CHAPTER THREE
7E
VLI' '1X'44
1.P1 ; : EII '
I: i: II :J I:JYti.i.IuJ j j '4
CHAPTER-Ill
ADVENT OF THE ARABS IN
THE PANDYA COUNTRY
It is said earlier that trade was both internal and international. The Pandya
Country offered a safe place for both kinds of trade, with particular reference to
intercontinental trade. The merchandise and commodities produced in the Pandya
Country, in fact, attracted the attention of the Western World from very early days.
Pepper, wood and ivory from the ancient Chera Country, pearls, sandalwood, musk, a
variety of spices, medicines and monkeys from the ancient Pandya Country were of
great demand in the Western World.
This chapter tries to unravel the past history of the trade contacts of the
Western World with the Pandya Country before and after the advent of the Arabs.
Until the fall of the Roman Empire, the Arabs did not rise as the sole masters of the
trade between the West and the Pandya Country. Trade continued to flourish even
before the advent of the Arabs. This chapter highlights this point and tries to identify
the countries and people having had trade relations with the Pandyas, the commodities
of trade and the routes of trade; it also studies the nature of trade between the Western
World and the Pandya Country. This chapter also attempts to dismiss the arguments
of some historians that the Tamils did not have direct commercial contact with any
world in the past. Since the scholar could not pay visits to the-ancient cities of the
west and make an on the spot study, he has very much depended on secondary
sources.
Before the Advent of the Arabs:
The traders of the Pandya Country were not a land locked people to
concentrate trade only internally. Their geographical or physiographic features
naturally gave them an outlet to go beyond the limits of the land. Their proximity to
the seas and enterprising fisherfolk gave them the much needed opportunities to seek
their fortunes from far-off lands. They thus developed a natural inclination for
creating contacts with the foreigners who left their homes in search of greener new
pastures in the lands far away from their native homes. In their search for wealth, they
80
did not even fail to develop their colonies in the countries of their trading activities.
Finding the opportunities of a peaceful and prosperous trade wide open in the Pandya
Country, traders from various countries plied their vessels into the interior waters of
the Pandya Coast even in the remote past. In their train came the Phoenicians,
Palestinians, Graeco-Romans and the Arabs. This part of the study unravels how
the Phoenicians, Palestinians, Graeco -Ionian Greeks and
Romans carved out a
niche for themselves in the trade map with the Pandya Country and left a valuable
legacy for the Arabs to continue in the succeeding centuries. Of all the countries of
the Western World the Phoenicians seem to have developed a fast moving maritime
contact with South India in general, and the Pandya Country in particular. The
Phoenicians are said to be great seafarers who possessed good knowledge and
command over the seas. Their mastery of the seas helped them master the art of wind
flow and control, seasons and ship-building. They carefully guarded the secrets of
their trade routes. The cities of Tyre and Sidon were known for their seafarers and
merchants.'
According to Prakash Charan Prasad, Phoenicia was a long coastal strip
extending from Asia Minor to Palestine, which covered approximately four hundred
miles. In Northern Syria the Lebanon Mountains with an altitude of more than 10,000
feet come very close to the sea and narrow coastal plain which has come to be known
in antiquity as Phoenicia.
Further, Homer refers to the Phoenicians
as great seamen whose ships sailed
into every sea and whose goods were found at every port. Herodotus admitted that
they were the first to introduce the alphabet into Greece. Their reasons for introducing
writing were entirely practical which enabled merchants and traders everywhere to
keep proper accounts. They were not only the merchants but, in fact, exporters of
cultural and spiritual values. They linked the East and the West commercially. In fact,
their commercial monopoly extended from Europe to South India.'
I
2
R.Krishnamurthy, 'Hellenistic Period Coins From Karur:
A Review' South Indian Numismatic
Society, paper presented in the 9' Annual Conference, Kanyakumari, 1999, p.3.
Ibid., p.45-46.
81
Recent studies tell us that the Phoenicians came up to the Coromandal Coast
of present Orissa during the first and second Sangam age from the Mediterranean
Coast for trade. M.Srinivasa Iyengar argues that the people of Tamil Nadu could have
learnt the art of writing, use of scripts the original symbolic representation from
them. 3 The Phoenicians introduced the alphabets and the art of writing to help in their
trade accounts and the related business correspondence.4
A vivid description of the Phoenicians' trade at the time of Tyre's prosperity is
given by Ezekiel and it shows how extensive were their commercial relations not only
by sea but also by land. They linked India with the rest of the world. The Indian
traders exported perfumes, spices and incense to the Arabians in exchange and
sometimes direct caravan trade passed through the Phoenician lands on its way to
Greece and the West.5
Trade routes of the Phoenicians with the Asian Countries may be classified
into three. The first route linked Arabia, Indus-India and Egypt. The second route
linked Arabia and Babylonia (the present Iran and Iraq). The third route linked
Armenia and Caucuses mountains (the present Russia). Of these three trade routes the
one mentioned first was of great importance. Historians describe it as the Arabian
Fast is that the Indian; the reason for this is that the major goods of the Arab trade
were from South India. 6 Though Alexander subjected their land, the Phoenicians
continued their trade activities. In pre-Hellenistic times, the Assyrians and Persians
depended on Phoenician seagoing vessels. Later, even Alexander sought the
assistance of Phoenicians, when he wanted to navigate the Persian Gulf. It is
surmised that Alexander wanted to gain control of the trade route "from Susa to India
through the Gulf". 7 According to R.Krishnamurthy, the Phoenicians, with their
M.Srinivasa Iyengar, Tamil Studies Essays on the History of the Tamil People, Language
Religion and Literature, New Delhi, 1982, p.121. There is also a view that the term Phoenicia is a
Dravidian form of Panis, which means traders Pani in fact, means business.
Ibid., p.67.
Prakash Charan Prasad, op.cit., p.48.
6
K.Govindhan, Tamizhar Torramum Paravalum (Ti.), Madras, 1994, pp. 103-104.
' R.Krishnamurthy, op-cit., p.3.
82
knowledge of the seas, stellar positions, winds, seasons, ship-buildings, source of
commercially valuable goods and market for such goods, could have easily
transferred their trading activities form the Mediterranean to Red Sea, Persian Gulf
and Arabian Sea and bought, sold or carried goods from one country to another. For
instance, the Arabian caravan trade in frankincense is said to have passed through
Phoenician hands on its way to Greece and the West. If the Arabs and Indians, as
some scholars would believe, struggled with their small, fragile and clumsy sea going
vessels and "underdeveloped trade", the Phoenicians could have provided their
vessels and requisite experience in International trade and thus participated in
transport of goods from east to west and west to east. 8 Hence it can be inferred that
the Phoenician formed a part and parcel of the Arabic race and their language was
also one of the Semitics.
Palestinians Maritime trade Relation with South India:
Of the Western World having contact with the Eastern World, Tamil Nadu in
general and the Pandya Country in particular, Palestine occupies a coveted place in
the trade map of the world. It is said, "From the earliest times the product of
Tamilaham appear to have attracted the merchants of distant lands".
It is believed that Phoenician trade, which extended beyond Aden, could not
have been beyond South India. The things they traded are South Indian (Tamil) names
till today. King Solomon, who ruled over Israel from 1016 B.C. to 976 B.C.
continued his father King David's business. We learn that he made business contracts
with the ruler of Tyre (in present Lebanon) who were Phoenicians. It is well
documented that in the middle of the tenth century B.C. the ships of King of Solomon
brought gold, silver, ivory, almug(sandalwood),precious stones, rice, apes, peacocks
and other articles typical of South Indian origin, gold from Ophir and its twin city,
Tarshish. 9 It was most probably from Tamilaham that during the reign of Solomon
once in every three years the ships of Tarshish came bringing the above articles. The
'Ibid., p.4.
K.Govindhan, op-cit., p.105, Bishop.R.Caldwell, op-cit., p.23.
83
names of the objects agal, kapim and tukim as found in the Hebrew Bible are the
same as those still used in Tamil, i.e. agil, kavi, and thokai.'°
Korkai, a village on the bank of the river Tambraparani was once famous as
the Pandya capital and was for long the emporium of South Indian trade. In olden
times the city extended eastwards to the sea, but is now seven Kilometres inland.
Ophir or Uvari, the seaport, formed a part of the ancient city. In Korkai and
Adichanallur, near the modem fishing village bearing that name, there are sand dunes
which are pointed out as the spots where gold mines were worked in times of yore.
'1
The Tamil Nadu Department of Archaeology in its excavations had located a pot,
which has been dated to 9th century B.C.' 2 When the Greeks came to power in the
Aegean Sea, the Phoenicians were forced to abandon their east Mediterranean trade
and move westward. Greek navigation in the Indian Ocean, however, began only
after the Greek encounter with the Persians. 13
Greek Maritime Trade Relations with South India:
The Greeks (lonions) and the Arabs appear to have kept up the trade relations
with Tamilaham. The Greek names for rice (oriza), ginger (zingiber) and cinnamon
(karpion) are almost identical with their Tamil names ansi, inchiver and karuva
respectively. These clearly indicate that the Greek merchants of the Mediterranean
region carried these articles to Europe from ancient Tamilaham. It is believed that
regular maritime intercourse existed, between South India and Western Asia even
before 81h century B.C. 14 It was Hippalus an Ionian Greek discovered the trade wind
to the East. It very much helped to speed up the process of voyage and maritime
activities.15
10
M.S.Purnalingam Pillai, op.cit., p.63.
"Ibid., p.61.
12
P.Jeyakumar, op.cit., p.40.
13
R.Krishnamurthy, op.cit., p.3.
'' T.R.Sesha Iyengar, The Ancient Dravidians, Madras, 1929, p.134.
'5 W.H.Schoff, op.cit., p.6.
84
As regards the Tamils' trade with Assyria, it may be noted that gold, tin, silks,
pearls, spices, and other valuable kinds of merchandise had been flowing from
Tamilaham into Assyria. Tamils of this region took the articles in their boats to Aden
and to the East African Coast to the Arab intermediaries; then the articles were taken
to Egypt. 16 During the early centuries, of the Christian era, there was an extensive
trade between South India and the Roman Empire. The Roman merchants lived in
Muziri and other towns.
17
Roman Maritime Trade Relations with South India:
Of all the Western Countries, the Roman Empire alone had the pride of place
in trade relations with the Pandya Country. Even in the first century B.C., there was a
close contact between India and Rome. The trade was so lucrative to the Tamils that
a Pandya king sent two embassies to Augustus to win his favour. 18 The success of
these embassies was that, the trade became active and extensive between the days of
the Periplus Mans Erythraea' and the days of Ptolemy, the geographer (the first
half of the second century A.D). Roman soldiers were employed in the services of the
Pandyas and other Tamil kings. In the reign of Pandyan, Aryap-padaikadantha
Nedunchezhian, Roman soldiers were employed to guard the gates of the fort of
Madurai.' 9 They came from Rome, Greece and Arabia. The Yavanas were called
Sonagar. This was basically due to diplomatic and military relations between the
Pandyas and the Western World .20 Trade between South India and the West was
conducted both by land and sea. The sea route was through West Indian ports,
through the Persian Gulf and ports of South Arabia. There were no evidence for
direct trade contact between Korkai and Rome. They were sent to Alexandria through
Uraiyur and Muziri and from there to Rome. 2 ' This international trade was carried out
with money, especially gold (gold coins). This has been amply proved by the
16
P.T.Srinivas Iyengar, op.cit., p.40.
Ibid., p.140.
18
Bishop R.CaIdwell, op.cit., pp. 16-17.
19 Silappadikaram, xiv, ii, 66-67.
20
Prakash Charan Prasad, op.cit., p.33.
21
E.M.Warmington, op.cit., p.104.
85
presence of innumerable coins of Roman and Chinese origin in and around ancient
Tamilaham, particularly Madura], the Sangam Age Pandyas. Numerous hoards of
Roman coins were collected at Kottayani, near Tellicherry, Kaliyampattur in Madural
District, Pollachi, Karur and Perur in Coimbatore District, Pudukottai and the Vaigai
bed. Roman and Chinese coins are still found in some other places such as
Kodumanal (near Erode), Alagankulam (near Ramnad), Andipatti (near Madurai) and
Melur. Very recently, Roman coins have been collected near Srivilliputtur. These
facts establish that commerce of ancient Tamilaham with Roman Empire could not
22
have been insignificant. Plenty of the uninscribed and some inscribed coins of the
Cheras, Cholas and the Pandyas of the Sangam period and the Roman coins found at
Karur in recent years show the commercial importance of Karur. If Muziri on the
West Coast and Kavirippumpattinam on the East Coast were international emporia of
trade, Karur on the Amaravathi river was an important political and commercial town
in the hinterland with diversified crafts like gold jewellery, lapidiary, textiles beryl
industry having close tie up with the Chera Coastal trade across the Palghat pass.
23
The semi-precious stones especially beryl of the Kongu Country were highly sought
after by the Romans. The excavations done at Kodumanal near Erode (by the Tamil
University) have yielded thousands of etched carnelian heads which were imported
from the Gulf of Cambay. In addition, the excavations brought to light the existence
of beads industry there. One of the Sangam Classics, the Padirupattu has referred to
the fact that Roman ships 24 anchored in the port of Bander (Qurr€rj ffio Qrrhcr.b)
(Bandar=Muziris)25 exchanged their gold for pepper. This busy port was a target of I
sea pirates from the Konkani Coast, most probably Kadambas of Vanavasi
(Banasasi=Panaji) 26 . The coastal trade route from Barygaza (Broach in Gujarat) to
Muziri is well recorded in the classical accounts and the same is confirmed by the
22
T.R.Sesha Iyengar, op.cit., p.144.
23
Moti Chandra, Indian Vaniga Nerigal, (Ti.) New Delhi, 1970, p.201.
24
Purananuru, 343:2-10., Ahananuru, 149:9-10., V.Kanakasabhai, op.cit., p.37.
25
Patirrupattu, 74., The Mahabharatha calls it Murasi Banthar, Mayilai Seeni Venkatasami
Nunkalaikal (TI.), Chennai, 1972, pp. 127-130.
26
K.Sadasivan, Sea-Piracy in the Kannur Region: A study from Early Tamil Literature Seminar
on Maritime History of Kannur Region, University of Kannur, February.2000, p.2.
86
archaeological and numismatic evidence of recent years. The Peutingerian Tables
mention the existence of a Temple of Augustus at Muziri (Musiri);27
Recent excavations made at Arikkamedu, two miles south of Pondicherry on
the East Coast of India, showed signs of its flourishing state as an Indo-Roman trade
mart, from the days of Augutus Principate (23 B.C.) to the end of the second century
A.D. The Indo-Roman trade flourished in the and 2' centuries A.D., due to the
prevalence of Pax Romana or Roman Peace. 28 Sir R.E.Mortimer Wheeler excavated
this Arikkameciu center in 1945 and found in the layers of the Northern Sector a very
large number of cut conch-shells, possibly unfinished bangles, although no finished
bangles were found. 29 Wheeler identified this with 'Puduke' of the Periplus Mraris
Erythraea. What is learnt from the above is that with the fall of the Phoenicians,
Palestinians took over as the masters of the Mediterranean waters; and with the fall
of the Palestinians the Persians grew powerful in the Mediterranean; and with their
fall Ionian Greeks and Cretans became the masters of the waters. With the fall of the
Ionian Greeks the Romans established their supremacy in the Eastern waters. The
Roman trade was prevalent with the Pandya Country from 3' B.C. to the end of the
5th
century A.D. due to the downfall of Roman Empire on 476 A.D. and the other end
of Pandyas of the Sangam Age after the Kalabhras Interegnum. 3° The maritime
trade contact between these countries is a basic is a basic historical fact. The GraecoRoman trade had been assisted by the intermediary Arabs. With the fall of the
Romans, the Arabs took over the reigns of trade after a period of lull and started to
have direct trade contacts with East and the West.
The Arabs made their living by sea-faring activities with Greece, Rome, Egypt
in the West, China in the East and South-East Asian Countries.
27
28
31
They are also said
K.K.Pillai, op.cit., p.210.
Ancient India, Bulletin of the Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, July 1946, p.108.
29
Ibid., p.90.
30
N.Subrahmanian and R.Venkatraman, Tamil Epigraphy, Madurai, 1980, pp.60-72. Velvikudi grant
i.86-102., ii.39-46., 69-70.
Syed SulaimanNadvi, The Arab Navigation, Lahore, 1966, p.153.
87
to have had trade links with Palestine, Assyria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, South India
and Sri Lanka in the remote past. In those far-off days, the West—Asian countries
were crazy after the Indian spices like cardamom, ilavangam, ginger, pepper and
commodities like ivory and pearls. The Tamils also traded with Chaldeans. This is
proved by the presence of teak there from Tamil Nadu. Teak, found in the ruins of
Ur, the sea - port and capital of Babylonia was grown in Southern India close to the
Malabar Coast and nowhere else. 32 This contact certainly enhanced the maritime
activities of the Pandyan traders.
Advent of the Arabs and their Maritime Trade Relationship with
South India:
In the earlier part of this chapter, a study has been made on the countries,
commodities, trade routes and all other related aspects of trade and traders of the
Western World with to which the South India Country maintained maritime trade
contacts. Before the advent of the Arabs in the Eastern Waters as intermediaries, they
were very much reduced owing to the direct contact of the Romans with the South
Indian traders themselves and vice versa. It has also been said that the Arabs
recovered from their temporary eclipse after the decline and fall of the Roman
Empire. The barbarian invasions added more harm to the tottering economy of the
Romans, who thereby lost their direct contact with the traders of the South India.
Even though the decline of the Roman regime posed serious problems to the traders
and volume of trade, there was no shortage of demand for commodities. The
emerging Arab traders made up this and regained their monopoly in the markets of the
South India. This resulted in the direct dealings of the Arabs with the South India, the
creation of new networks and areas of trade relations. This part of the chapter tries to
throw light on this aspect of trade before and after the advent of the Arabs in the
Indian waters, in particularly with the Pandya country.
It is said that the Indo-Arab trade relations date back to the dim dawn of
human civilization. Arabia is a peninsula like India. The 'Indian Ocean' was known
as the Erythrean Sea in classical times. It is a name originally confined to the Red
Sea, but later extended to the Indian Ocean also. This name 'Indian Ocean' (Bahar32
V.Kanakasabhai, op.cit., p.3 1.
88
1-Hind) is perhaps the legacy of the Arabs, when they began their memorable
voyages and established themselves in the remote corners of the Far East. India's
importance as the main inter ports to which ships from the West and East made
voyages to exchange goods was perhaps another reason why the ocean got this name.
It has to be remembered that during the Middle Ages India's famed riches and
products fired the imagination of the Western World, and the discovery of a passage
to India by sea was the constant ambition of its brave voyagers. When Europe began
to understand gradually the spherical shape of the earth, explorers went to the East
and to the West to seek a sea-route to India. No wonder, the Indian Ocean is the only
ocean named after a country, considered the most important on its shores.
33
The Arabs, who controlled a major part of the overseas trade of Asia during
that period after the fall of the Roman Empire, gradually strengthened their grip on
34 As a result, the actual participation
foreign trade and shipping of Western India too.
of Indians in long distance trade declined, and they were relegated to coastal trade to
internal trade. A critical analysis of the itineraries given by Arab geographers
indicates that very few provide precise details of transoceanic routes and in most
cases these can only be used to demarcate shifts in the Western Indian Ocean trade.
35
For example, the Persian Gulf was important before 870 A.D.; but by the end of the
tenth century the focus was on Aden, and after the establishment of the Fatimids in
Cairo in 969 A.D. the emphasis shifted to the region of the Red Sea. Thus it is
evident that the accounts given by the Arabs are not based on actual sailing itineraries
but are moulded by contemporary perceptions of the Indian subcontinent, many of the
stereotypes being a continuation of early Greek and Christian origin.
36
According to Himanshu Prabha Ray, History tells us that from the early first
century A.D. Hadramawt became the largest and probably one of the most powerful
O.K.Nambiar, Out seafaring in the Indian Ocean, Bangalore, 1975, pp.9-10.
Himanshu Prabha Ray, Jean-Francis Salles (ed.), Tradition and Archaeology: Early Maritime
Contacts in the Indian Ocean, National Institute of Science, Technology & Development Studies
(NISTADS), New Delhi, 1996, pp.3-4.
Raj Kumar, Survey of Ancient India, Glimpses of Indus Valley Civilization, Vol.111, New Delhi,
1999, pp.218-220.
36
Himanshu Ray, et.aL, op.cit., p.5.
89
kingdoms among the South Arabian states. One of the main reasons for the
foundation and further development of Qana' as a "port-city" resulted from the involvement of the ancient kingdom in the international sea-trade between Roman,
Egypt, Arabia and India. Frankincense and also, the main local products traditionally
exported from Hardramawt via caravan routes, started to send in large quantities by
sea through this port of trade as well. As noted in the Periplus,37 Yemen's port city
namely Qana' was the sole port for the export of frankincense which was under the
control of the royal officials of the Hadramawt Kingdom. On the other hand, the
direct sailing between Egypt and India, the so-called monsoon sailing, which became
regular and very intensive from the early first century A.D., probably necessitated the
foundation of a transit point on the southern coast of the Arabian Peninsula supplying
water and food products. 38 The demand for frankincense, traditional export from
Hardrarnawt, was probably greater in the Mediterranean World than in India although j
we know about the presence of this good in the Indian markets as well.39
Hourani therefore thinks, "In certain general respects geography favoured the
development of sailing from Arabian shores." In the meantime, he also enumerates a
number of disadvantages that Arabia suffered from. One is the vast stretch of desert
land on either side of the Red Sea. Second is an extensive coral reef choking the sea.
Third is large number of coral islands making piracy a profitable proposition. Fourth j
is the absence of rivers and lack of good harbours. Fifth is that the country did not
produce good timber nor other ship-building materials like cordage, cloth, etc. Sixth
is that the main products of the hinterland were dates and frankincense in the southern
portion and nothing more worthy of mention. Moreover, there was no iron-producing I
place nearby. 40 Though stretching into the Arabian Sea, named after the Arabian
Peninsula, Arabia is not a healthy land for living. Even then it developed contacts
with outside world.
W.H.Schoff, op.cit., p.4.
38
Himanshu Ray, et.aL, op.cit., pp.23-24.
W.H.Schoff, op.cit., p.304.
40
George Faldo Hourani, Arab Seafaring, Beirut, 1963, p.6.
90:
I
Etymologically, the term Arab is of Semitic origin, meaning "Desert" or the
inhabitant thereof with no reference to nationality. In this sense, the Hebrew word
Ereb is used in Is.21: 13 13:20 and jer 3:2. In the Koran the term 'Arab' is used for
bellowing. 4 ' By the third century B.C., the term was beginning to be used for any
inhabitant to the peninsula.
In the history of the ancient world, Arabia had a place not unlike that of two
other peninsulas in the Mediterranean region. They are Italy and the Balkans. It owes
this place to its being the homeland of the Semitic peoples, who developed a
civilization which, alongside the Hellenic and the Roman, was to be a constituent in
the tripartite structure of the cultural synthesis, which the Mediterranean world
witnessed in the early centuries of the Christian era.
42
But this place is rather uncertain as far as the ancient world is concerned
Because Arabia, after all, might not have been the 'Original homeland' of the
Semites; but because Semitic civilization in its highest forms was developed not
within Arabia but outside its confines, in the semi-circle known as the "Fertile
Crescent". The Arabia of the ancient Near East (to India) was both the homeland of
the Arabs and the cradle of Islam .43 It is not their political history that decided their
place in history, but their economic history, particularly of maritime trade with South
India.
Further, they said that, in the history of the ancient world, the southern
Arabians were responsible for the commercial revolution in the Near East (to India).
They brought together the world of the Indian Ocean and that of the Mediterranean
Sea by laying out a long trade route extending from India and Somalia to the "Fertile
Crescent". It formed with another major trade —route in the Mediterranean also laid
out by a Semitic people, the Phoenicians, who were introduced to the maritime trade
Philip.K.Hitti, History of the Arabs, (101h edition), New Delhi, 1977, p.41.
42
P.M.Holt, K.S.Ann Lomhton and Bernard Lewis (ed.), The Cambridge History of Islam,
Cambridge, 1970, p.3.
41
Ibid., pp.3-4.
91
with South India.44 It was the longest trade route in the history of the world until the
advent of the Oceanic age. They may not have discovered India themselves, but they
advertised its products to the world of the Mediterranean. It was thus they introduced
into international politics the first phase of the Eastern Question, to which Hippalus
contributed a chapter, Columbus another, Vasco Da Gama a third, and it finally found
an epic literary expression in Os Lusiadas.45
The Semites had maintained equal command over the land and the seas since
the third millennium B.C. The ancient Arabs used two words for boats-safina and
fulk. The former is from the root safan, which in Arabic means 'to peel wood with a
wedge'; therefore satin or safina is the 'wood so peeled'. Since falak means' a wave
of the sea', fulk signifies 'ships' .46 As such, from early times, the Arabs differentiated
between a boat and a ship. The oldest word for port in Arabic is marfa from rafa,
which means to bring (a ship) ashore.47
Since the Arabs were among the first to find the behaviour of the monsoon
winds, it seems almost to certain that Arab ships were calling on Indian ports from
very early times. Once others knew the secret of the monsoon winds, Roman ships
started calling directly on Indian ports, first on the western coast and then on the
eastern. The Arabs did lose much of their monopoly but they also tried to explore new
seas following in the footsteps of the Tamil merchants with whom they continued to
keep close contacts. They sailed east as far as Canton in China and set up a factory
there in the fourth century A.D. There was what we call today a 'globalization' of the
market and competition, though not cut - throat. The people sincerely believed in live
and let live and worked for mutual prosperity.48
The sea route to China was described in an Arabic sailor's manual (851 A.D)
written by Arab travellers, Sulaiman.49 Arab penetration into the Far East naturally
" R.Krishnamurthy, op.cit., pp.3-4
P.M.Holt, et.aL, op.cit., p.16.
46
Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, op.cit., p.4.
Ibid., pp.8-12.
48
Baldeo Sahai, Indian Shipping: A Historical Survey, New Delhi, 1996, p.40.
Islamic Culture, (Journal), Hydrabad, April, 1933, p.28.
92
inhibited Chinese seafaring. In consequence Chinese junks, which used to visit Indian
and Ceylonese ports regularly bringing silks and porcelain came less frequently.
There are references to ruthless Arab-Chinese conflicts during this period of trade
rivalry.50The Arabs, however, continued to control the sea —route to India and kept it
so well guarded a secret that down to the days of Vasco Da Gama no European nation
knew the direct passage to India.5'
Long before the Arab Muslims settled in Northern India, there were colonies
in Southern India, particularly western coast and eastern coast It is a well-known
fact that even before the advent of Islam the Arabs had trade relations with the
Malabar Coast before the Sangam age. Muziris, the modern Kodungallur
(Cranganore) was a meeting place of the East and the West. From the West came the
Arabs along with Phoenicians, Romans, Persians and East Africans. Arabs made this
coast their first and chief port of call. Not only was it the nearest halting place; it was
also the source of pepper, i.e. the black gold, as well as of other valuable products
from various places of South India. 53 Thus there were Arabs sailing back and forth
between Arabia and Kerala at the time of the Prophet. 54 They had even begun to
make use of the monsoon winds to cut across the Arabian Sea from Aden to
Cranganore. The very word monsoon is a corruption of the Arabic word mausim,
meaning season.55
According to Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, they were also familiar with the directions
of different winds. They dwelt in deserts and coastal regions, so they were adepts at
reading signs of a storm. According to the Arab sailors there were twelve kinds of
winds. The Arabs had different words for winds according to their characteristics and
features. Nautical astrology and the knowledge of movements of winds were much
° K.A.Nj1akana Sastri, op.cit., (1972), p.21-22.
'
Ibid., p.22-23.
52
Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, op-cit., p.478.
K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, op.cit., (1972)., pp.52-53.
Roland E.MiIler, Mappilla Muslims of Kerala, A
Study in Islamic Trends, Madras, 1976, p.41.
S.M.Mohamad Koya, Indian History Congress, 37 th
Session, Calicut, 1976, pp. 195-196.
93
liked by the Arabs. Voluminous books have been written in Arabic on these, and one
of the most important of these books is Kitab-ul-Anwa by Abu Hanifa Dinawri (died
904 A.D.). 56 The geographical position of Arabia helped the Arabians to take lead in
the commercial life of the ancients. But before the birth of Islam, Arabia was only a
geographical entity. 57 Its outstanding contributions to history are the Islamic faith and
the Arab language. 58
The Arabs in pursuit of their commercial interests crossed the waters of the
Arabian Sea and entered India in two different phases. The Yamans who were traders
reached the South Indian harbours and commercial centers long before the birth of the
Prophet Muhammad, whereas the North Arabians, who had followed Islam, invaded
India and entered the North Western provinces of India, under the leadership of
Kasim, as conquerors and adventurers in the beginning of 8th century A.D. The
peaceful penetration of Arab element in the form of a trader into South India preceded
Kasim's entry into North India. The Yamans who came to South India particularly the
Chera,Chola and the Pandya Countries were not motivated with political ambitions or
missionary zeal. Their main aim was trade and profit before the advent of Islam in the
Arabian Peninsula. 59
The active co-operation and the political support to the traders helped them to
settle in the Malabar regions on the Western Coast and Coromandal Coast olTamil
Nadu. Though the merchants had their own families in Arabia, they were away from
their homes for the greater part of the year. This forced them to have some sort of
contact with the local people. 60 Such contacts became increasingly necessary with
their long stay in the regions, for nearly three to four months and sometimes even a
56
Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, op.cit., pp.25-26.
M.Shaik Masthan, Arab Contacts with South India, Unpublished Ph.D., Thesis, Bangalore
University, Bangalore, 1996, p.2.
58
Enèyclopaedia Britannica, Vol:XVI, (9'' edition), p.597.
M.Shaik Masthan, op.cit., p.3.
° Hakim Sayyad Shamseulla Qadri, Malabar, Aligarh, 1928, p.15.
94
full season awaiting suitable winds. As a result of such contacts, they established
matrimonial relations with the local women and maintained separate families.6'
The very relations established between the Arab merchants and Hindu women
resulted in the fruitful development of both the cultures. Each was influenced by the
other. This increased with the advent of the Arab Muslim invaders into North India
and subsequently South India. The study of the results of these contacts would be a
fruitful contribution for the better understanding of the two cultures and their resulting
synthesis.62
Finding Indian ports safe and secure, the Arabs developed their contacts and
maintained alliances with the Indian merchants. Their contact with South India
opened over a long period of time and this contact was very much with the Chera and
the Pandya Countries. They took cotton cloth, precious stones, timber, spices and
many other items from these countries, the pearls mostly from Pandya Country.
Important of all, they took the Pandyan pearls to the westerners. 63 They took them
sometimes in their own vessels but " largely by Indian vessels". They redistributed
them at the island of Socotra, which was a cosmopolitan market, and carried them to
the Nile and the Mediterranean, "Gerrha and Obollah, Palmyra and Petra, Sabbatha
and Mariaba were all partners in this commercial system."64
The Arabian ships reached India by three routes: One of the three was to
Tyndis (Tondi) and then to Muziris 65 on the West Coast of the Chera Country. From
there, they could sail to Kottar, Korkai, Saliyaur and Tondi and other ports in the
Pandyan Coast. 66 Once the goods were brought to the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf,
these were distributed over the age-old camel-caravan routes. One caravan route ran
from Zeugma (Borejik) between the Tigiris and Euphrates eastward to Babylon and
61
M.T.Titus, Islam in India and Pakisthan, Oxford, 1929, p.37.
62
Roland E.MiIler, op.cit., p.39.
63
Dorcas Shanthini, op.cit., p.226.
Baldeo Sahai, op.cit., pp.36-37.
65
V.Kanakasabhai op.cit., p.1 6-18. (The other two are: to Barbaricum at the mouth of Indus and the
other to Barygaza, modern Broach on Narmada, Gujarat.
66
Natana Kasinathan, (General editor), Alagankulam: A Preliminary Report, Madras, 1992, pp. 1-3.
95
Seleucia. But due to heavy tolls levied by the local Shaikhas, it was generally
avoided.67
The Arabs using their ingenuity maintained strict confidentiality about the
sources of producers; in addition, they never divulged anything about the sea routes
that led to this sources in India and Abyssinia .68 The secret was so well guarded that
later when the Greeks and Romans appeared on the scene, they "evidently presumed
that all the commodities in which the Arabians dealt were native products of their own
land."69
They did play a major role in the Graeco-Roman trade for pearls, pepper,
sandal wood and controlled the trade in cinnamon. In the course of their trading
activities, ancient South Arabians sailed with southwest Monsoon .70 They found in
the Arabian Sea and Bay of Bengal two Monsoons, the south - west and the north east lasting for six months each.
Arabs and Their Maritime Trade Relationships with special
reference to Early Tamilaham:
Similar to the Arabian Peninsula, Tamilaham is surrounded by seas on all
three sides: Kuna Kadal - the Bay of Bengal, Kudakadal - the Arabian Sea and the
Kumari-Kadal the Indian Ocean. This natural setting as of now, was favourable to
maritime contacts. 71 The Eastern Coast or the Bay of Bengal right from Orissa to
Cape Comorin was called the Chola Mandala Kadarkarai in Tamil. The anglicized
form of this name is Coromandal Coast . 72A major part of the Pandya Country was
on the banks of the Cape of Mannar. In fact, Cape to Mannar was to the South of the
Coromandel Coast. This was as of now, from Cape Comorin to Dhanushkoti.73
Baldeo Sahai, op.cit., p.37.
V.Kanakasabhai, op.cit., pp.26-27.
69
Ibid., pp.37-38.
70
R.Krishnamurthy, op.cit., p.4.
Ghadigachalam, op.cit., pp.273-274.
72
M.Raja Mohaniad, op.cit., p.9.
S.Manikam, Studies in Missionary History, Madras, 1988, p.1 1.
96
Arabian maritime trade with South India was longer than the Greeks and the
Romans. It covered a period of a few centuries. As Arabs traded up to the 15"'
century, the Europeans named the sea after the Arabs as the Arabian Sea. However, it
is to be noted that this sea touches the shores of India and Africa mostly. This contact
paved the way for the Arab, Greek and the Egyptian geographers, mariners, and
writers to visit ancient Tamilaham in order to strengthen diplomatic and trade relation,
and study the land and its people. Further, references made by great Egyptian and
Graeco-Roman writers about South India help us a great deal to understand the
condition of maritime trade and a variety of other things of the period. Warmington,
Yule, Schoff and Mc Crindle in their works have recaptured these references in a
captivating way. 74 Though the travellers of different times have left their travelogues
in various languages, these have been translated into English for the benefit of
researchers. South India in fact, served as a meeting place of maritime traders from
the Eastern and Western Countries. While the Arab mediators had direct link with the
Western Countries, the Tamils established direct link with the Eastern Countries. 75
Traders, mariners and travellers of various countries, speaking their own languages,
were found in Puhar. 76 The Arabs were one among these nationalities speaking their
own language. Similar references are there about the Arabs in 'Sangam' and later
Tamil literatures.77
In the recent years, excavations have been carried out at Alagankulam,
Kodumanal, Muziri, Uraiyur, Madurai, Kavirippumpattinam, Tuticorin, Karur
Karivalamvanthanallur and Mangudi (very recently excavated) in Tirunelveli District.
The archaeological findings with special reference to warf, coins, utensils, bangles,
pots-herds, ornaments corroborate the evidences found in Sangam literature. In fact,
these evidences add strength to literature as true and original sources of information
for historical reconstruction. There were times when Marxist historians questioned
K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, Op-cit., (1972); pp. 166-167.
Mayilai Seeni Venkatasami, op.cit., pp.57-58.
76
Pattinappalai, ii. 216-18.
Silappadikaram, v:11-12; VI: 130-131; 143; S.Vaiyapuri PiIIai, Kalaniyal Karikal, (TI.), Madras
1945, p.139.
97
the validity of Sangam literature as a source of history and questioned the view that
ancient Tamil traders had been to various countries of the East and the West. But,
today these excavations have disproved their contentions. No doubt, the Arabs, the
great seafarers, had also played a vital role in the Pandya Coast and offer information
about their maritime trade between the Mediterranean Countries and South India.7
The navigators of these ships should have been Arabs, as they alone knew the
sea route to South India. Archaeologists have unearthed evidences from more than
twenty five places in the present Tamil Nadu about Roman, Greek and Arab maritime
trade links . 79 Excavations have very recently been conducted in Coimbatore. Erode
and Tirunelveli Districts of Tamil Nadu. Though much details have not come out,
"We get information about maritime trade from Arikamedu or Poduke" or at present
Pondicherry in the East Coast 80 to Muziri in the West Coast.
The Sangam works speak of many busy trading ports and harbours. 8 ' Bandar,
one among them in the Western Coast, is an Arabic word meaning 'market place'. It
is interesting to note that this word, in its original Arabic form, was used in Sangam
literature Padirrupathu, 82 One of the Eight Anthologies, makes use of it for the first
time, telling its earlier Arab contact. We understand that costly pearls and ornaments
were sold in these "market places". 83 Muziri is recorded in history as Bandar or
Murasee Bandanam (Pattinam) 84 by Valmikhi and Pliny calls Muziris as
Mouziri, 85 the great trading centre of the Kuttuvan.86
78
Abdul Majeed, et.aI., op.cit., p.10.
TolIiyaI Ayvu Togudhi, (Ti.) Toiporul Paniyalar Panpaattu Kazhagam, Madurai, 1988,
pp.85-88.
80
Damilica, Journal of the Tamil Nadu Department of Archaeology, Vol.11, Pt.III, Madras, 1973,
pp.60-64.
81
K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, op-cit., (1972), p.139.
82
Padirrupathu, 11.6:5; 7:7; 8:4.
83
Mayilai Seeni Venkatasami, op-cit., pp.57-58.
84
M.Raghava lyengar, op.cit., (1938), pp.1 1-12.
85
V.R.Ramachandra Dikshitar, Studies in Tamil Literature, (3rd edition), Chennai, 1983, p.63.
86
Purananuru, 343.
98
When providing the king Perumcheral Irumporai, Arisilkilar said as the
follows:
"Kodumanam patta Vinaima narunkalam,
Bandarp payantha palar pugal Muttam".87
It is translated as: "The ornaments of semi-precious stones manufactured from
Kodumanam(in Kodumanal near Erode) and the pearls from Bandar also are
laudable". 88
Kodumanam of Sangam fame is the modern Kodumanal, situated on the
northern bank of the river Noyyal, a tributary of Kaveri, about 26kms. west of
Chennimalai, Erode District. Archaeological excavations conducted in Kodumanal
establish the fact of the existence of a conspicuous lead industry of first century B.C.
Further investigations in Kodumanal have helped to establish the details of occupation
of the site from the middle of the first millennium A.D. Archaeological excavations
conducted in Kodumanam (modern Kodumanal) establish a clear sequence beginning
from 5th century B.C. to 300 A.D. A contemporary port city, the Bandar (modern
Bandarpattinam), 89 even during the past was also a brisk trading center. 90 Recent
archaeological discoveries have established that the present Bandar-pattinam was
the ancient port city of Bandar or Muziri of Sangam age. 91
Earlier some trial excavations conducted at Muziri have yielded materials
datable from the first century B.C. to the 16th century A.D. The potteries encountered
in the site include Black-and —Red-Ware, Black-Ware, Brown-slipped Ware of early
historic period. The presence of Chinese celedan wares indicates Chinese contacts in
the medieval period. Remains of ring well in the site show the existence of a fairly
Patirrupattu, 8:4-7.
88
T.Satyamurthy, "Bandar - A Sangam Age Port", (ed.), K.Sadasivan, Tamil Nadu History
Congress, Vth Annual Session, Tirunelveli, 1998, p.99.
K.Dhamodharan, (ed.), Tamil Nadu Archaeological Perspective, Chennai, 1999, p.3.
90
Ibid., p.8.
91
K.Rajan, "Muziri, Thuraimukam Cila Pudhiya Ceythigal (Muziri Port)" (TI.), Avanam,
Vol. IV, Tanjavur, 1994, pp. 107-1 10.
99
large coastal settlement comparable to Arikkamedu. Other antiquities unearthed here
include pearls, beads and terracotta objects.92
Arab Muslims Maritime Trade Relationship with South India:
Here much attention is thrown on the Arab commercial relations with the
Pandya Country alone. By the time Islam appeared on the scene in the seventh
century A.D., the Indian Ocean and more particularly its western half had seen a long
and checked history of navigation and trade. The commercial rivalries are of ample
proof of the enormous profit they could derive in this trade. Success in this trade
depended on a number of factors such as political power, strategic location,
availability of raw materials and the possession of good harbours. With the rise of
Islam and the expansion of the Arab Empire under Muslim rule, all these factors
converged to make Arab Muslim participation a dominant factor in the trade of the
Indian Ocean.93
With the rise of Islam, the Arabs emerged both as a political and as a religious
power. Within a short time the Arab Empire embraced the whole of West Asia and
also stretched across northern Africa to reach the Atlantic. To the east, Iran was
conquered in the early years of Arab expansion. 94 By the beginning of 715 A.D., the
Arabs had extended their power to the Sind and Multan in India. 95 The early growth
of the Arab political power was the achievement of the northern Arabs, who had no
experience of oceanic trade. The Arabs of the South, however, had enjoyed a long
history of maritime activity and their expertise was now put into very good use. But,
much more important was the rapid spread of Arab power as well as Islam into Iran
and Egypt, both well-known for their navigational and commercial experience. The
Persians were the foremost navigators of the Indian Ocean at this time and now their
92
K.Rajan, Kodumanal Excavations - A Report, New Delhi, 1996, pp.72-86.
9' M.A.M.Shukri, Muslims of Colombo, Avenues to Antiquity, Beruwala, Colombo, 1986,
pp.91-92.
Michael H.Hart, The 100-A Rangking of the Most Influential in History, New York City, 1978,
p.39.
95 K.M.Panikkar, A Survey of Indian History, (Reprint), New Delhi, 1962, p.113.
trade became part of the general Muslim trade.
96
In this way, continuity of the early
trade of the Indian Ocean was maintained. However, the entry of the Arabs as a
controlling power brought in a fresh dynamism and also a different pattern to this
trade. 97
So the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean were neither strange nor unknown to
7th century A.D. the Arabs took to trade and navigation in this region
the Arabs. In the
.
7th century A.D. the Arabs
in a dominant way with the spread of Islam. Prior to the
7th century A.D. they
were only a commercial intermediaries but not united. But, after
were a power to be reckoned with. In fact, the new political power structure gave the
Arabs a fresh impetus in commercial activity. Due to these increased commercial
activities in the Indian Ocean, there emerged in the coastal belt of South India and Sri
Lanka, settlements of Muslim traders who by reason of their long stay, intermarried
with the local families. 98 Continuity of the old trade was maintained with new
dynamism resulting from the new trends.
99
Arab and Western Geogherpers Knowledge of South India:
During the period from 9th and
10th centuries to 16th century, we come across
references to South India and Sri Lanka. Some of the Arab writers give information
about the Pandya Country in particular. Their chronicles especially the works of
those Arab seafarers who had visited Sri Lanka either as adventures or as visitors to
the Adam's Peak refer to the Pandya Country.'°° Eight Arab writers, Sulayman, Ibn
Khurdadhbeh, Ibnul Faqth Idrist, Yaqut, Qazwini, Dimishqt and AbuJ Fida who
preceded Ibn Battuta (1355 A.D.) speak about Kawlam (Kovalam). Some speaks
about South India and with particular reference to the Pandya Country's cities and
seaport.
S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar, op.cit., p.55.
M.A.M.Shukri, op.cit., p.92.
M.Mohamed Nazar, Kayalpattinam, A Historical Study, Unpublished M.Phil. Desertation,
Madurai Kamaraj University, Madurai, 1993, pp. 15-i6.
S.M.Kamal, Muslimkalum Tamizhakamum, (Ti.), Madras, 1990, p.11.
'°° Ibid.,
p.67.
101
Among the earliest Arabic travelogues are Kitab-ul-Bayan and Kitab-ulHaiwan composed by Omar-bin-Bahr-bin Mahaboob,
popularly known as AlJahiz. He was from Basra, the chief commercial city of Arabia. Though the exact date
of his visit to India is a matter of controversy, he visited India before Sulaiman'°' who
lived in the early part of the 91h century A.D.
Marco Polo,' 02 the Venetian traveller, visited Pandya main port city Kayal
twice, during the 13th century A.D. and recorded its history in his travelogue which
has been translated into English by CoiHenry Yule. Marco Polo has given a vivid
picture of the pearl-fishery carried out in the sea around the Kayal. Abdullah
Wasaff'° 3 and Rassidudeen 104 who were contemporaries of Marco Polo have given
more information on Kayal than Marco Polo in their respective works in ThaziyatUl-Amsar-Watharj iyat-Ul-A-Sar and Jamiuth-Thawareekh, which were
translated into English by Sir Elliot in his History of India.
According to Bishop R. Caldwell, it is also mistranscribed as Kabil in
publication of Abdur Razzak who mentions it as a place situated opposite the island
of Serendib, otherwise called Ceylon, and as being the extremity of what he was led
to regard as Malabar.' 05 It is mentioned as Cabila, the site of the pearl-fishery, by
Nicolo Conti. The Roteriro of Vasco-da-Gama, the report of what was learned on
his first voyage, notes it as CaelI, a state of having a Mussulman king and a Christian
people. Here were many pearls. Glovanam Empoli notices it (Gael) also for the pearlfishery, as do Varthema and Barbosa.'°6
101
102
103
104
105
Sulaiman, the merchant of the early 91h century A.D., has taken information from the writings of
Al-Jahiz who can be authenticated to be the predecessor of the two. M.Shaik Masthan, op.cit.,
p.5.
H.Yule and H.Cordier, op.cit., p.74.
H.M.EIliot, J.Dowson, The History of India, As Told by its own Historians, (Reprint), Vol.111,
New Delhi, 1996, pp. 1-23.
Ibid., pp. 22-65.
Bishop R.Caldwell, op.cit., p.19.
'06 Ibid., p.37.
ltI,
Malabar is equated with Coromandel Coast. Abul Fida names Cape Camorin
as the point where Malabar ended and Ma'bar began and Wasaff refers to Mabar as
extending from Kulam (Quilon) to Niluwar (Nellore).'°7 Zaynud-Din- al-Mabari
(16 1h century) records in his Tuhfat-al-Mujahidin in Arabic language given a picture
about South India in particularly the Chera Country (the present Kerala).108
S.Mohamed Hussain Nainar, in his translation of Arabic work, "Arab Geographers
Knowledge of South India" gives a fruitful information about South India.'09
A study of the first hand information of the Arab and western travellers who
had visited South India and Sri Lanka and the observations made by the Arab
Geographers of the period reveal the tremendous commercial activities of the Arabs in
Sri Lanka and South India during this period, and with the growth and prosperity of
the Arab trade, the Arab settlements too witnessed a corresponding growth, and thus
the spread of Islam in South India and Sri Lanka was really speaking, the product of a
gradual extension of Arab trade activities. Though these settlements were generally
called Arab settlements, they were a conglomeration of the Egyptians, Persians, Arabs
and Abyssinians, all Islamised but all speaking the Arabic language. The religion of
Islam and the Arabic language were the factors that distinguished them as a distinct
cultural entity.' '°
Islam in India is supposed to have begun in Kerala and the Mappillas' I I are
the descendants of the first Indian Muslims. The Labbies and the Marakkayars of
the Coromandel Coast especially of the Pandya Country also called themselves the
descendants of the first Indian Arab Muslims. 112
107
K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, op.cit., (1972); p.162.
U.M.Kunju Moideen, Cheraman Mosque-Kodungallur, Kodungallur, 1994, p.7.
109
S.Mohamed Hussain Nainar, Arab Geographers Knowledge of South India, Madras, 1942,
pp. 10-21.
° M.A.M.Shukri, op.cit., p.339, Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, op.cit., p.153.
S.M.Mohamed Koya, op.cit., p.195.
112
Quadir Hussain Khan, South Indian Mussalamans, Madras, 1910, p.33.
103
Arab Coins in the Pandya Country:
It is well-known that it was the Romans who introduced the coinage Dinarius,
about 185 B.C. That South India had commercial contact with the Imperial Rome in
the beginning of the Christian Era is well-known. Periplus refers to the commercial
ports of ancient Tamilaham and their imports and exports. Referring to Muziris he
states that it "abounds in ships sent there with cargoes from Arabia and Greece". It
also mentions Nelcynda of the Pandya Country and the import of great quantity of
coins and the export of fine pearls, ivory, silk cloth, diamonds, sapphires, etc.
Gold, silver and bronze coins of the Roman Empire have been found in large
quantity in South India. Roman coins ranging from first century A.D. to 4th century
A.D., had been found in South India. The excavations at Arikkamedu and
Vasavasamud'ram near Mamallapuram Madurai, Alagankulam, Korkai and Kayal
have brought to light Roman settlements in the East Coast of Tamil Nadu.' 14 It is
evident that the term refers to Dinarius Christian Era. The Roman trade ceased to
be a force by the end of fifth century A.D. It is doubtful whether the term Dinarius
could have been current upto the eighth century A.D. We would be justified in
looking for some other source for the term Dinar in eighth century A.D. onwards.!
15
Dinar was the unit of gold currency known to the Arabs who used it before
the advent of Islam. Dinar appeared for the first time after the standard of gold
currency was reformed during the supremacy of Abdul-Al-Malik (685-705 A.D.) of
Umayad dynasty. The average weight of the Arabic Dinar was struck soon after the
fall of the Abasid 1258 A.D. The word Dinar disappeared about 1262 A.D.' '
Regarding the issue of Arab coins, there are two views. One view denies them
the use of Arab gold and silver coins, while the other view claims that they did have
these coins. However, it is very difficult to accept the theory that they must have
Himanshu Ray, et.aL, op.cit., pp.81-94; W.H.Schoff, op.cit., p.44.
114
R.E.M. Wheeler et.aL, "Arikamedu: An Indo-Roman Trading Station": Ancient India, July,
1946, no.2, pp. 1 7-124; R.Champakalakshmi, op.cit., p.153.
115
A.Abdul Majeed, op.cit., p.69.
116
R.Champakalakshmi, op.cit., p.1 10.
104
wholly depended on Greek and Roman coins for maritime trade. The Arabs having
traded for more than 1000 years even after the fall of the Roman Empire in the 4 1h 411
century A.D. up to 15th century A.D. nothing prevented them from minting their own
gold and silver coins to facilitate their maritime trade with South India. The
following arguments may be cited in favour of the claim that sometimes they did mint
their own coins:
1. Arab Dinars, gold coins, and Dirham, silver coins,' 17 were in circulation in
the Pandya Country on par with the local coins according to S.M. Kamal and
S.Rasu."8
2. In an inscription of the Tirupattur temple the word Dinar has been used. The
inscription dates back to around the 12" century A.D.' '
3. According to the observation of the Arab traveller Rassidudeen of the 13
century, the cost of a horse was 220 Dinars. According to Wasaff, another
Arab traveller of -the 13 th century, the treasury of the Pandya Country
contained 1200crore Dinars. He observes that a large amount of wealth in
gold of the local kings was spent on buying Arabian horses. As they did not
know the art of safeguarding their horses, they had to spend more money in
buying them continuously. 120
4. In the inscriptions of the Pandyas, the word Dirham (silver coin) is referred to
as Dramah. For example, in the Cheranmahadevi (Tirunelveli District)
inscriptions of the 5th regnal year of Maharaj Vallabha Pandyan, the word
Dramah has been used. 121
5. In the Mangulam inscription of the 21" regnal year of Kulothunga Chola I too
the word Dramah has been used.
122
117
ARE., 136 of 1908; Himanshu Ray, et.al., op.cit., p.303; Patirrupattu, iv, vi and vii Patikams
118
S.Rasu, Kalvettukalum Tamilaha Muslim Perumangal Varalarum (Ti.), Tanjavur, 1985, p.2.
119
N.Subrahmanian, op.cit., (1966), pp.56, 214.
120
K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, op.cit., (1929), p.196.
121
ARE., 641 of 1914.
122
Ibid., 192 of 1903.
105
6. In the Suthamalli (Tirunelveli District) inscription of Jatavarman Kulasekhara
23
Pandya too the word Dramah occurs-'
7. In the inscriptions of Aruppukottai, Kovillankulam, Melakodumalur, Madurai,
Kudumianrnalai, Neyvasal, Sivapuri and Kuruvithurai-all of them were in the
Paridya Country— the word Dramah has been used.
124
Bishop R.Caldwell claims to have seen Arab coins dating back to Hijri 71 (7th
century ) and the 13th century.
125
He was the first to trace the history of the old
Tinrevelly District of Tamil Nadu. He is said to have paid personal visits to the
places which he mentions in his book. The notable feature of this book is that till date
no historian has refuted his statements or even questioned their validity. Bishop
R. Caldwell needs special mention here because in days when historical research was
in its infancy his writings hold good when weighed with the precision of our modem
highly sensitive balances. When we place his claim about the Arab coin of Hijiaa 71
against the background of our argument we have only to accept it.
An inscription of the Pandya ruler Parantaka Nedunjadayan (8th century A.D.),
from Tiruppattur in Ramanathapuran District mentions that a certain Patta the
daughter of Maran and the wife of Sankara, donated ten Dinars for burning a
perpetual lamp at the temple. From the Tamil portion of the same record, it is seen
It is interesting to note that the term Dinar
that the Dinar was equal to one Kasu.
should be current in Tamil Nadu in the Pandya Country in the 8th century A.D.127
The researcher has seen other numismatists possessing similar coins, which
they claim to belong to Arabic. As the Arab coins were commonly in circulation, it
may not be wrong if it is presumed that some have minted coins with the same
appearance. The researcher has six of these. Counterfeit coins are perhaps known by
. the
the term Dramah. It is interesting to note that in modern South Arabian coins too
Ibid., 459 of 1914.
124
S.Rasu, Islamia Tamil Kalvettukal, (TI.), Ilayankudi, 1982, p.76.
123
125
Bishop R.CaIdwelI, op.cit., pp.287-288.
126 R.Nagaswamy, Tamil Coins, Madras, 1981, pp.80-82.
127
Madras, 1973, pp.69-71.
A.Abdul Majeed, Fresh Light on Arab Trade with South India,
106
impression of ships is found. This fact further strengthens the fact that the coin in the
hands of the researcher must have been an Arab coin commonly in circulation when
they carried out maritime trade with the South India in particularly Pandya Country.
Subsequently, when this region came under the control of the Vijayanagara
Empire, it seems, the new rulers who were not well disposed to the use of the word of
Arab origin, used the term Varagan in their own language. Thus we do not find the
word Dramah after the 15th century in Tamil inscriptions. Further, around this time,
the direct trade of the Arabs with this region came to an end. The Imperial Pandyas
shrunk to the position of the Tenkasi Pandyas.'28
Islam and Tamil Nadu:
As a result of the maritime trade between the Arabs and the Tamils even
before the advent of Islam, when the Holy Prophet (sal) began to preach Islam, the
message reached this part of India even during his life time. When this religion
reached the Tamil soil there was no opposition of any kind. Both the kings and the
people gave warm welcome to it and accepted it. Manikka Vacagar (a minister of
Pandya King) of 911 century A.D. in his Annai pathu (a poetic collection) imagines
the Hindu God Siva as an Arab Muslim maritime trader. This shows the influence the
Arabs had over the Tam i Is.
'29
In the folklore songs of the people of Kayalpattinam, one of the practices of
the Pandya kings is described. These kings sat in a kneeling position, on the model of
the Arabs when in prayer, and dispensed with justice.' 30 A sculpture showing such a
pose can be seen in Perunkulam temple, near Korkai, Tirunelveli District. This figure
should be of Maravarman Kulasekhara Pandya II. He was the most popular of the
Pandya kings during the medieval period of Tamil Nadu. ' 3 ' The epigraphic source in
Srikandapuram mosque near Kannanur, Kerala, shows the date Hijri 5, according to
128
29
Alakudi Seetha Raman, Tamizhaga Thollial Chandrugal (TI.) Vol.1, Tarijavur, 1994, pp.27-28.
Tiruvacagam, Annai Pathu, 7.
'° A.Raghavan, op.cit., (1971), pp. 150-151.
131
Dinamalar, January 1, 2000.
107
Ali Manikfan, of Cochin,
132 Kerala. Cranganur Cheraman mosque in Kerala is only
next to it in terms of date. This researcher thought that it must have been built after
the Srikandapuram mosque. The inscription of the mosque near Thiruchirapalli
railway junction shows the date Hijri 116. Haji Abdullah built it.
133
During the later part of the 8' century when the Pandya king Srimara
Srivallabha was ruling, one Muhammad Khalji, an Arab Muslim settled in
Kayalpattinam and built a mosque. 134 While discussing the question of Arab
settlement more is said about it subsequently. "The Anaimangalam Copper- plate of
Emperor Raja Raja I (985 to 1014 AD) makes a mention of the prosperity of the
Muslims who lived in the Nagapattinam area."'
35
An inscription of the Rajarajisvaran Temple at Thanjavur in which the
accounts of the year is mentioned, also records that an Arab Muslim Sonagan Sahur
Paranjothi was one of the officials of the Temple.' 36 Marco Polo visited
Kayalpattinam twice in 1280 A.D. and 1292 A.D. He has written in detail about the
horse trade carried out in this area. An Arab Muslim Sultan Jamal-ud-din acted as an
137
agent of the Pandiya king to buy horses. This was also in the 13th century.
The shrine at Colochel of Malik Ibnu Deenar and that at Kovalam (near
Chennai) of Thameemul Ansari are noteworthy as these two are the companions of
the Holy Prophet Mohamed. From the above some examples it should be clear that
the Arabs maritime trade with the Tamils started right from the 5111 century B.C. and
went upto the 15th century AD. The relations between the Arabs and the Pandyas thus
have an ancient history as a result of which the latter liked and welcomed the
maritime trade with the former. The view that the Arabs knew the southern part of
132
Interview with Manikforn, Chief Advisor, Hijira Committee of India, Cochin, Kerala,
October 5, 2000 at Palayamkottai.
'' S.K.M. Noohu Thambi AIim, Kayalpattina Varalaru-Muthusudar, (TI.), Tirunelveli, 1986, p.36.
M.Mohamed Nazar, op.cit., p.S 1.
135
S.Rasu, Nagoor Darga Kalvettukkal (Ti.), Thanjaur, 1995, p.8.
SIl., Vol.11, No.95.
137
K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, op.cit., (1972), p.166.
108
the Indian sub-continent long before the rise of Islam in Arabia is now widely
accepted. 138
From the above it is evident that the Arabs had close commercial relations
with the Pandya ports and the spices and pearls specially attracted them to the Pandya
Country. Colonies of Arabs must have existed in the port towns of South India for
purposes of trade. Therefore it stands to reason to suppose that soon after the rise of
Islam in Arabia it reached South India especially in the Pandya Country by the Arab
merchants. It is also reasonable to believe that in the first flush of enthusiasm, they
tried to spread the new religion in South India also as they had done elsewhere.'
This Chapter traced the beginnings of Arab trade relations with South India,
with particular reference to the Pandya Country. It has tried to establish that Arabs
had been the forerunners of the East-West trade. This has been done with the support
of literary, Arabic and Tamil, numismatic and epigraphic evidences. It also dispells
the darkness that surrounded the minds of historians that the movement of Arab trade
and traders was eclipsed by the Romans and reemerged only after the fall of the
Roman Empire. In fact, the Arabs were also on the waters, but their volume of trade
underwent temporary eclipse. Once they reemerged, they were the monopolists in
trade not only with the Pandya Country but also whole South India. This is proved by
the presence of Arab coins (Dinars), inscriptions, monuments and settlements in the
Tamil Country; in the Pandya Country in particular.
138
A.P.Ibrahim Kunju, Spread of Islain in South India, Thiruvananthapuram, 2000, p.49.
139
Ibid., p.50.
109