zhi on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies gives the wrong date. Instead of 1699, the
correct date should be 1698. See Hong Chinfu, “A Study of a Text Found in the Peking Gazetteer Xijin
zhi on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies of the Yuan Dynasty,” p.15. If Hong’s argument stands, then
“Rites and Music II: The History of Music Making” also gives incorrect information.
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 12
continued to be used that way until 1320. 39 Jixian Yuan officials who conducted
the rituals on behalf of the emperor included Hanlin Academicians (auxiliary
third-class) such as Dānīshmand of 1331, 40 Academician Readers-in-Waiting
(auxiliary second-class) such as Zhugou of 1330, 41 and Academicians
(second-class) such as Zhier Hadan of 1335 and Taer Tace in the reign of
Toghon Temür. 42 In addition to conducting commemorative rituals on behalf of
the emperor, the Grand Academicians of Jixian Yuan also persuaded the
emperor into making the announcement in December 1266 that
commemorative rituals were to be held on January 20 every year. 43 The
officials of Surveillance Commission of the Yannan and Hebei Circuits
attended the commemorative rituals to make sure that proper etiquette was
observed. 44
In addition to Yuhua Temple, Chongxian Temple of Khanbaliq was another
Taoist imperial temple of Yuan Dynasty that was supposed to be under the
jurisdiction of Jixian Yuan. The only facts known about Chongxian Temple are
that it is a nunnery, has a spirit hall dedicated to Darmabala, and is located to
the southeast of Zhangchun Temple. Khanbaliq had many famous Taoist
temples, for example Zhongzhen Wanshou Temple of Xuan Taoism,
Zhangchun Temple of Quanzhen Taoism, and Guangfu Wanshou Temple of
Taiyi Taoism. 45 It remains to be investigated why the Yuan emperor would
choose Chongxian Temple, a temple of unknown lineage, to build the spirit hall
dedicated to Darmabala. It is known that debates between Buddhism and
39
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.27., “Biography of Gegeen Khan I,” p.606.
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.35., “Biography of Jayaatu Khan IV,” p.794.
41
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.34., “Biography of Jayaatu Khan III,” p.770.
42
(Yuan Dynasty) Sadula, The Yanmen Collection (proofread version, Shanghai Classics Publishing
House, 1982), Vol.8, “Zhier Hadan, a Jixian Yuan Academician, holds a commemorative ritual in Yuhua
Temple in Zhengding on behalf of the emperor in autumn of 1335,” p.222. (Yuan Dynasty) Lu Chi,
Collected Works from Guifeng (Ancient Rare Books from the Beijing Library Collection, Book 96,
Photofacsimile Reprint of Zhuang Yuqing et al. version of 1609), first volume, “Taer Tace, a Jixian Yuan
Academician, holds a commemorative ritual in Yuhua Temple in Zhengding on behalf of the emperor,”
p.71ab. The poems written by Sadula and Lu Chi not only share similar titles, but also contain almost
the exact same words, for reasons that are to be investigated.
43
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.39, “Biography of Toghon Temür II,” pp.842-843.
44
See Note 42. Sadula wrote the poem when he worked at the Records Office at Surveillance
Commission of the Yannan and Hebei Circuits. Lu Chi passed the imperial examination in 1342,
became Magistrate of Yongchun County in 1352, and became Magistrate of Ningde County in 1356. It
remains to be investigated whether he had worked at Surveillance Commission of the Yannan and
Hebei Circuits during this time. See (Yuan Dynasty) Naxin, Records of Visiting the Historical Sites of
Heshuo, First Volume, “Zhangshan County,” p.11b; The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.192, “Virtuous
Officials: Lu Chi,” p.4372.
45
Jiang Dongcheng provides a detailed introduction to Taoist architecture in Khanbaliq. See Jiang
Dongcheng, Research on the Urban Morphology and Foundations of Building Complexes in Yuan
Dynasty Capital City (Beijing: a doctoral dissertation presented to the College of Architecture of
Tsinghua University, 2007), pp. 228-256.
40
13 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
Taoism during the reign of Möngke Khan resulted in a series of defeats for
Taoism. 46 Although Taoism was never banned in Yuan China and still had some
popularity among the commoners, its influence did suffer a terrible blow. 47 A
manifestation of this phenomenon was the fact that very few imperial temples
were Taoist temples, and temples of famous Taoist schools were never chosen
as imperial temples. Yuhua Temple, Chongxian Temple, and another imperial
Taoist temple—Zhaoying Temple were all run by Taoist priestesses. 48 It would
be interesting to investigate the criteria of selection for Taoist imperial temples
and Yuan China’s management policy for Taoism.
Ⅳ. Nestorian Temples: Chongfu Department
Nestorian imperial temples included Erkehün Temple in Khanbaliq and
Cross Temple in Ganzhou. Rituals at these temples were probably organized by
the Chongfu Department, which was also responsible for supervising these two
temples. 49 The religious sect to which Cross Temple of Ganzhou belonged is
debated. There is little records about Sorghaghtani Beki (?-1252), the consort
of Tolui, being worshipped in Cross Temple of Ganzhou. Considering the
temple’s name and the religious belief of Sorghaghtani, the temple might have
been a Nestorian Christian temple. 50 However, two entries in the Gazetteer of
Ganzhou Prefecture are rather interesting. In Volume 4 of the book, the chapter
46
There are quite a lot of discussions in the academic world regarding the debates between
Buddhism and Taoism. Atsushi Nakamura’s “The Truth about Taoism/Buddhism Debate in the Era of
Mongol Empire: Qubilai’s Way of Dominance over China,” provides a more recent and comprehensive
discussion. The paper first appeared in The Journal of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko,
Vol.75, No. 3 and 4 (1994), pp.33-63. The paper was translated by Chen Yimin into Mandarin under
the title “蒙古時代“道佛爭論”的真象：忽必烈統治中國之道,” which was published in
Mongolian Studies Information, 1996, No. 2 and No.3, pp.1-7 and pp. 5-9, 49.
47
Hu Qide, Political and Religious Relationships for Early Stage Mongol Empire (Taipei: a doctoral
dissertation presented to Graduate Institute of History, National Taiwan Normal University, 1990),
Chapter 6, Section 3, “Buddhism/Taoism Debates and Confrontations,” p.236.
48
(Yuan Dynasty) Yuan Jue, Collected Works of Qingrong (Four Categories of Books: Official Edition,
Vol. 67, Photofacsimile Reprint of Shanghai Hanfen Lou Bookstore’s Original Version, Taipei: The
Commercial Press Ltd, 1979), Vol.37, “Zhaoying Temple bestows honorific title of Yuanjin Xuansu
Spiritual Master to Wang Jinlian,” p.17a-b. (Yuan Dynasty) Pu Daoyuan, Collected Manuscripts of
Dwelling in Leisure (Collection of Rare Copies of Works of Yuan Dynasty Writers, Photofacsimile
Reprint of old handwritten version), Book 24, “Epitaph for Qian Shandao, Master Shousu,” pp.11a-12a.
49
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.89, “Book of Officials V: Chongfu Department,” p.2273.
50
For the biography and religious belief of Sorghaghtani, see P. Pelliot, translated by Feng Chengjun,
“Sorkhokhtani,” original text published in Toung Pao, 1932, pp.43-54. Translated text published in
Translated Works for the Study of Historical Geography of the Western Region and Regions
surrounding the South China Sea in Ancient China), Vol.1 No.4 (Beijing: The Commercial Press, 1995),
pp.1-16. Liu Guangyi, “Biography of Queen Sorghaghtani of Mongolia,” Publication Monthly, Vol.2
No.1 (1966), pp.57-59. Liu Chingcheng, “The Involvement of Three Khatuns in the Succession Process
of the Mongol Empire: Töregene, Sorqaghtani and Qaimish,” Shiyuan, Issue 13 (1984), pp.103-125.
Hong Chinfu, “The Chinese Translation of the Name of the Mongol Princess Sorqaγtani Beki,” Journal
of Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica, Vol.79, No.1 (2008), pp.41-62.
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 14
“Historic Spots and Tombs: Zhangye County” contains the entry “Cross
Temple” which says, “the temple is where Qubilai held commemorative rituals
in honor of his mother, Queen Sorghaghtani; it was built in the summer; now it
is a major monastery. 51” Volume 5 of the book contains the chapter “Temples:
Zhangye County of Ganzhou Prefecture,” which has an entry “Hongren
Temple,” which says, “the temple is located to the southwest of the city;
commonly known as ‘the big temple,’ also known as the ‘sleeping Buddha
temple;’ it was built in 1098 in Western Xia Dynasty, and renovated in 1411 in
Ming Dynasty, when it was bestowed a horizontal board inscribed with the
words ‘Baojue Temple;’ the temple had scriptures in gold letters, and
inscriptions made at the order of the Xuande Emperor…the current name was
bestowed in 1678. 52” The text shows that the Cross Temple of Ganzhou was
first built as a Buddhist temple in Western Xia Dynasty, and remained so when
it was renovated in Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty. It is difficult to tell from
the two texts 53 (one marking the bestowing of the name Baojue Temple, and the
other marking the renovation of the temple,” which were released following
renovation work in Ming Dynasty, that what the temple was like in Yuan
Dynasty era. Wu Zhengke explains the story behind the name “Cross Temple”
in his “The History of Big Buddha Temple in Zhangye”: The Big Buddha
Temple (also known as the Sleeping Buddha Temple) once had the Wanshou
Jinta Temple to its north. Later, the Ganying Temple was built to its south, right
across the Wanshou Jinta Temple. The two temples form a cross with the Big
Buddha Temple, so the three temples were known under the umbrella term
“Cross Temple” in Song Dynasty, Yuan Dynasty, and Ming Dynasty. 54
However, Wu did not cite any material to back his claim. Wu later wrote a book
on the subject, in which he amended his claim by saying that the name Cross
Temple actually had derived from the fact that Nestorian architecture was
added to the Big Buddha Temple at the order of Yuan emperor. Yet he did point
out that “Cross Temple” was not the equivalent of “Big Buddha Temple,”
because the former was only a part of the latter. 55 If what Wu said was true,
then when Jayaatu Khan gave orders to the Xuanzheng Yuan in March 1330 to
51
(Qing Dynasty) Zhong Gengqi ed., Gazetteer of Ganzhou Prefecture (Chinese Local Gazetteers,
Photofacsimile Reprint of 1779 version, Taipei: Cheng-wen Publishing, 1976), Vol.4, p.26b.
52
Zhong Gengqi ed., Gazetteer of Ganzhou Prefecture, Vol.5, p.19a.
53
Zhong Gengqi ed., Gazetteer of Ganzhou Prefecture, Vol.13, “Art and Culture I,” pp.26b-28b,
pp.80b-82b.
54
Wu Zhengke, “The History of Big Buddha Temple in Zhangye,” Silk Road, 1996, No.3, pp.49-50.
55
Wu Zhengke, A Study on the History of Big Buddha Temple (Lanzhou: Gansu People’s Press, 2004),
p.38.
15 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
hold rituals at the Shenyu Hall dedicated to (Sorghaghtani), 56 he might have
been referring to the Cross Temple of Ganzhou. Although Sorghaghtani was
worshipped in a Nestorian temple, the Cross Temple was nevertheless a
Buddhist temple, so Xuanzheng Yuan was in charge of holding rituals there.
It would be interesting to see whether Yuan China began the practice of
worshipping the portraits of emperors and empresses in Nestorian temples. The
Nestorian Stele, 57 which is considered an important text for the study of early
development of Nestorianism in China, mentions that the portraits of emperors
were worshipped in Daqin Temple in Tang Dynasty. According to the Nestorian
Stele, Nestorianism was introduced to Tang China in 635, and in 638 Emperor
Taizong of Tang (b.599, r.626-649) gave the order to “build the Daqin Temple
to accommodate 21monks.” Shortly after, he gave another order to “make
portraits of the emperor and reproduce them on the walls of the temple.”
Emperor Xuanzong of Tang gave the order in 742-755 that “General Gao Lishi
is to deliver the portraits of five emperors to the temple. 58” As mentioned above,
Christianity is against the practice of worship of idols and ancestors. 59 As a
school of Christianity, Nestorianism has made quite a lot of adjustments to its
doctrine since its introduction to China, where it came under the influence of
Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism. Even though Nestorianism was no
longer fiercely against the practice of ancestral worship, 60 it remains to be
ascertained whether it had come to the point of permitting the practice of idol
(including icons and sculptures) worship. Some believed that the Nestorian
Stele gave a false story of Tang emperors ordering portraits of emperors to be
worshipped in a Nestorian temple, since it was unlikely that Nestorianism
would permit the practice of idol worship. 61
Let us move the discussion back to the Cross Temple of Yuan Dynasty. It is
now difficult to ascertain whether Sorghaghtani, a devout Nestorian follower,
56
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.34, “Biography of Jayaatu Khan III,” p.753.
For a discussion of existing studies on the Nestorian Stele, see Geng Sheng, “Foreign Scholars’
Studies on Daqin Nestorian Stele of Xian,” Studies in World Religions, 1999, No.1, pp.56-64. Lin Wushu,
“A Discussion of Nestorian Stele of Xian,” originally published in China Scholarship, 2000, No.1, later
published under the title Further Studies on Nestorianism in Tang Dynasty China (Beijing: The Chinese
Social Sciences Press, 2003), pp.3-26.
58
See (Qing Dynasty) Wang Chang, A Collection of the Best Metal and Stone Inscriptions (New Edition
of Historical Materials Carved on Stone, Volume 1, No.1-4, Photofacsimile Reprint of Wang Chang’s
version of 1805, Taipei: Xinwenfeng Press, 1977 first edition, 1982 second edition), Vol.102, pp.2b-3b.
59
See Note 3.
60
Zhu Qianzhi, The Nestorianism of China (Beijing: Oriental Press, 1993), pp.144-145.
61
Dr. Wall believes that the Nestorian Stele contains information both true and false. Zhu Qianzhi
countered this after looking into Dr. Wall’s arguments, and after examining recently released studies.
However, Zhu’s did not make it clear in his counter arguments whether Nestorianism had accepted the
practice of idol worship. See Zhu Qianzhi, The Nestorianism of China, pp.84-89.
57
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 16
permitted her descendants to worship her portrait. The only historical record
about the portrait of Sorghaghtani I found was in The History of Yuan Dynasty,
which says “the portraits of late emperors and empresses are to be worshipped
in their death anniversaries. 62” 63 In addition, it was common for Yuan emperors
to build temples to honor their late ancestors, and these temples would later
become imperial temples where the portraits of late emperors and empresses
where kept. In the case of Sorghaghtani, the only Yuan imperial temples that
housed her portraits were Yuhua Temple (a Taoist temple) and the Cross
Temple (a Nestorian temple) built in the reign of Qubilai. Maybe being a
Nestorian believer made it less likely for her to be worshipped in imperial
temples. More historical data would be needed to determine whether her
portraits were worshipped in existing imperial temples.
In summary, the Mongols practiced the Shamanism, which was the common
faith among the nomadic peoples of North Asia. Under the influence of
Shamanism, the Mongols came to view other religions as different branches of
pan-theism, extending equal treatment and respect to various religions
regardless of which god they worshipped, so long as they prayed for the
wellbeing of the Great Khan. Such respect for other religions was reflected in
the religious diversity of imperial temples of Yuan Dynasty. However, all Yuan
emperors after Qubilai were required to “enter into monkhood for nine times
before ascending to the throne. 64” Yuan emperors had this unique tradition of
building Buddhist temples to pray for themselves. Judging from the fact that
the majority of imperial temples are Buddhist temples, and also considering the
figures worshipped in these temples, it is obvious that Yuan emperors had a
62
The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.75, “Commemorative Rituals IV: Shenyu Halls,” p.1876.
The National Palace Museum has a collection of portraits of emperors and empresses originally
found in the Hall of South Fragrance of Qing Dynasty, including the Book of Yuan Dynasty Empresses
which contains 15 portraits of Yuan Dynasty empresses. The portraits No.12 to 15 have no title,
making it difficult to determine the identity of the empresses featured in these four portraits. See
(Qing Dynasty) Hu Jing, A Study on the Portraits in the Hall of South Fragrance (The Supplementary
General Catalogue of the Complete Texts of the Four Repositories, Book 1082, Photofacsimile Reprint
of version released in the reign of Jiaqing Emperor of Qing Dynasty, Shanghai: Shanghai Classics
Publishing House, 1997), Volume II, pp.4b-7b. It would be interesting to see whether Sorghaghtani is
one of the unnamed empresses. For a discussion of the 15 portraits, see Wang Yaoting, “Portraits of
Emperors and Empresses of Mongol Yuan Dynasty,” The National Palace Museum Monthly of Chinese
Art, Vol.22, No.10 (2005), pp.62-63.
64
The text cited was found in Yang Yu’s Rhapsody on Mountain Dwelling and Tao Zongyi’s Respite
from Plowing in the Southern Village. The two books have similar contents, and Tao’s work was
released at a later date. Either the two books cited the same historical texts, or Tao quoted Yang in his
work. (Yuan Dynasty) Yang Yu, proofread by Yu Dajun, Rhapsody on Mountain Dwelling (Collection of
Note-Form Literature and Historical Materials from the Yuan and Ming, Beijing: Chunghwa Bookstore,
2006), Vol.1, p.199; (Yuan Dynasty) Tao Zongyi, Respite from Plowing in the Southern Village
(Collection of Note-Form Literature and Historical Materials from the Yuan and Ming, Beijing:
Chunghwa Bookstore, 1959 first edition, 2004 Beijing fourth printing), Vol.2, “Monkhood,” p.20.
63
17 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
preference for Buddhism, in particular Tibetan Buddhism. This is the first
conclusion of this paper.
The fate of Yuan imperial temples had much to do with the political situation.
Qubilai established a basic framework of imperial temples and imperial
ancestral temples. By claiming the right to hold rituals in commemoration of
ancestors, Qubilai demonstrated his determination to make himself the overlord
of Mongol Empire. His successors made a lot of changes to the imperial temple
and imperial ancestral temple systems, and struggle for ruling power also
caused many changes in the systems. Yet “Genghis Khan, Tolui, and Qublilai”
remained the three most worshipped emperors of Mongolia. Ögedei, Güyük,
and Möngke who were crowned in Northern Mongolia were sidelined. This
suggests Qubilai’s intention of making Yuan Dynasty appear like a central
ruling power. This is the second conclusion of this paper.
The central government agencies of Yuan Dynasty China were growing so
redundant that accountability was compromised. Jurisdiction for Yuan imperial
temples could be a complicated matter, as imperial temples of different
religions fell under the jurisdiction of different agencies. Consequently, the
responsibility of holding rituals was shared by several officials, “which caused
redundancy in management of rituals. 65” It is no surprise that the imperial
temple system would remain flawed. This is the third conclusion of this paper.
Table 1: Imperial Temples of Yuan Dynasty and Their Management Bodies
1. Buddhist Temples
(1) Taixizongyin Yuan
Imperial
Location
Religion
Construction
Constructed
Emperor
Year of making
period
by
worshipped
of
(year of
portrait/building
death)
of Shenyu Hall
Tibetan
Gammala
Woven in 1307;
Buddhism?
(1302)
built in
Temple
Tienyuan
Khanbaliq
Yanshou
Temple
Khutughtu
Stele erected in
Temple)
Khan (1309)
1340
Gammala
Built in
65
1
1326-1328
(Lushi
Tienyuan
Note
Khanbaliq
Tibetan
2
3
(Yuan Dynasty) Su Tianjue, proofread by Chen Gaohua and Meng Fanqing, Collected Works of Zixi
(Beijing: Chunghwa Bookstore, 1997), Vol.26, “Reports of Ten Unusual Crises,” p.439.
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 18
Yansheng
Buddhism
(1302)
1325-1326;
Temple
portrait erected in
(Heita
1326; abolished
Temple)
in 1328
Khutughtu
4
Khan (1309)
Babusha,
5
consort of
Khutughtu
Khan (1330)
Mailaiti,
6
consort of
Khutughtu
Khan (1320)
Tienshou
Khanbaliq
Temür Khan
Woven in 1307;
(1307)
built in 1327
Temple
Khongirad,
Woven in 1307
8
(Zhongxin
Consort of
Hall)
Temür
Built in 1354
9
10
Wanning
Tibetan
1305-?
Temür Khan
Buddhism
7
Khan?
Rinchinbal
Khan (1332)
Yongfu
Khanbaliq
Built in the
Darmabala
Built and portrait
reign of
(1292)
erected in 1318
(Qingta
Ayurbarwada
Gammala
Built in 1324;
Temple)
Buyantu
(1302)
portrait erected in
Temple
Tibetan
1319?-1322
Buddhism
Khan;
11
1325
completed in
Ayurbarwada
Portrait drawn in
the reign of
Buyantu
1320; built in
Gegeen
Khan
1320
Khan
(1320?)
Gegeen
12
13
Khan (1323)
Sugabala,
14
consort of
Gegeen
Khan (1327)
Chengtien
Khanbaliq
Tibetan
1329-1332
Jayaatu
Dagi,
Portrait erected in
15
19 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
Husheng
Buddhism
Khan
consort of
1333
Temple
Darmabala
(Xihu
(1322)
Temple)
Jayaatu
Portrait erected in
Khan (1332)
1333
Chenghua
Khanbaliq
Puqing
Tibetan
First built in
Buyantu
Genghis
Portraits erected
Buddhism
1300;
Khan
Khan,
in 1323-1331
Temple
expanded in
Qubilai,
1308
Tolui
Darmabala
16
17
18
(1292)
Dagi,
Built in 1324
19
Built in 1321
20
Radnashiri,
Portrait drawn in
21
consort of
1320
consort of
Darmabala
(1323)
Ayurbarwada
Buyantu
Khan (1320)
Ayurbarwada
Buyantu
Khan?
Zhongen
Khanbaliq
Fuyuan
Tibetan
1280?
Construction
Külüg Khan
Portrait drawn
Buddhism
1308-1312
began in the
(1311)
and erected in
Temple
reign of
(Nan
Qubilai?
Empress
Temple,
Renovated in
Zhenge,
Nan
the reign of
consort of
Zhenguo
Külüg Khan;
Külüg Khan
Temple)
Completed
Tangwu,
in the reign
consort of
of
Külüg Khan
22
1311
23
24
Ayurbarwada
Buyantu
Khan
Shengshou
Wanan
Khanbaliq
Tibetan
Buddhism
1272-1288
Qubilai
Qubilai
Woven and
(1294)
erected in 1294
25
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 20
Temple
Chabi,
Woven and
(Baita
consort of
erected in 1294
Temple)
Qubilai
26
(1281)
Zhenjin
Erected in 1301
27
Erected in 1301
28
Erected in 1321
29
Erected in 1325
30
(1285)
Bairam
egchi,
consort of
Zhenjin
(1300)
Ayurbarwada
Buyantu
Khan (1320)
Gegeen
Khan (1323)
Longxiang
Jiqing
Jiqing
Buddhism/Zen
1330-?
School
Jayaatu
Jayaatu
31
Khan
Khan (1332)
Chabi,
Chabi,
Portrait erected in
consort of
consort of
1301
Qubilai
Qubilai
Temple
Huguo
Khanbaliq
Renwang
Tibetan
1270-1274
Buddhism
Temple
(Gaolianghe
(1281)
Temple)
Nomukhan,
Portrait woven in
fourth son of
1307; erected in
Qubilai
1323
32
33
(1301)
(2) Xuanzheng Yuan
Imperial
Location
Religion
Temple
Sanjiao
Khanbaliq
Construction
Constructed
Emperor
Year of making
period
by
worshipped
of
(year of
portrait/building
death)
of Shenyu Hall
Buddhism?
Yesün Temür
Temple
Zhongyuan
Temple
Note
34
Khan (1328)
Khanbaliq
Buddhism
1324-1326
Zhenge,
Külüg Khan
consort of
(1311)
Külüg Khan
35
21 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
Baoen
Khanbaliq
Buddhism
Alanadala,
Temple
36
eldest son of
Jayaatu
Khan
(1331)?
Shunsheng
Khanbaliq
Buddhism
1322-1331
Temple
Zhenge,
Dagi,
consort of
consort of
Külüg Khan
Darmabala
37
(1322)
Guangsheng
Zhaocheng
Buddhism
Qubilai
Temple
Qingshou
38
(1294)
Buddhism/Zen
Alanadala,
Portrait erected in
Temple
school/Linji
eldest son of
1331
(Shuangta
school
Jayaatu
Khanbaliq
Temple)
39
Khan
(1331)?
Xingjiao
Khanbaliq
Temple
Tibetan
1283-?
Qubilai
Buddhism
Genghis
Built in 1322?
40
Built in 1318
41
Khan (1227)
Drogön
Chögyal
Phagpa
(1280)
Baota
Khanbaliq
Buddhism
Nambui,
Temple
42
consort of
Qubilai?
2. Confucian Temples: Hanlin Yuan
Imperial
Location
Religion
Construction
Constructed
Emperor
Year of making
period
by
worshipped
of
(year of
portrait/building
death)
of Shenyu Hall
Genghis
Portraits erected
Buddha
Khan,
in 1340
Temple
Qubilai
Temple
Stone
Khanbaliq
Buddhism
Note
43
Khan, and
Tolui
Hanlin Yuan
Khanbaliq
Genghis
1279-1323;
Khan,
1331?
44
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 22
Qubilai
Khan, and
Tolui
3. Taoist Temples: Jixian Yuan
Imperial
Location
Religion
Temple
Yuhua
Zhending
Construction
Constructed
Emperor
Year of making
period
by
worshipped
of
(year of
portrait/building
death)
of Shenyu Hall
Taoism
Qubilai
Temple
Note
Tolui (1232)
45
Sorghaghtani,
46
consort of
Tolui (1252)
Zhongxian
Khanbaliq
Taoism
Darmabala
Temple
47
(1292)
4. Nestorian Temples: Chongfu Department
Imperial
Location
Religion
Temple
Cross
Ganzhou
Nestorianism
Temple
Construction
Constructed
Emperor
Year of making
period
by
worshipped
of
(year of
portrait/building
death)
of Shenyu Hall
Sorghaghtani,
In the reign of
consort of
Qubilai?
In the reign
of Qubilai?
Qubilai?
Note
48
Tolui (1252)
Erkehün
Temple
Khanbaliq
Nestorianism
Sorghaghtani,
49
consort of
Tolui (1252)
Notes:
1. The table divides Yuan imperial temples by religion, and presents the
imperial temples in stroke order. It should be pointed out that Nakamura
Jun’s “Table of Temples with Shenyu Halls” and Jiang Dongcheng’s “Table
of Imperial Temples in Khanbaliq” are two important sources on which this
table is based. However, the two tables contain some omissions and errors,
which were corrected in this table. The two tables also do not indicate their
sources of information. For details, see Nakamura Jun, translated by Bulag,
“A Brief Discussion of Imperial Temples in Khanbaliq,” p.32; Jiang
23 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
Dongcheng, “A Preliminary Discussion of Distribution and Architectural
Style of Yuan Dynasty Imperial Temples.”
2. For imperial temples whose construction period are known, and where more
than one emperor or empress was worshipped, then the facts related to the
construction period are given first. For example, Tienyuan Yansheng
Temple had a spirit hall where the portraits of Gammala and Khutughtu
Khan were kept. In the table, historical materials related to this fact were
given, and construction dates of the temple are given in the box of
Gammala. In addition, in the cases of an emperor or empress having spirit
halls in more than one temple, and the dates when their portraits were
woven were known, then the dates of portrait production are given when
their names first appear.
3. For details regarding the sources of the information given in the table, see
“References” section of this paper. Details including version, volume, and
section titles are not given in this paper. Only book titles, volume numbers,
and page numbers are given. For example, “The History of Yuan
Dynasty/10/215” would represent “The History of Yuan Dynasty, Vol.10,
“Biography of Qubilai VII,” p.215. As to sources that are single-volume
books or part of a recent collected work, only book titles and page numbers
are given.
Sources:
1. The History of Yuan Dynasty/30/668, 685; Chronicles of Yuan Dynasty
Paintings and Sculpture/1a; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on Imperial
Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.34. Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on Imperial
Sacrificial Ceremonies is also known as Vol.17085 of Yongle Encyclopedia.
However, since the photofascimile reprint by Chunghwa Bookstore is
incomplete, this paper takes reference from the relatively more complete
version in Institute of Archeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
The full text can be found in Appendix I of A Preliminary Discussion of
Yuan Dynasty Imperial Temple System: Focusing on Taixizongyin Yuan by
the author of this paper.
2. The History of Yuan Dynasty/40/855; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on
Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.29
3. The History of Yuan Dynasty/30/674, 75/1876
4. The History of Yuan Dynasty/75/1875; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on
Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies No.22.
5. The History of Yuan Dynasty/75/1875: “Khutughtu Khan and his consort in
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 24
Tienyuan Yansheng Temple.” According to “Biographies of Empress
Consorts I” in The History of Yuan Dynasty, Khutughtu Khan had two
empress consorts: Babusha, who is the mother of Rinchinbal, and Mailaiti,
the mother of Toghan Temur (Vol.114, p.2877). According to
“Commemorative Rituals IV: Shenyu Halls” in the History of Yuan Dynasty,
spirit halls dedicated to late Yuan emperors and empresses were most likely
built in imperial temples that still existed during the reign of Jayaatu Khan.
Jayaatu Khan did everything in his power to tarnish the reputation of
Toghon Temür, so it was unlikely that he would set up a spirit hall dedicated
to the mother of Toghon Temür. Besides, Mailaiti was not posthumously
made empress consort until February 1265 (Vol.39, p.833). So the empress
consort worshipped in the spirit hall of Khutughtu Khan should be Babusha.
6. Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.11, 27.
7. The History of Yuan Dynasty/21/462, 30/679; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi
on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.1, 25; Chronicles of Yuan Dynasty
Paintings and Sculptures/1a.
8. The History of Yuan Dynasty/75/1875; Chronicles of Yuan Dynasty
Paintings and Sculptures/1a. The History of Yuan Dynasty/75/1875: “Temür
Khan and his consort in Tienshou Wanning Temple.” According to
“Biographies of Empress Consorts I” in The History of Yuan Dynasty,
Temür Khan has two empress consorts: Khongirad and Bulugan (Vol.114,
pp.2873-2874). The former was made empress consort in October 1299 and
died young. She was bestowed honorific title posthumously in October
1310. The latter initiated a conspiracy in 1306 to drive Dagi of the
Khunggirat, consort of Darmabala, and her son Ayurbarwada Buyantu Khan
to Huaizhou. Following the death of Temür Khan, she launched another
botched attempt to crown Ananda, and later moved to Donganzhou.
Considering that Bulugan repeatedly made attempts to sabotage Darmabala,
it is unlikely that she would come to be worshipped in the spirit hall of
Temür Khan during the reign of Jayaatu Khan. Khongirad was probably the
empress consort worshipped in the spirit hall of Temür Khan. In the account
given in Chronicles of Yuan Dynasty Paintings and Sculptures regarding the
making of the portrait of empress consort of Temür Khan, only the name of
Khongirad is found (p.1a).
9. The History of Yuan Dynasty/43/916; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on
Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.9, 31.
10. The History of Yuan Dynasty/26/587, 27/610; A Comprehensive Record of
the History of the Buddhas and Patriarchs/22/53b.
25 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
11. The History of Yuan Dynasty/29/643, 653. According to the “Biography of
Yesün Temür Khan I” in The History of Yuan Dynasty, the record of
February of 1324 only shows “the spirit hall dedicated to Gammala was
built.” It does not indicate where it was built. However, since the record of
January 1325 shows that “the portrait of Gammala was erected at Yongfu
Temple, and a hundred hectares of farmland were bestowed to the temple,”
the spirit hall built in 1324 was probably in Yongfu Temple.
12. The History of Yuan Dynasty/27/598; Chronicles of Yuan Dynasty Paintings
and Sculptures/1b. The History of Yuan Dynasty/27/598: “A Shenyu Hall
was built in Yongfu Temple in February of 1320.” Construction of Yongfu
Temple began in the reign of Ayurbarwada Buyantu Khan, and was not
completed by January 21, 1320. In fact, the construction project was briefly
abandoned in early February of the same year (The History of Yuan Dynasty,
Vol.27, p.598). Although this record does not show to whom the Shenyu
Hall was dedicated, Ayurbarwada Buyantu Khan is a likelier candidate.
13. The History of Yuan Dynasty/75/1875; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on
Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.5, 21
14. The History of Yuan Dynasty/75/1875; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on
Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.16
15. The History of Yuan Dynasty/33/734, 38/818; Collected Works of Yu
Ji/810-811.
16. The History of Yuan Dynasty/38/818.
17. The History of Yuan Dynasty/29/650, 30/677, 33/730, 34/760, 75/1877;
Collected Works of Muan/11/7ab; Collected Works of Zhao
Mengfu—Additional Volume/239; Collected Works of Zixi/397
18. The History of Yuan Dynasty/75/1875; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on
Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.12,14
19. The History of Yuan Dynasty/29/646, 661, 75/1875; Peking Gazetteer Xijin
Zhi on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.24,26
20. The History of Yuan Dynasty/27/610, 75/1875; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi
on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.8
21. The History of Yuan Dynasty/75/1875; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on
Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.10; Chronicles of Yuan Dynasty
Paintings and Sculptures/1b
22. The History of Yuan Dynasty/24/547, 552, 32/722, 75/1875, 99/2536-2537;
Collected Works of Muan/10/9a; Collected Works of Cheng Xuelou/7/9b;
Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.2,20
23. The History of Yuan Dynasty/75/1875; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 26
Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.19, 28
24. The History of Yuan Dynasty/75/1875
25. The History of Yuan Dynasty/7/144, 15/311, 51/1101, 75/1875; Yuan
Dynasty Statues/59/14b; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on Imperial Sacrificial
Ceremonies, No.4, 23; Collected Works of Cheng Xuelou/7/10a
26. The History of Yuan Dynasty/51/1101, 75/1875; Collected Works of Cheng
Xuelou/7/10a
27. The History of Yuan Dynasty/51/1101, 75/1875; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi
on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.15, 32; Collected Works of Cheng
Xuelou/7/10a. According to “Yuan Dynasty” in Volume 5 of Xia Wenyen’s
Precious Mirror of Painting, Liu Guandao “drew the painting of Zhenjin in
1279 at the order of the emperor, and became an official of Yuyi Bureau”
(pp.1b-2a). Zhenjin died in 1285, so it remains to be investigated whether
the portrait of him drawn in 1279 was intended for commemorative
purposes or for simple viewing.
28. The History of Yuan Dynasty/51/1101, 75/1875; Collected Works of Cheng
Xuelou/7/10a; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on Imperial Sacrificial
Ceremonies, No.7
29. The History of Yuan Dynasty/27/613; Collected Works of Zhizheng/1/1a;
Manuscripts in White Room/18/8a; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on Imperial
Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.3
30. Collected Works of Zhizheng/1/1a; Manuscripts in White Room/18/8a
31. The History of Yuan Dynasty/33/732; Collected Works of Pushi/Vol.
N/A/27a, 15/8a
32. The History of Yuan Dynasty/7/132, 8/154, 20/433, 75/1875; Peking
Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.6. According to
“Commemorative Rituals IV: Shenyu Hall,” in Volume 75 of History of
Yuan Dynasty: “The spirit hall is located…at the Huguo Renwang Temple
dedicated to Empress Consort Chabi.” Chabi is the consort of Qubilai. For
details, see Nakamura Jun, translated by Bulag, “A Brief Discussion of
Imperial Temples in Khanbaliq,” p.34, Note 26.
33. The History of Yuan Dynasty/29/640; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on
Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.13, 18; Chronicles of Yuan Dynasty
Paintings and Sculptures/1a
34. Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.35
35. Collected Works of Zhizheng/46/58b
36. Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.36;
Collection of Surviving Sections of the Gazetteer of Xijin/69
27 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
37. Collected Works of Zhizheng/46/60a-b
38. Carved Stone Series in Shanxi Province/31/45b. Complete Yuan Literature,
Vol.39, pp.454-456 and Vol.47, pp.355-357, based on History of
Guangsheng Temple by Minzu University of China in 1988, and Vol.31 of
Carved Stone Series in Shanxi Province of 1902 respectively. Pages 14-18
of Inscriptions of Hydraulic Works in Hongdong and Jiexiu are transcribed
based on the original inscription. The texts of the three documents are
slightly different.
39. The History of Yuan Dynasty/35/778
40. The History of Yuan Dynasty/28/624; Collected Works of Cheng
Xuelou/7/9b. Hong Chinfu argues that the reason Genghis Khan was still
worshipped in Hanlin Yuan along with Ögedei, and Tolui by the end of
Yuan Dynasty was that he did not have a Shenyu Hall to his name. See
Hong Chinfu, A Study of a Text Found in the Peking Gazetteer Xijin zhi on
Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies of the Yuan Dynasty, p.31, Note 86.
41. The History of Yuan Dynasty/26/586
42. The History of Yuan Dynasty/75/1876; Collection of Surviving Sections of
the Gazetteer of Xijin/73. The original text says, “Baota Temple…has a
Shenyu Hall dedicated to Empress Consort Nanhe, and a Donghe Hall.”
However, there is no record of an empress consort by the name of Nanhe in
The History of Yuan Dynasty, so the text is probably referring to Nambui,
empress consort of Qubilai. According to “Commemorative Rituals IV:
Shenyu Hall” in The History of Yuan Dynasty, Nambui had a Shenyu Hall
called Yishou to her name. This is proof that Nambui is the “Nanhe” in the
text. The National Palace Museum has a collection of portraits of emperors
and empresses originally found in the Hall of South Fragrance of Qing
Dynasty, including the Book of Yuan Dynasty Empresses. The book
features a portrait of “Queen Consort Nahan” Hu Jing (1769-1845) points
out in his A Study on the Portraits in the Hall of South Fragrance that there
is no record of a “Queen Consort Nahan” in The History of Yuan Dynasty,
so “Queen Consort Nahan” might actually be referring to “Queen Consort
Nuhan” of Qubilai, as Nahan has a similar pronunciation with Nuhan. Yet
the portrait of Nuhan was placed after the portrait of queen consort of
Rinchinbal Khan in the Book of Yuan Dynasty Empresses, so she and
Nahan might not be one and the same person after all (Vol.2, pp.5b-6a). It is
possible that Nahan is actually Nanhe, and the differences were probably
caused by translation by Qianlong Emperor and his officials. Nahan was
probably referring to Queen Consort Nambui of Qubilai, whose portrait was
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 28
placed after the portrait of queen consort of Rinchinbal Khan in the Book of
Yuan Dynasty Empresses because she was a concubine of Qubilai.
43. The History of Yuan Dynasty/40/853-854. The History of Yuan Dynasty
gives contradictory accounts as to whether the portraits of Genghis Khan,
Ögedei, and Tolui were moved to Stone Buddha Temple. According to “The
Biography of Toghon Temür III” in Vol.40, “the portraits of Genghis Khan,
Ögedei, and Tolui were erected in Stone Buddha Temple on January 11,
1269” (pp.853-854). According to “Commemorative Rituals IV: Shenyu
Hall” in Vol.75 of The History of Yuan Dynasty, “in 1269, officials of
Hanlin Yuan reported that the place where the portraits of Genghis Khan,
Ögedei, and Tolui were worshipped was old, narrow, and leaking, and
advised that the portraits should be moved to the new spirit hall in Stone
Buddha Temple. However, officials at the Legislative Bureau vetoed the
proposition, saying that the decision of Qubilai Khan must not be altered”
(p.1877). In this paper, the former account was adopted.
44. The History of Yuan Dynasty/75/1876-1877; Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on
Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.17
45. The History of Yuan Dynasty/24/553, 34/765, 35/794, 39/842-843, 75/1876;
Records of Visiting the Historical Sites of Heshuo/first volume/10b; A
Collection of Palace Memorials from the Yuan Period/137; Peking
Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.37
46. The History of Yuan Dynasty/34/765, 35/794, 39/842-843, 75/1876
47. Collection of Surviving Sections of the Gazetteer of Xijin/93
48. The History of Yuan Dynasty/38/826; Gazetteer of Ganzhou
Prefecture/2/13b
49. Peking Gazetteer Xijin Zhi on Imperial Sacrificial Ceremonies, No.33
Table II: Records of The History of Yuan Dynasty of the portraits of Genghis
Khan, Ögedei, and Tolui being worshipped in temples
Emperor
Ayurbarwada Buyantu Khan
Time
June 17, 1311
Quoted Passage
Hanlin Yuan was ordered by
Vol/Page
24/543
the emperor to hold
commemorative rituals at the
place where the portraits of
Genghis Khan, Ögedei, and
Tolui were kept in spring
and autumn every year
Yesün Temür Khan
Day of Xinhai, August 1324
Hanlin Yuan academicians
29/650
29 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
(the year has no “Day of
held commemorative rituals
Xinhai”)
for Genghis Khan, Ögedei,
and Tolui at Puqing Temple
at the order of the emperor
February 9, 1326
Commemorative rituals
30/668
involving the portraits of
Genghis Khan, Ögedei, and
Tolui were held at Hanlin
Yuan
February 5, 1327
Commemorative rituals
30/677
involving the portraits of
Genghis Khan, Ögedei, and
Tolui were held at Chenghua
Puqing Temple; officials of
Hanlin Yuan presided over
the rituals
Khutughtu Khan
February 9, 1329 66
Commemorative rituals
33/730
involving the portraits of
Genghis Khan, Ögedei, and
Tolui were held at Puqing
Temple by officials of
Legislative Bureau and
Hanlin Yuan at the order of
the emperor
July 27, 1329
Messengers sent to the
31/700─701
capital to ask Haba Ertu,
official of the Legislative
Bureau, to hold
commemorative rituals
involving the portraits of
Genghis Khan, Ögedei, and
Tolui along with officials of
Hanlin Yuan
Jayaatu Khan
February 27, 1330
Officials of the Legislative
34/753
Bureau and Hanlin Yuan
66
Khutughtu Khan was crowned at the north of Hening in January 1329. In August of the same year,
he died a sudden death in Wanghu Chadu. In The History of Yuan Dynasty, it was Jayaatu Khan who
ordered a commemorative ritual in February of the year, probably acting on behalf of Khutughtu Khan.
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 30
were ordered to hold
commemorative rituals
involving the portraits of
Genghis Khan, Ögedei
July 8, 1330
Officials of the Legislative
34/760
Bureau and Hanlin Yuan
were ordered to hold
commemorative rituals
involving the portraits of
Genghis Khan, Ögedei at
Puqing Temple
February 10, 1331
Commemorative rituals
35/777
involving the portraits of
Genghis Khan, Ögedei, and
Tolui were held
July 9, 1331
Commemorative rituals
35/787
involving the portraits of
Genghis Khan, Ögedei, and
Tolui were held at Hanlin
Yuan
Toghon Temür
July 6, 1334
Commemorative rituals
38/823
involving the portraits of
Genghis Khan, Ögedei, and
Tolui were held
January 21, 1269
The portraits of Genghis
40/853-854
Khan, Ögedei, and Tolui
were erected at Stone
Buddha Temple
Notes:
1. The records in The History of Yuan Dynasty are rather incomplete. There
are two more significant problems: Firstly, since the portraits of the three
emperors were placed in Hanlin Yuan some time in the middle of the reign
of Qubilai Khan, it seems strange that the records did not show this fact
until the reign of Ayurbarwada Buyantu Khan. Secondly, since the decision
was made in 1311 to hold commemorative rituals in spring and autumn
“every year,” it seems strange that there were no records of commemorative
ritual activities throughout the reigns of Ayurbarwada Buyantu Khan and
31 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
Gegeen Khan.
2. There are no records of commemorative rituals involving the portraits of the
three emperors after 1269. The author managed to find only two pieces of
literature about such rituals out of Yuan Dynasty poems and essays. The
first one is “Epitaph of the Father of Du Boyuan, an Official of Yuan
Dynasty” in Vol.2 of the Sequel of Works of Wei Tapu written by Wei Su,
which says, “in the spring of 1343, when Taifu He (author’s note: by the
name of He Weiyi) was Right Chancellor of Legislative Bureau, he held a
ritual involving the three emperors at Hanlin Yuan… 67” Two observations
can be drawn from the text: firstly, it is certain that the portraits of the three
emperors had been moved back from Stone Buddha Temple to Hanlin Yuan
by 1343 (the portraits were moved from Hanlin Yuan to Stone Buddha
Temple in 1340). Secondly, rituals involving the portraits of the three
emperors were the responsibility of the Legislative Bureau. The second
record is found in the poem “Worshipping the Portraits of the Three
Emperors at Hanlin Yuan in Winter” written by Chang Zhu (1287-1368),
which says “the sun towers above Jiaxi Hall; the brilliance of sunlight is
reflected in the color of the emperor’s robe; the dews on the clouds are held
in the golden hand, 68 the breeze outside the tent raises the colorful banner;
the celestial being rides atop a yellow crane and is greatly revered; the
envoy who arrives on treasured horses receives compliment from the prince;
in the forbidden garden the last traces of winter can still be felt; spring has
yet to arrive, yet peach blossoms are already dotted with red.” This poem is
found in Poems by Chang Tuian, Vol.4, p.1a. The title of the poem includes
the words “Year of Wuxu.” Chang was supposed to have gone through
“Year of Wuxu” twice throughout his life, once in 1298, and once again in
1358. According to The History of Yuan Dynasty, Chang was not
recommended to the emperor until the last days in the reign of Toghon
Temür. He was created assistant to Guozijian in the early days of the reign
of Toghon Temür (p.4284), so the “Year of Wuxu” in this context should be
1358. In addition, the title of the poem makes it clear that portraits of the
67
(Yuan Dynasty) Wei Su, Sequel of Works of Wei Tapu (Collection of Rare Books of Works of Yuan
Dynasty Authors, Book 7, photofacsimile of Wuxing Liu Jiaye version), Vol.2, p.25a.
68
The two versions of Poems by Chang Tuian as found in Siku Quanshu of Wenyuan Chamber and
Books I and V of Collection of Yuan Dynasty Poems both contain this poem. The title of the poem is the
same as the one appeared in The Four Branches of Literature Collection (Photofacsimile Reprint of
Shanghai Hanfen Lou Bookstore’s Version, Taipei: The Commercial Press Ltd, 1981). However, the
Chinese characters “端露” (meaning “dews”) in both versions are given as “瑞露.” The correct term
should read “瑞露,” as it fits the context and tonal patterns. See (Yuan Dynasty) Chang Zhu, Poems by
Chang Tuian (Siku Quanshu of Wenyuan Chamber, Book 1215), Vol.4, p.1a-b; (Qing Dynasty) Gu Sili ed.,
Books I and V Collection of Yuan Dynasty Poems (Beijing: Chunghwa Bookstore, 1987), pp.1366-1367.
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 32
three emperors were still held in Hanlin Yuan at the time the poem was
written. See Liu Yuan, “Chronicles of Proxy Commemorative Ritual at the
Northern Mountain, which says, “On the 15th, the emperor visited Jiaxi Hall.
The chancellor, holding a box of incense, led a group of servants into the
hall. The servants kneeled before the emperor and presented the emperor
with the incense. The emperor, raising the burning incense high above his
forehead, prayed silently for a long time…then he handed the burning
incense back to the servants, who left the hall and rode on horseback to
other temples to conduct rituals. 69” The text shows that the incense given by
the emperor at Jiaxi Hall was intended for proxy rituals. 70 Chang Zhu was
probably worshipping the portraits of the three emperors when he offered
burning incense to the palace (possibly Jiaxi Hall) in November. If so, then
Hanlin Yuan’s commemorative rituals involving the portraits of the three
emperors might have taken place outside spring and autumn.
Works Cited:
1. Ancient Texts:
〔元〕不著撰人，《大元聖政國朝典章》，據台灣故宮博物院 1972 年影印
元刊本翻印，北京：中國廣播電視出版社，1998。簡稱《元典章》
。
〔元〕王惲，《秋澗先生大全文集》，
《元人文集珍本叢刊》第 1─2 冊，據
元至治刊本明代修補本影印，台北：新文豐出版公司，1985。
〔元〕危素，《危太樸文續集》
，
《元人文集珍本叢刊》第 7 冊，據吳興劉
氏嘉業堂刊本影印。
〔元〕佚名，
《元代畫塑記》
，收入嚴一萍輯選，
《原刻景印叢書集成三編．
學術叢編》，據民國五年（1916）上海倉聖明智大學排印本影印，台北：
69
See Division of Inscriptions on Ancient Bronzes and Stone Tablets of Peking University Library ed.,
Collection of Rubbings of Peking University Library (Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Ancient Books Press, 1990),
Book 50, Yuan Dynasty, p.77. The inscription is slightly worn out beyond recognition. The text is also
found in Vol.42 of Complete Collection of Illustrations and Writings from the Earliest to Current Times:
Earth/Geography, though under the title of “Commemorative Ritual at Mount Heng.”
70
For a discussion on proxy rituals of Yuan Dynasty, see Morita Kenji, “Proxy Rituals at Shrines in Yuan
Dynasty,” The Journal of Eastern Religions, No. 98 (2001), pp.17-32. Besides Jiaxi Hall, Yuan emperors
also handed out the incense needed for proxy rituals in other shrines of Khanbaliq, including Mingren
Hall (or Renming Hall), Wende Hall, and Daming Hall. Shrines in Shangdu where proxy rituals were
performed included Shuijing Hall. It is probably not out of coincidence that records of proxy rituals
held during the reign of Toghon Temür all give the names of shrines where the rituals were held.
33 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
藝文印書館，1971。
〔元〕宋褧，
《燕石集》，
《北京圖書館古籍珍本叢刊》第 92 冊，據清抄本
影印，北京：書目文獻出版社，1988。
〔元〕周伯琦，
《近光集》，
《景印文淵閣四庫全書》第 1214 冊，據國立故
宮博物院藏本影印，台北：台灣商務印書館，1983。
〔元〕姚燧，《牧菴集》，《四部叢刊．正編》第 63 冊，據上海涵芬樓藏武
英殿聚珍本影印，台北：台灣商務印書館，1979。
〔元〕胡助，
《純白齋類稿》，收入嚴一萍輯選，
《原刻景印百部叢書集成》
第 95 部，據清同治胡鳳丹輯刊《金華叢書》本影印，台北：藝文印書館，
1968。
〔元〕夏文彥，《圖繪寶鑒》，收入嚴一萍輯選，
《原刻景印百部叢書集成》
第 22 部，據明崇禎毛晉校刊《津逮秘書》本影印，台北：藝文印書館，
1966。
〔元〕納新，
《河朔訪古記》，收入嚴一萍輯選，
《原刻景印百部叢書集成》
第 64 部，據清咸豐伍崇曜校刊《粵雅堂叢書》本影印，台北：藝文印書
館，1965。
〔元〕袁桷，《清容居士集》，《四部叢刊．正編》第 67 冊，據上海涵芬樓
景印元刊本重印。
〔元〕張翥，《蛻菴集》，《景印文淵閣四庫全書》第 1215 冊。
〔元〕張翥撰，
〔明〕釋大杼輯，
《張蛻庵詩集》
，
《四部叢刊．廣編》第 43
冊，據上海涵芬樓景印常熟瞿氏鐵琴銅劍樓藏明刊本重印，台北：台灣商
務印書館，1981。
〔元〕許有壬，《至正集》，《元人文集珍本叢刊》據清宣統 3 年（1911）
聊城鄒氏石印藏鈔本影印。
〔元〕陶宗儀，《南村輟耕錄》
，
《元明史料筆記叢刊》本，北京：中華書
局，1959 第 1 版，2004 北京第 4 刷。
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 34
〔元〕程鉅夫，
《程雪樓文集》
，
《元代珍本文集彙刊》據清宣統 2 年（1910）
陽湖陶氏涉園影刊洪武本影印，台北：國立中央圖書館，1970。
〔元〕黃溍著，王頲點校，《黃溍全集》
，天津：天津古籍出版社，2008。
〔元〕楊瑀撰，余大鈞點校，《山居新語》，
《元明史料筆記叢刊》本，北
京：中華書局，2006。
〔元〕虞集著，王頲點校，《虞集全集》
，天津：天津古籍出版社，2007。
〔元〕熊夢祥著，北京圖書館善本組輯，
《析津志輯佚》
，北京：北京古籍
出版社，1983。
〔元〕蒲道源，《閒居叢稿》，《元代珍本文集彙刊》據舊抄本影印。
〔元〕趙孟頫著，任道斌校點，
《趙孟頫集》
，杭州：浙江古籍出版社，1986
第 1 版，1992 第 2 刷。
〔元〕劉岳申，《申齋劉先生文集》，
《元代珍本文集彙刊》本。
〔元〕盧琦，
《圭峰先生集》，《北京圖書館古籍珍本叢刊》第 96 冊，據明
萬曆三十七年（1609）莊毓慶等刻本影印。
〔元〕薩都（拉）
〔剌〕
，
《雁門集》
，點校本，上海：上海古籍出版社，1982。
〔元〕蘇天爵著，陳高華、孟繁清點校，《滋溪文稿》
，北京：中華書局，
1997。
〔元〕釋大訢，《蒲室集》，收入荒木見悟、岡田武彥主編，《和刻影印近
世漢籍叢刊．思想四編》第 3 冊，據九州大學文學部藏承應 2 年（1653）
重刊本影印，京都：中文出版社，1984。
〔元〕釋念常，《佛祖歷代通載》
，
《北京圖書館古籍珍本叢刊》第 77 冊，
據元至正七年（1347）釋念常募刻本影印。
〔明〕朱有燉撰，傅樂淑箋注，
《元宮詞百章箋注》，北京：書目文獻出版社，1995。
〔明〕宋濂等，《元
史》
，點校本，北京：中華書局，1976。
〔清〕王昶，《金石萃編》，《石刻史料新編》第 1 輯第 1─4 冊，據清嘉慶
35 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
十年（1805）青浦王昶經訓堂刊本影印，台北：新文豐出版公司，1977 初
版，1982 再版。
〔清〕胡敬，
《南薰殿圖像考》
，
《續修四庫全書》第 1082 冊，據清嘉慶刻
本影印，上海：上海古籍出版社，1997。
〔清〕胡聘之，《山右石刻叢編》
，
《石刻史料新編》第 1 輯第 20─21 冊，
據清光緒 27 年（1901）刊本影印。
〔清〕徐松輯，《宋會要輯稿》
，據民國 25 年（1936）前北平圖書館影印
本重印，北京：中華書局，1957。
〔清〕陳夢雷編，《古今圖書集成》，據民國 20 年間上海中華書局影印清
聚珍本重印，台北：鼎文書局，1976。
〔清〕鍾庚起纂修，
《甘州府志》
，
《中國方志叢書》據清乾隆四十四年（1779）
刊本影印，台北：成文出版社，1976。
〔清〕顧嗣立編，《元詩選》，北京：中華書局，1987。
〔波斯〕拉施特（Rashīd al-Dīn Tabib）主編，余大鈞、周建奇譯，
《史集》
第二卷，北京：商務印書館，1985 第 1 版，1997 北京第 3 刷。
不著譯人，《新舊約全書》，南京：中國基督教協會，1989。
北京圖書館金石組編，《北京圖書館藏中國歷代石刻拓本匯編》第 50 冊，
《元》
，鄭州：中州古籍出版社，1990。
李修生主編，《全元文》，25 冊前由江蘇古籍出版社印行，1998─2001；26
冊後由南京鳳凰出版社印行，2004。
馬堅譯，
《古蘭經》
，北京：中國社會科學出版社，1981 第 1 版，1985 第 2
刷。
陳得芝等輯點，《元代奏議集錄》
，
《元代史料叢刊》本，杭州：浙江古籍
出版社，1998。
黃竹三、馮俊杰等編著，
《洪洞介休水利碑刻輯錄》
，北京：中華書局，2003。
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 36
2. Works by Contemporary Authors
王耀庭
2005〈蒙元王朝帝后圖像〉
，
《故宮文物月刊》
，第 22 卷第 10 期，頁 58─71。
朱謙之
1993《中國景教：中國古代基督教研究》，北京：東方出版社。
余輝
2000〈元代宮廷繪畫研究〉，收入氏著，
《畫史解疑》
，台北：東大圖書公
司，頁 269─335。
吳正科
1996〈張掖大佛寺歷史沿革綴述〉
，
《絲綢之路》
，1996 年第 3 期，頁 49─51。
2004 《大佛寺史探》，蘭州：甘肅人民出版社。
孟繁清
1983〈試論忽必烈與阿里不哥之爭〉，收入元史研究會編，
《元史論叢》
，
第 2 輯，北京：中華書局，頁 167─174。
林悟殊
2000〈西安景教碑研究述評〉
，原載《中國學術》
，2000 年第 1 期，後收入
氏著，
《唐代景教再研究》
，北京：中國社會科學出版社，2003，頁 3─26。
姜東成
2006〈元大都敕建佛寺分佈特點及建築模式初探〉
，
「元代佛教與少林寺國
際學術研討會」，登封縣：少林寺、中國元史研究會、暨南大學文學院，
2006 年 10 月 11─13 日。
2007《元大都城市形態與建築群基址規模研究》
，北京：清華大學建築學
院博士論文。
洪金富
2008a〈元《析津志．原廟．行香》篇疏證〉
，
《中央研究院歷史語言研究所
集刊》
，第 79 本第 1 分，頁 1─40。
2008b〈唐妃娘娘阿吉剌考〉，《中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊》
，第 79
本第 1 分，頁 41─62。
37 Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.3
胡其德
1990《蒙古帝國初期的政教關係》
，台北：國立台灣師範大學歷史研究所
博士論文。
耿昇
1999〈外國學者對於西安府大秦景教碑的研究〉
，
《世界宗教研究》
，1999
年第 1 期，頁 56─64。
馬明達
2006〈元代帝后肖像畫研究〉，收入紀宗安、湯開建主編，
《暨南史學》第
4 輯，廣州：暨南大學出版社，頁 197─215。
高榮盛
2000〈元代祭禮三題〉，《南京大學學報（哲學．人文科學．社會科學）
》，
2000 年第 6 期，頁 73─82。
張雲
1998《元代吐蕃地方行政體制研究》，北京：中國社會科學出版社。
許正弘
2009《元代原廟制度初探：以太禧宗禋院為中心》，新竹：國立清華大學
歷史研究所碩士論文。
陳高華、史衛民
1988《元上都》，長春：吉林教育出版社。
劉光義
1966〈記蒙古莊聖皇后莎兒合黑塔泥事〉，
《出版月刊》
，第 2 卷第 1 期，
頁 57─59。
劉靜貞
1984〈蒙古帝國汗位帝系移轉過程中的三位女性——脫列哥那、莎兒合黑
塔泥與海迷失〉，《史原》，第 13 期，頁 103─125。
蕭啟慶
1994〈元代蒙古人的漢學〉，收入氏著，
《蒙元史新研》
，台北：允晨文化
實業公司，1994 初版，2006 三刷，頁 95─216。
A Preliminary Discussion on Religious and Management Mechanisms of China Yuan Dynasty Imperial
Temples 38
伯希和（Pelliot, P.）著，馮承鈞譯
1932 〈莎兒合黑塔泥〉，原文載 1932 年《通報》43─54 頁。譯文載《西
域南海史地考證譯叢》
，第 1 卷第 4 編，北京：商務印書館，1995，頁 1─16。
中村淳（Nakamura Jun）
1994〈モンゴル時代の「道佛論爭」の實像：クビライの中國支配への道〉
，
《東洋學報》，第 75 卷第 3．4 號，頁 33─63。陳一鳴中譯，改題〈蒙古
時代“道佛争論”的真像：忽必烈統治中國之道〉
，
《蒙古學信息》
，1996 年
第 2 期與第 3 期，頁 1─7 和頁 5─9、49。
1999〈元代大都の敕建寺院をめぐって〉
，
《東洋史研究》
，第 58 卷第 1 號，
頁 63─83。寶力格（Bulaγ）中譯，改題〈元大都敕建寺院概述〉
，
《蒙古學
信息》
，2003 年第 1 期，頁 25─35。
森田憲司（Morita Kenji）
2001〈元朝における代祀について〉，
《東方宗教》，第 98 號，頁 17─32。
道上峰史（Michiue Takafumi）
2003〈元朝翰林國史院考〉
，收入明代史研究會編，
《明代史研究會創立三
十五年記念論集》，東京：汲古書院，頁 419─456。
櫻井智美（Sakurai Satomi）
2000〈元代集賢院の成立〉，《史林》，第 83 卷第 3 號，頁 115─143