The Primary Immediate Causes of the French Revolution.
"The revolution was cause by a myriad of pro
blems. The lead up to 1789 saw a sharp reversal in the economic and social developments making a con
dition favorable to revolution. Contributing factors can be seen in the sever droughts and storms in
1785. The fluctuating harvests that affecting more then just food products, fabrics and textiles we
re also disrupted because of inconsistent harvest. The monarchy had through the nation into severe d
ebt and in 1786 the Controller general of finances, Calonne reported to the King that radical reform
was required. Interest payments sucked the government dry and the king's ministers found it impossi
ble to raise new taxes, old taxes did not yield efficiently. There had been growing in Europe, what
has been referred to as the revolutionary spirit. This philosophy promoted that it is right to take
up arms against tyranny, that There should be no taxation without representation, that all men shoul
d have liberal freedoms and that a Republic is superior to a monarchy. There was discontent amongst
classes the aristocrats wanted more political power whilst trying to stay exempt from taxes. They de
nounced the monarchy's absolutism though they wanted to implement their own form of it. The Bourgeoi
sie also attacked the monarchy's absolutism, they also attacked privileges of the Nobility. It was t
his class, the Third Estate that were most influenced by the disposition of mind. The peasants were
attracted to the ideas of the Bourgeoisie for they saw the idea of tax reform and equality as the wa
y to the abolition of the seigneurial system, which was their main grievance. All of these circumsta
nces paved the way for revolt."
Since the revolutions in France during the 1790's there have been m
any theories over what caused the revolution. The Marxist theory that worsening conditions create a
situation favourable to revolution has been expunged as it was observed that "revolutions were are
most likely to occur when a prolonged period of objective economic and social development is followe
d by a short period of sharp reversal"[ ]1. Other ideas point to class rivalry, the political and so
cial turmoil of the time or the philosophical ideologies of revolution partly made more popular by t
he American Revolution. Even the agricultural problems of the period have been seen as a factor to c
ontribute to the revolution. In fact it was a combination of all of these things. Droughts and storm
s ravished the fields during the 1780's. There were severe droughts in 1785 and the following years
saw the peasants unable to afford the quantity of seed required for a good harvest the following sea
son, the inevitable result was short yields [ ]. In July 1785 freak storms devastated what was left
of cops that were surviving the droughts. Oh a whole harvests were low and the unusually hot summer
was followed by the coldest winter (1789) within living memory. Northern France was covered in snow
and ice from December to April while in the south many of the more delicate crops (olives and vines
) were damaged by frost. Economics were disrupted by fluctuating harvests and during this period a g
ood harvest would not necessarily restore stability[ ]. The effects of nature "were to have incalcul
able consequence for the history of France ... it did not cause the French Revolution but it did dic
tate the sort of revolution it would be"[ ]. The fluctuating harvest reflected in equal variations i
n textiles born of unstable demand. The effect on weaving towns like Amiens, Nimen and Rouen were de
vastating. Weavers tended to be laid off the exactly the times when the price of bread was already s
training their wages. Crops in the mid 1780's also affected the supply of flax and hemp, in 1787 the
silk harvest failed and finally the commercial treaty of 1786 opened the French market to competiti
on in 1787[ ]. The treaty also removed control over the grain trade and even with bumper crops of 1
785 making grain cheep and abundant for the preceding year the surplus was dissipated through export
. In August 1788 Necker resumed office and re imposed control over grain export but grain prices had
already begun to climb affecting the prices of flower and bread[ ]. In the 1780s, the debts of Loui
s XVI's government were immense. Interest payments sucked the government dry. At the same time, the
king's ministers found it impossible to raise new taxes, and old taxes did not yield efficiently. On
e reason for this was the number of people who had fiscal privileges. Also, those who collected taxe
s in Old Regime France were not salaried employees, but tax-farmers who took their profit first befo
re handing over the revenue to the treasury. Even the government's own receivers were allowed to use
the funds in their care for their own purposes which usually meant lending the government its own m
oney at interest. When Louis XVI's finance minister Calonne came to him in 1786 to tell him the till
was empty, the government, with its debts and many commitments, had little room to maneuver. Yet dr
astic action was necessary[ ]. The government had neither money nor credit. An absolute king in theo
ry should have the power to bring in new taxes, especially in an emergency of this sort. But in actu
al fact, some kind of agreement with the privileged classes was necessary if their tax burden was to
be increased. Calonne proposed the calling of a pseudo-representative body named the Assembly of No
tables . These Notables were to be royal nominees, men of substance whose obedience in his financial
plans could be presented as the assent of the nation. This body, made up of 144 nobles, bishops, ro
yal officials, mayors, and provincial leaders, met in February of 1787[ ]. They refused to consider
reform unless they were shown the government accounts to see that there really was a crisis. Once th
ey had seen them the Notables suggested retrenchment before any new taxes were tried, and then denie
d they had the power to approve new taxes or a more uniform system of tax liability on behalf of the
kingdom. By the summer of 1787, it was evident that the Assembly of Notables would pass no signific
ant measures, and the government began changing the tax system by edict. But such edicts had to be r
egistered by the various "regional supreme courts," the parliaments, before they had the force of la
w, and the parliaments refused to do this. The resistance of the parliaments, which was the resistan
ce of some of the most privileged groups in the kingdom, enjoyed a great deal of popular support. Th
e parliaments claimed to be the kingdom's best defense against arbitrary royal authority. When the g
overnment exiled the members of the parliaments, and issued edicts to strip them of their powers, th
ere were riots and the troops had to be called out. Parliaments seen as champions of the "constituti
on" or "fundamental law" of the country. These courts stated that sweeping changes in the "constitut
ion" could only be made by the Estates-General which had not met since 1614. It was taken for grante
d, by both conservatives and liberals, that representative government was the only cure for the curr
ent corrupt regime. The royal government might have toughed it out, except that there was no money.
Also arbitrary measures taken by the royal court had destroyed investor confidence, and no one would
trust a despot with good money. At the beginning of August of 1788, the controller-general told the
chief minister, Brienne, that the treasury was empty. On the 8th of August, Brienne agreed to call
the Estates-General on May 1st of the next year. Even this did not restore credit. A forced loan and
a change of ministry was necessary to keep the government going. Necker, a Swiss banker who had bee
n an important minister years earlier, and who enjoyed the confidence of other bankers, was brought
in to run the government. He made it clear that he would run a caretaker government until the Estate
s met[ ]. The Old Regime was both financially and morally bankrupt. The nation, or at least part of
it, now had the opportunity to put something else in its place. The revolutionary ideal had been fue
led by the ideas behind the American revolution. Already in France a new school of thought was devel
oping amongst the Bourgeoisie. This was further aided by the transmission of Revolutionary thoughts
from America back into France These ideas included that: It is right to take up arms against tyranny
There should be no taxation without representation All men should have liberal freedoms A Republic
is superior to a monarchy.
Ideas expounded by Voltaire and Rousseau held the Bourgeoisie captive. T
hey captured the attention of the Bourgeoisie by promising free commerce and more liberal freedom. T
hinkers also challenged the dogmas of absolutism. Reason they believed was a higher force than the m
onarch's claim to divine right. The brotherhood of men, equal rights and responsibilities should rep
lace privileges. Men should develop through opportunity and education and not because of birth. This
all encouraged critical thinking among the Lower classes especially the Bourgeoisie. They became cr
itical of absolutism, the class system, privileges and the lack of liberal rights. Discontent was be
coming more General and Vocal and was by no means any longer confined to one section of society[ ].
This new Disposition of Mind had encouraged various sections of society to become more vocal and cri
tical of the system. People were now willing to speak up about their grievances and pamphlets publis
hed advertising these ideals.
1st. What is the third estate? Everything. 2nd. What has it been here
tofore in the political order? Nothing. 3rd. What does it demand? To become something therein. Abbé
Sieyès, What is the Third Estate? (1789)[ ] Long standing Critical Ideas were sharpened by those fro
m America and long standing criticism of the monarchy were reinforced by the revolutionary ideas imp
orted from America. These ideas gave the thinkers an actual system other than that of Britain that t
hey could refer to in their writings. The Aristocrats were denouncing the monarchy's absolutism. The
Nobility were long discouraged by their loss of rights. They worked back into surrounding the monar
chy with themselves in positions of power. The special concern of the nobles was to see that the Kin
g did not introduce tax reform. They wanted more political power to make sure events like this did n
ot happen. While they denounced the monarchy's absolutism they wanted to implement their own form of
it. The Bourgeoisie also attacked it; they also attacked privileges of the Nobility. For centuries
the Bourgeoisie had accepted a position of social inferiority to the nobility. Due to the increasing
monopoly that the nobility were holding on privileges and the Bourgeoisie's own improving condition
s this caused many Bourgeoisie to despise the aristocracy. They also despised the absolutism of the
monarchy. They had been the most influenced by the Disposition of mind. The peasants were attracted
to the ideas of the Bourgeoisie for two man reasons. Firstly they related to peasant grievances and
secondly the Bourgeoisie was really the only class that the peasants associated with. The peasants s
aw the idea of tax reform and equality as the way to the abolition of the seigneurial system, which
was their main grievance[ ]. In the spring of 1789, food prices were soaring in the aftermath of the
worst harvest anyone could remember. The government was still strapped for funds, and Necker had ta
ken a hands-off stance. Neither his ministry nor the court as a whole were offering any leadership.
In this overheated political atmosphere the conflict over voting touched off the revolution. In May
and June, 1789, the Estates sat at Versailles and struggled for power within the assembly. The key i
ssue became one of common deliberations and specifically common verification of the credentials of r
epresentatives. Common deliberations would emphasize that it was the body as a whole that represente
d the nation. Separate deliberation and verification would emphasize the old distinction between ord
ers and frustrate the aspirations of the Third Estate[ ]. Division in the First Estate (clergy): Par
ish priests enjoyed a great deal of representation, and they were no aristocrats. They were drawn fr
om the Third Estate, they were poorly paid, and they suffered from the oppression both of their own
superiors and the local nobility. Their sympathy with the Third Estate was a weakness in the defense
s of the other two orders. On June 10, 1789, after five weeks of deadlock, Sieyè proposed that the r
epresentatives of the Third Estate issue a last invitation to the other orders to join them, and the
n proceed, whether the others showed up or not, to verify all credentials of the assembly. This was
a revolutionary claim to power. Several priests showed up to take their seats next to the Third Esta
te, though not yet as part of it. On June 17th, after some days of verification, the Third Estate we
nt farther, and adopted the title of National Assembly. Then it provisionally authorized all existin
g taxes and guaranteed the national debt, the new National Assembly was asserting its sovereignty wi
thin the state. Louis XVI, finally decided to do something. He also decided to hold a Royal Session
on June 23, in which he would assert his leadership. Until then, the hall where the Third Estate, wa
s meeting was closed. When the National Assembly, showed up the day after their dramatic resolutions
, they found the doors locked. They assembled instead on the royal Tennis Court and swore an oath no
t to disperse before writing a constitution for France. The political atmosphere had changed. The "c
onstitution" was no longer something to be defended, but something that needed to be created, not di
ssimilar from the American Constitution, written in 1787, and which in 1789 had came into force. Aft
er this, all efforts to reassert royal leadership fell flat. The National Assembly declared that vot
ing by head would take place. The king was convinced that the assembly would have to be repressed by
an army, and Necker dismissed. Both in Paris and the countryside, there was great excitement. A lac
k of affordable food, wandering beggars and brigands who threatened the peasants and the crops. Peop
le blamed the privileged orders for their troubles[ ]. In Paris it was obvious to bourgeois and poor
people alike that troops were moving and that the National Assembly was threatened. In July, the ci
ty of Paris organized itself for defense against the king and the nobles and the voter assemblies in
the districts and for the city as a whole created a militia to stave off food riots and attacks fro
m the king. Then, when the king dismissed Necker, they began to seize arms from royal magazines. One
of these was the Bastille, which on July 14th fell to a crowd of citizens. Revolt of Paris dissuade
d the king from using force against the National Assembly. But another revolt was more decisive, the
revolt of the peasants[ ]. So it can be seen that the myriad of problems faced by France during the
late 1780's, political and social turmoil, philosophical ideologies of revolution and the state of
agricultural economical affairs contributed to the revolutions of 1789. Bibliography::
The new Camb
ridge modern history. Cambridge, Eng : Cambridge University Press, 1970. Breunig, C. The age of revo
lution and reaction : 1789-1850. London : Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971. Doyle, W. Origins of the Fr
ench revolution. Oxford ; New York : Oxford University Press, 1980. Doyle, W. The Oxford history of
the French Revolution. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1989 Dukes, P. A history of Europe, 1648-1948 : th
e arrival, the rise, the fall. London : Macmillan, 1985. Kreis, S. The Origins of the French Revolut
ion. &http://www.historyguide.org/intellect/lecture11a.html < Lee, S. Aspects of European history 17
89-1980. London : Routledge, 1995. Miller, S. Mastering modern European history. Basingstoke : Macmi
llan, 1997 Rude, G. Title Revolutionary Europe 1783-1815. New York, N.Y : Harper " Row, 1964. Thomso
m, T. Europe since Napoleon. London : Penguin, 1990.
Footnotes:: [ ]Lee, 1995: p2. [ ]Lee, 1995: p
3. [ ]Doyle, 1989: p86. [ ]Doyle, 1980: p 161. [ ]Doyle, 1980: p 158-161. [ ]Rude, 1964: p 59 [ ]Rud
e, 1964: p 57-58 [ ]Cambridge, 1970: p 614-615 [ ]Cambridge, 1970: p 615-617 [ ]Breunig, 1971: p 3-4
[ ]Kreis, 2000 [ ]Bruning, 1971: 13-14 [ ]Dukes, 1985: p 163 [ ]Dukes, 1985: p 165 [ ]Breunig, 1971
: p 9-11
primary immediate causes french revolution revolution cause myriad problems lead sharp r
eversal economic social developments making condition favorable revolution contributing factors seen
sever droughts storms fluctuating harvests that affecting more then just food products fabrics text
iles were also disrupted because inconsistent harvest monarchy through nation into severe debt contr
oller general finances calonne reported king that radical reform required interest payments sucked g
overnment king ministers found impossible raise taxes taxes yield efficiently there been growing eur
ope what been referred revolutionary spirit this philosophy promoted that right take arms against ty
ranny there should taxation without representation should have liberal freedoms republic superior mo
narchy there discontent amongst classes aristocrats wanted more political power whilst trying stay e
xempt from taxes they denounced monarchy absolutism though they wanted implement their form bourgeoi
sie also attacked absolutism they also attacked privileges nobility this class third estate were mos
t influenced disposition mind peasants were attracted ideas bourgeoisie idea reform equality aboliti
on seigneurial system which their main grievance these circumstances paved revolt since revolutions
france during have been many theories over what caused marxist theory worsening conditions create si
tuation favourable expunged observed revolutions most likely occur when prolonged period objective e
conomic social development followed short period sharp reversal other ideas point class rivalry poli
tical social turmoil time philosophical ideologies partly made more popular american even agricultur
al problems period have seen factor contribute fact combination these things droughts storms ravishe
d fields during severe droughts following years peasants unable afford quantity seed required good h
arvest following season inevitable result short yields july freak storms devastated what left cops s
urviving whole harvests unusually summer followed coldest winter within living memory northern franc
e covered snow from december april while south many delicate crops olives vines damaged frost econom
ics disrupted fluctuating harvests during this good harvest would necessarily restore stability effe
cts nature incalculable consequence history france cause french dictate sort would fluctuating refle
cted equal variations textiles born unstable demand effect weaving towns like amiens nimen rouen dev
astating weavers tended laid exactly times when price bread already straining their wages crops affe
cted supply flax hemp silk failed finally commercial treaty opened french market competition treaty
removed control over grain trade even with bumper crops making grain cheep abundant preceding year s
urplus dissipated through export august necker resumed office imposed control over grain export pric
es already begun climb affecting prices flower bread debts louis government immense interest payment
s sucked government same time king ministers found impossible raise yield efficiently reason number
people fiscal privileges those collected regime salaried employees farmers took profit first before
handing revenue treasury even receivers allowed funds care purposes which usually meant lending mone
y interest when louis finance minister calonne came tell till empty with debts many commitments litt
le room maneuver drastic action necessary neither money credit absolute theory should power bring es
pecially emergency sort actual fact some kind agreement with privileged classes necessary burden inc
reased calonne proposed calling pseudo representative body named assembly notables these notables ro
yal nominees substance whose obedience financial plans could presented assent nation body made noble
s bishops royal officials mayors provincial leaders february refused consider reform unless shown ac
counts really crisis once seen them notables suggested retrenchment before tried then denied power a
pprove uniform system liability behalf kingdom summer evident assembly would pass significant measur
es began changing system edict such edicts registered various regional supreme courts parliaments be
fore force parliaments refused resistance parliaments which resistance some most privileged groups k
ingdom enjoyed great deal popular support claimed kingdom best defense against arbitrary royal autho
rity exiled members issued edicts strip them powers riots troops called champions constitution funda
mental country courts stated sweeping changes constitution could only made estates general since tak
en granted both conservatives liberals representative only cure current corrupt regime might toughed
except money arbitrary measures taken court destroyed investor confidence trust despot good beginni
ng august controller general told chief minister brienne treasury empty august brienne agreed call e
states next year restore credit forced loan change ministry necessary keep going necker swiss banker
important minister years earlier enjoyed confidence other bankers brought clear caretaker until est
ates regime both financially morally bankrupt nation least part opportunity something else place rev
olutionary ideal fueled ideas behind american already school thought developing amongst bourgeoisie
further aided transmission revolutionary thoughts from america back into included right take arms ag
ainst tyranny taxation without representation liberal freedoms republic superior expounded voltaire
rousseau held captive captured attention promising free commerce liberal freedom thinkers challenged
dogmas absolutism reason believed higher force than monarch claim divine right brotherhood equal ri
ghts responsibilities replace privileges develop through opportunity education because birth encoura
ged critical thinking among lower classes especially became critical class lack rights discontent be
coming vocal means longer confined section society disposition mind encouraged various sections soci
ety become vocal critical people willing speak about grievances pamphlets published advertising idea
ls third estate everything heretofore political order nothing does demand become something therein s
iey third estate long standing sharpened those america long standing criticism reinforced imported a
merica gave thinkers actual other than britain could refer writings aristocrats denouncing nobility
long discouraged loss rights worked back into surrounding themselves positions special concern noble
s introduce wanted make sure events like happen while denounced implement form attacked nobility cen
turies accepted position inferiority increasing monopoly holding improving conditions caused despise
aristocracy despised influenced disposition mind peasants attracted reasons firstly related peasant
grievances secondly really only associated idea equality abolition seigneurial main grievance sprin
g food prices soaring aftermath worst anyone remember still strapped funds necker taken hands stance
neither ministry court whole offering leadership overheated atmosphere conflict voting touched june
versailles struggled within assembly issue became common deliberations specifically common verifica
tion credentials representatives common deliberations emphasize body whole represented separate deli
beration verification emphasize distinction between orders frustrate aspirations division first cler
gy parish priests enjoyed great deal representation aristocrats drawn poorly paid suffered oppressio
n both superiors local sympathy weakness defenses orders june after five weeks deadlock siey propose
d representatives issue last invitation orders join them then proceed whether others showed verify c
redentials claim several priests showed take seats next though part june after some days verificatio
n went farther adopted title national provisionally authorized existing guaranteed national debt nat
ional asserting sovereignty within state louis finally decided something decided hold session assert
leadership until hall where meeting closed showed after dramatic resolutions found doors locked ass
embled instead tennis court swore oath disperse writing constitution atmosphere changed longer defen
ded needed created dissimilar american written came force efforts reassert leadership fell flat decl
ared voting head place convinced repressed army dismissed paris countryside great excitement lack af
fordable food wandering beggars brigands threatened people blamed privileged troubles paris obvious
bourgeois poor alike troops moving threatened july city paris organized itself defense nobles voter
assemblies districts city created militia stave riots attacks dismissed began seize arms magazines b
astille july fell crowd citizens revolt dissuaded using another revolt decisive myriad problems face
d late turmoil philosophical ideologies state agricultural economical affairs contributed revolution
s bibliography cambridge modern history cambridge cambridge university press breunig reaction london
weidenfeld nicolson doyle origins oxford york oxford university press doyle oxford history clarendo
n press dukes europe arrival rise fall london macmillan kreis origins http historyguide intellect le
cture html aspects european london routledge miller mastering modern european basingstoke macmillan
rude title europe york harper thomsom since napoleon penguin footnotes doyle rude rude breunig kreis
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