502533 research-article2013 JAR29610.1177/0743558413502533Journal of Adolescent ResearchFidzani and Read Article Identity Expression and Bedroom Personalization by Urban Adolescents in Botswana Journal of Adolescent Research 2014, Vol. 29(6) 691–715 © The Author(s) 2013 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0743558413502533 jar.sagepub.com Lily C. Fidzani1 and Marilyn A. Read2 Abstract Identity expression through the design of urban adolescents’ bedrooms in Gaborone, Botswana, was the focus of this qualitative study. Interviews were conducted to determine the manner in which decorative and personal items played a role in identity exploration and expression. The findings indicated a clear interplay between personalization and identity formation for adolescents. Identities expressed through personalization of bedrooms were private self, gender identity, age identity, family/social identity, and relationships; past, present, and future roles/identities; and religious identity. In addition to these, boys clearly expressed sport identity, self-image, creative self, and achievements through their bedroom personalization. A model is presented that illustrates the interplay between personalization and identity formation. Keywords personalization, identity development, bedrooms, adolescent positive development, possessions 1University 2Oregon of Botswana, Gaborone, Botswana State University, Corvallis, USA Corresponding Author: Lily C Fidzani, Department of Family & Consumer Sciences, University of Botswana, Box 70319, Gaborone, Botswana. Email: [email protected] Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 692 Journal of Adolescent Research 29(6) Introduction Adolescents often seek a place they can withdraw to, either alone or with people they are close to, in an effort to make sense of their social lives and the transitions they experience. One such significant place for adolescents is their own bedrooms. The bedroom is described as a favorite private place for adolescents where, to some extent, they are able to exercise free choice of personal things to have and to display. Previous research has investigated the function of bedrooms (Abbott-Chapman & Robertson, 2001; Bovill & Livingstone, 2001; James, 2001), personalization of bedrooms, and gender preferences on decorative items by adolescents (Kamptner, 1995; Omata, 1995). However, there was a gap in the literature that focuses on understanding how personalization of bedrooms by adolescents is used in identity formation and expression. This study investigated how personalization of bedrooms by urban adolescents in Gaborone, Botswana permits self-experimentation and self-expression during Erikson’s identity versus role confusion developmental stage. Erikson’s identity exploration and expression dimensions were applied to the adolescents’ descriptions of their bedroom décor and possessions. Because the bedroom is a vital place for adolescents, the researchers examined whether personal and decorative items play a role in exploring and coping with the challenges of adolescence. Previous studies do not indicate specifically which design features, decorative items, and personal items are commonly required or used to explore and express identity. The main research questions were as follows: Research Question 1: What items are important to adolescents for identity exploration and commitment? Research Question 2: What types of identities are expressed through the bedroom and its contents? Background Studies of Adolescents’ Bedrooms in the Developed World According to Steele and Brown (1995), we create our own place by what we bring to it because possessions do not exist independent to us. The bedroom allows adolescents to experiment with their possible and real self. Western adolescents’ bedroom spaces are used for leisure and recreational activities (Abbott-Chapman & Robertson, 2001; James, 2001), media use (Bovill & Livingstone, 2001), and territorial use (Omata, 1995). Omata (1995) found that Japanese adolescents prefer the bedroom as a social and private place Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 Fidzani and Read 693 for safe seclusion, where they can withdraw and contemplate as a process of self-construction. The adolescents used their rooms to be alone for complete isolation from others and to think about important personal issues. Bedrooms allow Finnish adolescents to deal with positive and negative experiences such as clearing one’s mind, dealing with threatening and negative experiences, disappointments and rejections, conflicts and arguments, or positive and supportive experiences (Korpela, 1992). Australian (Abbott-Chapman & Robertson, 2001) and European adolescents (Bovill & Livingstone, 2001) were found to spend at least half of the time they were at home in their bedrooms with girls spending more time there than boys. Australian girls used their bedrooms for various leisure activities such as exercising, lying or relaxing on the bed, writing, talking on the phone, reading books and magazines, listening to music, and/or watching television. The bedroom provided a safe get away from public scrutiny and ridicule by peers for the girls (James, 2001). Bedroom personalization is not only about arranging furniture and displaying possessions, but also having personal possessions, “which affords privacy, refuge, security, continuity, a medium for personalization and selfrepresentation, and a venue for regulated social interactions” with individuals (Gosling, Craik, Martin, & Pryor, 2005, p. 52). James (2001) found that Australian girls used memorabilia items showing their past and present personalities that were child-like and adult-like illustrating their transitional stage. For example, they had adolescent-like items such as pictures and wall posters of pop-culture stars as well as child-like items such as teddy bears, trophies, and frilly bedspreads. European adolescent’s bedrooms were well equipped with media items including computers, radios, television/computerlinked games, and so on. Such media enriches their development and provides various opportunities and different types of leisure activities. The media products were used to express individual and collective styles (Bovill & Livingstone, 2001). Kamptner’s (1995) findings suggest that treasured possessions were not just passive objects for 14- to 18-year-old high school American adolescents’ but that they had important meanings for them. Treasured possessions had a utilitarian meaning by having a functional property, providing independence, and filling a need; social meaning by presenting interpersonal qualities and family ties that are a reminder of special people; memory meaning by representing a specific place or person; enjoyment meaning by providing good feeling, comfort, and relaxation; intrinsic quality meaning providing irreplaceability, uniqueness, and style properties of possessions; and self meaning which expressed personal history and represent the owner. The use of childhood possessions was found to decline with age, yet still had psychological meaning for females (Kamptner, 1995). Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 694 Journal of Adolescent Research 29(6) Research shows that adolescent girls spend more time in their bedrooms than do boys. For girls, this is a period of emotional and physical turbulence whereby the bedroom is a safe place to deal with changes that are happening, such as body image and personality dimensions (James, 2001). James (2001) found that Australian girls avoided general activity or going to public places because they believed others ridiculed and scrutinized their physical appearance. The bedroom provided a place of refuge to freely express their emotions compared with publicly displaying their emotions and facing potential criticism. To boys, bedrooms were simply used to “waste” free time (James, 2001; Omata, 1995). Jones, Taylor, Dick, Singh, and Cook (2007) found that American eighth- and ninth-grade (13- to 15-year-olds) adolescents differed on preferences of bedroom design and contents. Boys preferred more masculine designs, more sports-related items, and more construction and building activities while girls had a mixture of feminine and masculine items (Jones et al., 2007). Taylor (2005) examined American adolescents’ development and how it relates to bedroom design choices in terms of influences, preference interaction, activity, and acceptance. Girls participated more in buying bedroom items than did boys. There was a greater variety of decorative items in the girls’ bedrooms than those in the boys’ bedrooms. Developmental differences, in relation to pubertal status and grade level (eighth and ninth grade), were identified for both sexes in terms of functional and personal item preferences of decorative items. This implied that adolescents’ developmental stage/level influenced choices made for bedroom decoration. The design of the bedroom and activity was found to be influenced mainly by friends, whereas parents were not associated with many preferences. In a study on American adolescents’ bedrooms and identity developed from media use, Steele and Brown (1995) found that media in the adolescents’ bedroom formed an important part of their daily life. Their daily interaction with the media shapes their identity and what they want to be as they continually construct their identity. Media allows them to find their place in the larger culture. Gender and race influenced the selection of media by the adolescents. For example, boys preferred sports-related media over other types of media. Interacting with their media allowed them to have or apply lived experiences that are close to their reality. Larson (1995) found that Western (European American) adolescents increasingly prefer solitary use of media especially in their bedrooms. This behavior is part of exploring their private and/or possible self. The majority listen to music privately and have televisions in their bedrooms for solitary viewing, which gives them personal choice of what they watch. The media in the bedroom is also used to deal with and meet the emotional needs such as being in a depressed state, or coping with anxiety or stress. Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 Fidzani and Read 695 Adolescents’ Bedrooms in the African Home In Africa, home is the central place of socialization whereby gender roles, social and economic skills, functions and/or activities are observed and learnt. Home space was and is divided according to gender and generation of the household (Chipeta, 2005). Spaces and areas where women and men spend time is an indicator of power, roles/activities, social relations and interactions. Specific spaces have fixed boundary markers that define who should or should not be in a certain place. Chipeta (2005) found that Malawian girls’ use of and access to the space, especially in urban areas, was based on household chores they performed. Adolescent girls are not permitted to enter their parents’ bedroom especially when the father is present (Chipeta, 2005). Spatial relations are important for maintaining age and gender appropriate behavior that is, displaying expected behaviors in a specific space or place. In an African compound, the use of domestic space includes “basic manners as who sits where (on the floor, on a stool, on a chair), who eats when, with whom, and where, who does which chores” (Pellow, 1992, p. 190). For example, men sit on a chair or stool and women sit on the floor on a mat. According to Kayongo-Male and Onyango (1986), in Africa, “pre-colonial housing was better adapted to family needs and related well to local environmental problems and resources” (p. 36). In the rural Setswana context, a family compound (known as lolwapa) consists of several separate individual (or nonattached) units/houses that serve different functions, for example, kitchen, bedroom, living room, and so on. The compound served functional and social purposes, which reflected traditions and customs, for example, farming and family event activities such as weddings. A typical urban low-income and middle-income house in Botswana consists of a sitting room, a kitchen, a bathroom, and two bedrooms (Grant & Grant, 1995; Larsson, 1988). In a study of four villages in Botswana, Larsson and Larsson (1984) found that the traditional items or furniture in the children’s or adolescent’s bedrooms included ox-hides or woven grass mats. Traditionally, children commonly slept on the floor using the mats while adults slept on wooded beds that were folded away during the daytime. Other furniture included wooden and hide seat chairs. Later modern elements were added such as wooden beds, wardrobes, and trunks to store clothes. In terms of the sleeping arrangements, young children (below 6 years) slept with their parents in the same house/bedroom (which was a separate unit and allocated as a bedroom). In preadolescence, the girls and boys slept in a separate house/bedroom normally with an older person (e.g., a grandmother). During adolescence, boys and girls usually slept in separate bedrooms either single or mixed gender depending on availability of rooms. In Botswana and Malawi, in rural areas Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 696 Journal of Adolescent Research 29(6) and low-income housing in urban areas, bedrooms were generally shared with siblings and cousins as part of the collectivist culture (Chipeta, 2005; Larsson, 1988; Larsson & Larsson, 1984). Modernization, a reduction in the size of families, the change in the composition of families, and the movement from a collectivist style of living to an individualistic style of living have changed how space is used, sleeping arrangements, and bedroom furniture, particularly in urban areas in Botswana where some children find themselves having their own bedrooms (Gwebu, 2003). The Current Study Socialization of Adolescents in Botswana The Setswana culture is the dominant culture in Botswana. It defines a child’s expectations, child-rearing practices, expected values, and beliefs. Cultural expectations determine daily-living practices (e.g., chores), interactions with others (peers and elders), interactions with objects around them, and their home environment. Like most African cultures, the Setswana culture is characterized by the collectivist practices including socialization. Besides the parents and peer groups, in Africa, socialization is the responsibility of the whole community (any adult), older siblings, and grandparents (Nsamenang, 2002); hence the saying—It takes a village to raise a child. According to Nsamenang (2002), in the African context there are clear differences in socialization or cultural experiences between rural and urban adolescents as a result of dissimilar opportunities, practices, and perceptions by the adolescents. In Botswana’s rural areas, children and adolescents largely spend time with parents at home and learning necessary skills by observing, imitating, and participating in cultural activities and chores. In urban areas, the role is mainly left to schools and house helpers and the children are excluded from parents’ work because it is located outside of the home (Losike-Sedimo, Mbongwe, & Kote, 2010). In transitioning to adulthood, African adolescents are an active agent as they construct and modify social identities according to cultural scripts and demands at different developmental stages. In the African context, a full adult status is not attained until one is married with children (Nsamenang, 2002). However, the individualistic culture is quickly becoming common in Botswana especially in urban areas due to the collapse of the extended family and modernization. Most African cultures, including Botswana, now grapple with behavioral change and acculturation experienced by adolescents as a result of colonization, modernization, commercialization, mass media, and global culture that are overlapping with the traditional cultural experiences Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 Fidzani and Read 697 (Losike-Sedimo et al., 2010; Nsamenang, 2002). Hence, the study examined how urban adolescents were constructing and expressing their own identities through their personal spaces (bedrooms) and items. Conceptual Framework Personalization and identity concepts were used to develop the framework for this investigation. Personalization contributed to understanding the importance of the bedroom and its contents in identity development, identity expression, and social well-being of the adolescents. The concept of identity gave insight into how the quest for personal meaning influenced and was influenced by personalization of bedrooms. Personalization of space. William James (1981) discussed the use of physical objects and materials people possess as a dimension of describing the self. He refers to that type of self as a material self. Through material possessions and objects around them, people express and communicate who they are to themselves and other people as a commitment to that identity (Weigert, Teitge, & Teitge, 1986) and, hence the act of personalizing. According to Marcus and Sarkissian (1984), personalization of space is the modification of or addition to the interior or exterior environment of a house (or place) by resident(s) to give it meaning. People need to give their dwellings a touch of uniqueness that indicates, “this is mine; it is a reflection of me/my family; and I/we are worthy and unique beings” (Marcus & Sarkissian, 1984, p. 63). People also personalize the physical environment in order to define and express a sense of territory and increase a sense of privacy (Marcus & Sarkissian, 1984). Identity. Erik Erikson’s (1963, 1968) psychological approach with emphasis on the adolescence stage of identity versus role confusion was used as a guide to better understand the identity formation process. Erikson considered the process as always changing and developing as the individual’s circle of significant others widens. He, however, left out the role of the physical world in identity formation, that is, the place in which socialization takes place. Consequently, we developed a model to guide our research that illustrates the interaction of the two concepts (see Figure 1). Research Methods A qualitative research design approach was used for an in-depth understanding of what specific identities adolescents develop through their bedroom and its contents. Personalization was achieved by adding decorative and personal items that were self-made and/or ready-made possessions. Renovations done Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 698 Journal of Adolescent Research 29(6) Adolescence Identity vs. Role Confusion interaction with place Personalization of Bedrooms Identity Exploration Identity Formation Identity Struggles Exploration + Engagement (through personal and decorative items, and socialization) (Exploration and Experiment with Self) Engagement Identity Indicators or Outcomes Outcomes Identity Change Identity Expression To Self and Others (past, present, and future) Figure 1. Bedroom personalization and identity formation. to the bedroom, such as painting walls and changing finishes (wall, floor, and ceiling), were considered to be part of the personalization process. We used a narrative identity approach (Kroger, 2004) to determine how personalization promoted identity development. Narratives made it possible to capture aspects of changing identity. Participants Fourteen (7 females and 7 males) adolescents were purposively selected from three local secondary schools in Gaborone, Botswana to participate in this study. They met the following criteria (a) not sharing their bedroom and (b) aged 14 to 18 years. School standing was from Form 4 to Form 5. The majority (12 of 14) of the participants lived in houses owned by their parents and most (10 of 14) lived in the medium-cost type of housing with four participants living in high-cost housing. The income for parents of 11 participants was above Pula 10,000.00 (1 USD = Pula 6.50) per month. The disposable monthly incomes for 56.6% of households in 2001 in Botswana as a whole, was more than Pula 1,000 (Central Statistics Office, 2002). The 2002/2003 Household Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES) estimated the national mean monthly household disposable income for the country of Botswana to be Pula 2, 425. The average monthly household consumption expenditure in the cities/towns was Pula 3, 237 compared with Pula 2, 085 and Pula 868 for urban villages and rural areas, respectively. Therefore, the families in our study were considerably wealthier than the average family in Botswana. Instruments Three instruments administered in English (English is one of the official languages in Botswana) were used to collect data. A questionnaire was used to Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 Fidzani and Read 699 collect demographic data and background information of the participants. Demographic questions gathered information such as gender, age, type of housing, and home ownership. Background information included sharing status, bedroom items, redecoration period, and bedroom use. An observation checklist was used to note the contents of the bedrooms (e.g., furniture and furnishings) and finishes used. The semistructured questions, which guided the in-depth interviews, focused on interior design elements and decorative items that facilitated identity formation and expression. The three grand questions were as follows: (a) “Who are you when you are in your bedroom?” (b) “What is the meaning of the decorative and personal items?” and (c) “How important are the decorative and personal items in your bedroom in expressing you?” In qualitative research, authenticity is attained by giving fair and honest accounts of social events (Neuman, 2006); hence, true descriptions about adolescents and their interactions with the bedrooms were presented. Credibility was achieved by persistent observations and use of multiple methods of collecting data such as interviews, observations, and photographs of the natural setting, that is, adolescents’ bedrooms. Member checks, which involve selection of some members from the group where information was originally collected to establish credibility, were also done through two members to confirm the analytic categories, interpretation, and conclusions made as a true representation of the adolescents’ social realities (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). Data Collection Procedure The duration of the data collection period was 6 months. Gaining entry and establishing trust and rapport was important for participants and parents who may have trust issues with a stranger visiting their homes. After identifying adolescents in schools, we requested permission from parents through telephone to (a) conduct interviews in private to allow adolescents freedom to express themselves, (b) observe adolescents’ bedrooms, and (c) allow their child to take photographs of their bedroom. Participants were clearly asked not to change bedrooms design and decoration for our sake before data collection as it would distort their current attitudes, meanings, and identity connected to the bedroom and its contents. We initiated bedroom tours by asking adolescents to describe them from wall to wall, center of the room, followed by floor and ceiling. Face-to-face interviews began by asking students to describe the meaning of bedroom contents. Probing questions were then asked where necessary to clarify the responses. Participants borrowed a digital camera to take photographs of items that best expressed their identities. Each observation/tour and interview took no more than 60 minutes. The discussions were recorded with a digital audio recorder and note taking was done in case of recording errors. Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 700 Journal of Adolescent Research 29(6) Data Interpretation Recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim and two copies were made for analysis. Narratives were analyzed qualitatively by coding and identifying emerging themes from transcribed interviews and field notes (Neuman, 2006). In initial coding, common patterns and similarities from raw data were underlined by carefully reading all notes in search for emerging themes. Axial coding further reduced initially assigned codes by organizing and linking common ones to discover key analytic categories. In selective coding, previously identified themes were merged to reduce them. Quotations from raw data were identified to support final coded themes and interpretations we made. Pseudonyms were used when presenting findings of the study. Findings Taking control of the bedroom and personalization allowed the adolescents to explore and experiment with alternative selves or possible identities, try out various life roles, rethink, and make life decisions and choices. Personalization promoted exploration and feedback of who they were and/or wanted to be, and supported personal goals and interests. The possible identity themes that emerged from the findings were private self, gender identity, age identity, family/social identity, religious identity, past, present, and future roles/identity, sport identity, creative self and achievements, and self-image and self-presentation. Emergent Themes They express me! The objects and decorative features identified that best expressed the self were colors (color schemes of walls, bedding, and furniture), beds, novels, Bible, stuffed animals/toys, and bedding. Other self items were photographs and posters even though they were restricted by parents. Participants who were mostly satisfied with how they had decorated their bedrooms and had more liberty were more out-spoken and confident in communicating how personalized bedrooms represented the self. Taking control of the bedroom allowed them to fully focus on exploring and expressing their various identities. Personalization promoted exploration and feedback of who they were and/or wanted to be, and supported personal goals and interests. Boi (girl, 17 years old) explained, . . . my bedroom is the only space that I have in the house and it is the only space that can express me. It is not like in the living room. I cannot go to the living room and say let’s do this but in my room I can do that. I can express myself in my room. Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 Fidzani and Read 701 Types of Identities Expressed Private self. All the participants indicated that the bedroom and its contents represented the private self. The bedroom gave them an opportunity to be away from others, thus the preference not to share. It provided an opportunity to be free and privately experiment with other selves. Items such as heavy and/or dark curtains provided some of the female participants the privacy they needed. Tebogo’s (girl, 15 years) bedroom allowed her to be different from her public self: . . . my room is my personal space. I don’t want anybody in my space . . . even though I am an extrovert, I am a person who likes to make noise and being around people I am the loudest person ever. When I come to my room it is my moment to quiet down, be alone and just keep quiet for once. Kago (boy, 18 years old) clearly explained the reason for personalizing his bedroom: . . . because you have to have your own sort of identity. If it was just a plain room it wouldn’t show who I am. It will be just like a place where anybody can be but when you come here and you see the way I have put it up that means it is showing who I am and not who another person is. It is just the sense of creativity and I am showing who I am through the decoration I have put because it shows my identity as I am, you know . . . Gender identity. Gender identity was mainly expressed through use of color in the bedroom, mainly represented on walls and bedding. The girliness was described by Boi, “I love color obviously. I am a girly person so yeah pink will do it for me. This one (cream white color on the wall) is too neutral for me.” The purple color scheme demonstrated Tebogo’s gender identity formation process from exploration during childhood with her parents’ choice of a pink bedroom to commitment she made during adolescence through a purple color scheme. She said, Ok first I will talk about the purple. You see there is pink and there is blue. These colors have been stereotyped as pink for girls and blue for boys. Now when I was growing up, when I was 6 to 7 I had a very pink room. It contradicted my personality because I was never girly-girly. It is something that I just can’t do. I spent most of my time with my father; I go camping, I go hunting, I go fishing . . . I just did all these outdoor activities with my dad . . . So pink for me contradicted the fact that when I was a kid I really believed that I was a boy. I had my hair cut short and I wore these baggy pants. I will show you the photo (laughing). So for me, as I grew older purple struck a chord as a mixture of the girl me and the boy me. It has always stuck with me because I was really able to be girly and then as Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 702 Journal of Adolescent Research 29(6) I grew up I shredded off the boy me. I am not a complete tomboy now . . . now for me purple is like an in-between; in between pink and blue. For Kabelo (boy, 17 years old), gender identity was represented in the posters he had. Well I like cars and I want my boys or my peers to know that I like cars because it is like a norm for a boy teenager to like cars otherwise it will be weird not knowing anything about cars. For Modise (boy, 16 years old), the color blue represented his gender identity as a boy because “normally girls will go for pink and boys go for blue.” Other participants indicated that blue was their favorite color but not because it is related to boys. The disagreement was stated by Gaone (girl, 16 years old) when she explained her favorite blue color. “I think that is rubbish because color is just color. It is what appeals to you and what you like.” After probing on the meaning of color, some males revealed a liking for pink and other bright colors. The meaning of color was more for enjoyment and selfimage rather than representing gender. We identified other traditional gender items that expressed gender identity in the bedrooms. Feminine items found were stuffed animals, colorful cushions, tiaras, jewelry, and jewelry boxes. Masculine items included sport memorabilia (e.g., medals, trophies), exercise equipment, artwork, designer clothing and footwear, and PlayStation®. Gender-neutral items included electronics, vanity dressing tables, furniture, religious items, trophies/medals, posters, and room finishes. There was an absence of Setswana cultural items as part of the decoration (e.g., baskets, pottery, tapestry, animal skin products, and other traditionally inspired art work and crafts), except for use of earthy colors, which are typical in Setswana decoration of houses. Age identity. When asked why their bedrooms were different from childhood bedrooms, they indicated that it was because they were growing up. Certain items and changes symbolized commitment to their age, growth, and development. Some of the childhood items were retained as a reminder of the childhood memories and identities (e.g., stuffed animals and car toys). The most significant changes made were removing some of the toys, stuffed animals, cartoon beddings, and cartoon curtains. Gaone said, “from those girl’s magazines the stuff that I want to find out is on how I can maybe decorate my room, maybe change it in a way that will be more comfortable and suit me, age appropriate and stuff.” Dintle (girl, 18 years old) removed childhood items in her bedroom as a commitment to her new age identity. Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 Fidzani and Read 703 Well, I think I am growing up, so I don’t need to be playing with dolls. Because when I was young I used to sleep on a cot and these little beds. I used to have this little curtains and little teddy bears, yeah those kinds of things. Now it has just changed. My bed, my curtains, my dolls are not here anymore, my dolls, my treasured little things . . . We had to sell some of these things because I am growing up. I can’t have cartoon Barbie (bedding) and sleep on it. The new color scheme, change of furniture, new bedding (without cartoon characters), and need for bigger closets and beds was also an indication of their development. Bigger beds were mentioned by eight participants who were still using single beds. Even though they were comfortable, they were considered not to be age appropriate. The rest of the participants were happy and felt grown up with their double beds. Thabang (boy, 14 years old), who had a double bed, explained the reason for removing his single bed and cartoon bedding from his bedroom: I had this small bed, single bed . . . I had Bob the Builder® and Spiderman® bedding. I was getting older and older and the Spiderman were getting too boring, they are just for kids now. They are up there in my closets . . . I grow up and mature and these baby things I throw them away or I give them to my little sister. Family/social identity. Family photographs and items bought for them by family members were a symbol of family bond and family ties and, thus, represented social identity and nature of relationships with parents. The involvement of parents was an indication of the socialization process, social influence, and the social world, which is an important part of identity formation. For all the participants, mothers mostly dictated what was appropriate and were more involved in purchasing bedroom items they treasured. For some, friends influenced design choices. Good communication lines were observed between parents and participants who indicated satisfaction and self-representation in the bedroom decoration. Social relationships, enhanced by parents’ support in personalizing bedrooms, were important in making commitment to established identity. Tebogo talked about a Trophy Poem bought by her father titled “Your Dreams are Precious” that represented personal relationship, love, and attachment toward him: My dad is my number one person. I really want to make him happy . . . the poem that I got from my dad, the moment I read it I think “man you have to work harder because your dad is counting on you . . . ” Filial and religious values influenced the manner in which many of the participants designed their bedrooms. The values were critical in listening to Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 704 Journal of Adolescent Research 29(6) their parents when they were asked to remove some items that went against their family values. Modise talked about the note he was asked to remove outside his door, which was initially influenced by friends, “For example, I used to have the sign ‘Modise’s Room’ outside (the door) and ‘No Girls Allowed’ so, they felt that it is not really friendly to the family so they told me to remove it.” The Do Not Smoke posters encouraged Thabang to respect his family values and “ . . . not to do these things in my room but to do them anywhere else.” Religious identity. Most of the participants mentioned expressing their religious identity through some of the bedroom items. The Bible was an important item that communicated religious identity. Other items were religious posters and Rosaries. The Bible in Boi’s bedroom represented her Christian identity: It is my place (bedroom) of comfort. It is where I go when I need space and I need to be alone or because I am a Christian when I feel I need time alone with God, this is where I come. I meditate here every day . . . My Bibles are there. I feel like my Bible guides me a lot. It helps me through difficult situations. It always makes me feel better when I read it. The Bible expressed Modise’s religious identity, “because it is sign of my religious beliefs. I am a Christian, so I am big believer.” Modise’s religious beliefs influenced how he behaved and decorated his bedroom. His religious values influenced the simplistic and clean design in his bedroom. He said, “I am good behaved person. I wouldn’t start putting funny signs outside my room, the door. Obviously I would not put some funny pictures as well so I just want to put something simple yet detailed.” Thabang added that “ . . . my Bible there, you know, I am a Christian. I sometimes go to church on Sundays.” Past, present, and future roles/identity. Although the participants made a commitment to growing up, they still retained some items that represented their childhood and past identities. Childhood items were important in synthesizing and integrating earlier identification into new ones. Stuffed animals were the main items that represented past identities and roles for girls. Dintle’s teddy bear represented her past childhood identity. “It has always been there ever since I was young and there is this other teddy bear, the pink one, it has always been there ever since I was a little baby.” Gaone added, . . . Like I said I have one from when I was a kid. The stuffed animals and the tiara show gore (that) I am still a child at heart . . . They just remind me of who I am and where I am coming from. Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 Fidzani and Read 705 Kago kept a childhood Barney® bag he used in Kindergarten as a memory of his childhood and his childhood place, the U.S. Photographs on the wall displayed who he was, is, and would be. They showed his life journey from childhood at different ages, places, and countries with family and friends. He said, They are very important because they mold who I am. They make who I am and what I am. They show different parts of my life and yeah different journeys I have been through . . . the pictures of me in kindergarten with friends, most of them we are still friends . . . they show a trail of where I am from and where I am right now. Personalized bedrooms permitted them to question, explore, and express their present interests, ideas, goals, and beliefs. Gaone changed her childhood bedroom to express her current identity. What is different? Yo a lot! Like, for instance I didn’t have posters when I was a kid. I didn’t have so many books. I had toys. I didn’t have books and magazines, . . . I had like Barbies®, no mirrors no chairs. Just the small chair for kids; that’s all I had. I didn’t have magazines I didn’t have pictures of myself. I was just a kid . . . It expresses who I am now and where I am coming from. So it’s better to move with the times. So to make it more me now not me when I was a kid. The main current role or identity they were expressing was not only of a student, but of a dedicated student. The student identity was expressed by participants who were more involved and free to personalize their bedrooms. It was expressed through school books, timetables on the wall, book shelves, and study tables in their bedrooms. The study table was discussed as an important item that supported them to carry out their student role efficiently. The report card Tebogo put up on the wall above the Poem Trophy illustrated her role as a hard working student: Ok my study books because that is what my life is about, studying. Yes, I have to work harder than anyone else . . . I like my study table because I study a lot. When I was younger I didn’t have a study table and I studied on my bed so that put a real strain. You will be studying the next thing you are sleeping so now I can stay up longer and study in a more comfortable position. Boys were well established to chosen future roles and identities that they started developing and exploring in their bedrooms. Kago was committed to his future career through books he was reading and posters of politicians. He said, Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 706 Journal of Adolescent Research 29(6) I want to do Political Science and Political Analysis le bo (and) Human Rights Law, so mostly people who are very influential in politics or something they are an influence to me. Like the book I am reading about Magang (a local Political figure in Botswana) . . . So everything in there is on politics. He is not there (pointing to Barack Obama’s poster) just because everybody loves him just because he is the first US Black president; for me it is for the political side . . . you don’t find pictures of strange people except for Obama because that is the reason for having him . . . Modise’s art work represented his future role and identity. My art work as well. As I have said, it shows gore (that) I really have great ambitions. It is just something I have to keep and cherish up until in the future . . . in order for me to know what the future has in store for me. Technological items allowed three male participants to explore potential future career identities or roles. Kabelo (boy, 17 years old), Tumo (boy, 17 years old), and Thapelo (boy, 18 years old) wanted to venture into music production; therefore the computers provided the opportunity to explore and develop that role. Kabelo said, “I am into music production now . . . It (computer) keeps me here even after hours. After midnight I am always staring either watching movies on the PC or making music.” Sport identity. Sport was an important part of only the male participants’ identity because it defined who they were. Sport identity was expressed through posters and technological items such as computers, televisions, and video games. Posters on Kabelo’s wall and his special green soccer boots expressed his interests and identity as a sport person. His computer and watching soccer games on it was important in improving his football skills. “Nowadays I don’t really watch movies that much. I only watch them when we have a holiday but just making music and watching soccer games to perfect my skill. I normally watch soccer videos on my PC.” Posters were used to express Kago’s identity as a sports person. His passion for rugby was displayed through displayed rugby posters. First thing when you enter my bedroom on the front door is the rugby poster . . . Most presumably it would say here is a rugby player . . . As you can see on one side (of the wall) is a bunch of rugby posters for the Springboks and Botswana Rugby team. I play rugby and I play for the under 18 for Botswana . . . posters of rugby showing off what my personal interest is and what I like to do. Thabang and Modise had trophies and medals, respectively, that represented their interests in soccer. For Kabelo and Thabang, displayed green Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 Fidzani and Read 707 Nike® soccer boots and favorite soccer team shirts were an indication of their interest and infatuation with soccer. Thabang, who was being modest about his soccer skills, said, . . . my new soccer boots (green boots placed on the side table). That is how I get a picture of my bedroom, with my new soccer boots . . . My soccer trophy shows gore (that) I think I know soccer. Yes I like soccer . . . Creative self and achievements. Most of the male participants discussed their creative self and achievements in music, art, and sports which were displayed through trophies, medals, designer soccer boots, pieces of art work, music produced, and displayed awarded certificates. Electronics, such as televisions and computers, were important in perfecting and expressing their skills. Thapelo, Thabiso (boy, 15 years old), and Kabelo discussed their creativity and achievements in music. Thapelo proudly shared the CD he produced. Kabelo was committed to his music and expressed his identity as a music producer: . . . The computer, it expresses my interests in music, even the surround system which is linked to the computer . . . yeah as well as the headset or headphone which got the mike (microphone). It shows that I am producer or DJ yeah either way . . . Thapelo had a poster of a musician who was an influence on his interests and venture in music. “That poster over there has something to do with music ya ga (of) Jubejube (musician). Gape (Also) the way he has influenced me in the sense that he was a young guy who made in music.” He described himself as a “very artistic person.” Modise described his medals and art work, which were the best part of his collection, as “a symbol of my achievements, my hard work . . . as a symbol of what I am able to do.” His medals represented and expressed his identity as an athletic and a soccer player. The art work on the wall described him as an artist. “ . . . My art work as well. As I have said it shows gore (that) I really have great ambitions. I like art . . . ” Self-image and self-presentation. Self-image and self-presentation to others was important to male participants. Looking good and smelling good was imperative to them. The items in the bedroom were also important to express identity and interests for others to better understand who they were. Friends and peers were the main social group they wanted to relate to via identity expression. Modise explained the reason for decorating his bedroom rather than leaving it plain. “I think it is because people can also see and admire your things so that they can have a better picture of you.” Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 708 Journal of Adolescent Research 29(6) The designer clothes and perfumes were essential in displaying self-image and self-presentation to others. It was important to always look smart and be well dressed to impress, express, and present a certain image to others. The vanity table and perfumes were essential for Thapelo to keep an image of a well-groomed person who loves himself. Thabang’s perfumes, shoes, and shiny watches were important in presenting an image of a clean person to impress friends, “ . . . I like to keep myself clean . . . I like smelling good, I like wearing shiny things . . . ” Kabelo, who didn’t like to follow trends, used his clothes to represent his uniqueness. His exercise equipment was to impress the girls, whereas the computer and music system were used to impress the boys. He said, . . . I really like my clothing. It really reflects who I am, the person that I am . . I like dressing formally, like you can see those ties over there . . . I like to be unique… almost every person who is my age at the moment got a pair of Air Forces but I decided to take these ones because I don’t being like any other person. I like being unique. Even these soccer boots, they look weird (referring to green Nike® soccer boots) they look like some snake. What I like them is that they are unique. You will never see them anywhere again because of the color . . . I want to show my friends who I really am because out there they know me as someone who really like his clothing who likes himself so I wouldn’t want them having a wrong impression about who really am I. Two participants used for member check (one boy and one girl) confirmed the absence of cultural items in their bedrooms. Dintle simply didn’t like them. Traditional items were considered not to be “cool” by peers or “embarrassing,” hence not having them in the bedroom. Other reasons presented were to impress others (with Western-style items), and modern lifestyles. They reported that culture was experienced in other ways such as traditional music, food, poetry, colors, cultural readings, and clothes. These items were easy to share in privacy only with peers who appreciated them. However, they both clearly emphasized the importance of their culture. Kabelo indicated that cultural influence from his parents, who emphasized appropriate “cultural beliefs, customs, and tradition” on the restrictions they applied on him, was necessary to mold him into a typical Motswana child. Kabelo said, “ . . . it does not mean we don’t value our culture. We do, but we befriend people who don’t care about culture and it is embarrassing.” Identity struggles. Female participants with less personalized bedrooms tended to indicate struggles with their identity. They found it difficult to communicate their identity, especially future selves, because they struggled with career Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 Fidzani and Read 709 choices. Lebo had put posters and graphics that were important in constructing and exploring her interests in graphic design. Although personalization was critical to exploring her possible career as a graphic designer, other factors were a constraint in committing to her career choice. When probed further, she explained the crises she was experiencing, “ . . . I used them like as an inspiration. Not too sure now because I struggle with art and with doing logo designs and graphic designs and things. So I decided that it is not my thing.” Two participants found it difficult to express themselves because their bedrooms were heavily influenced by parents; hence, they considered the items to be unrepresentative of who they were. The unwanted items and lack of making decorative choices hindered self-exploration for them. Dintle was not happy that her bedroom did not express who she was, especially that her friends’ bedrooms were nicer than hers. She explained that she did not like the wall colors, bedding, old-fashioned curtains because they were her mother’s choice but not hers. She said, “right now it doesn’t express anything about me because it is not my choice for my room to be this way. Some of these things are not really my choice.” The walls were bare (no posters or pictures) because her mother didn’t want her to get them dirty. The bedroom only had a bed and a small table but she wished for more personal items if she was allowed. Dintle said, “I will buy a bedroom suite, change the curtains to pink because that is my color, change the colors of the wall, and doing a little bit of decoration, changing here and there.” She indicated struggling with career choices despite her completion of high school. Discussion The study investigated whether personalization of bedrooms by urban adolescents in Gaborone, Botswana permits self-experimentation and identity exploration by applying Erikson’s identity formation. The main finding was that personalization of bedrooms allowed the adolescents to explore and express their identities. Objects and possessions used for personalization of bedrooms were more important for identity exploration rather than basic functional purposes. However, utilitarian or functional aspects of the bedroom items supported activities that provided feedback on who they were and what they could do, which is similar to Kamptner’s (1995) findings. The items served as tools to accomplish tasks and roles they needed to explore and to express their identities. Wallendorf and Arnould’s (1988) found that selection of favorite objects was not based on their functionality or performance but on personal memories and symbolic meaning. They found that favorite objects provided cues Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 710 Journal of Adolescent Research 29(6) for self-expression and self-concept aspects such as age, gender, and cultural background. According to Berzonsky and Kuk (2000), engaging in more self-exploration prepares individuals in undertaking more in self-directed tasks and manners. Different identities expressed through bedroom items were identified. The freedom to personalize bedrooms allowed for exploration and more connection with their identities, that is, where they are coming from (past roles/self), where they are now (current roles/self), and where they are going in life (future roles/self; Kleine, Kleine, & Allen, 1995). The adolescents had discarded childhood and past identifications by getting rid of the related items. However, some of the childhood items were kept as representation of their past identity. Such items are a way of “storing the memories and feelings that attach our sense of past” (Belk, 1988, p. 148). According to Kroger (2004) childhood items are important in synthesizing and integrating earlier identification into new ones; hence retained childhood items gave the adolescents a sense of understanding of who they used to be and who they are now. Most of the items in the adolescents’ bedrooms represented current roles/ identities. The main current role/identity was of being a student. Other current roles/identities they expressed were family/social identity, religious identity, gender identity, and age identity. Although some of the adolescents had already started exploring future roles, identity struggles for such roles was common among those with less personalized bedrooms attributed to lack of exploration through personalization; hence they focused more on current roles. An obvious absence was lack of cultural identity because of missing cultural items. Cultural identity in this case refers to Setswana culture because they are Batswana children. Preference of Western-style (European and North American influence) items was confirmed during member check. It is possible that through extensive use of Western-style items adolescents were integrating and/or developing new cultural identities (Wallendorf & Arnould, 1988). Alternatively, use of Western materials might be part of the identity struggles because they are still exploring and establishing who they are amid a multicultural exposure and the situation might be temporary. Mass media, social relationships outside family, and intercultural exposure might play a role in adopting new cultural identities (Kroger, 2004; Wallendorf & Arnould, 1988). It was confirmed during member check that cultural items were shared privately with peers in order to avoid possible criticism of their preference over Western items which were popular among the adolescents. Currently, cultural (Setswana) items (e.g., baskets, pottery, tapestry, animal skin products, grass or hides mats, and traditionally inspired art work and crafts) seem Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 711 Fidzani and Read Identity Formation Adolescence Identity vs. Role Confusion • • • • • Goals Interests Values Beliefs etc. Influences e.g. peers, family, religion/culture interaction with place Personalization of Bedrooms (Exploration and Experiment with Self) Exploration + Engagement (through personal and decorative items, and socialization) Identity Exploration Identity Struggles Engagement Identity Change Identity Expression To Self and Others • • Provided and Indicated: • Creativity • Sense of Security • Sense of Identity and Self Expression • Place Control • Social Links / Ties • Goal Achievement • • Outcomes Outcomes • • • • • (past, present, and future) Private Self (e.g. heavy curtains) Social Identity – family, friends, and romantic relationships (e.g. pictures, items from others etc.) Past, Current & Future Roles/Identity (e.g. childhood items, hobby tools, posters, books, etc.) Religious Identity (e.g. Bible, pictures, paintings, images etc.) Gender Identity (e.g. color choices, gender specific gender items etc.) Age Identity (e.g. bed, bedding, stuffed animals etc.) Sport Identity (e.g. posters, medals, clothing, sport memorabilia etc. Self Image (e.g. clothing, shoes, jewelry etc.) Achievements and Creativity (e.g. trophies, medals, sport memorabilia, certificates etc.) Figure 2. Bedroom personalization and identity formation interplay. to serve a more decorative purpose rather than a functional one especially in homes in urban areas, hence the surprise in still not finding them in the bedrooms. Model of Bedroom Personalization and Identity Formation The findings are summarized in a model (Figure 2) demonstrating the interplay of personalized bedrooms and developing and expressing identity. Adolescents’ goals, values, interests, and need for identity exploration and expression were highly influential on how they interacted with and personalized their bedrooms. Identity determined activities and personal/decorative items to put or remove at specific times of identity changes. Through the items, adolescents were able to discard some of the past identities/roles, express current identities and explore future roles as part of identity development. Identity expression and personalization are intertwined because they are indicators and outcomes related to our creativity, sense of security, social ties, goal achievement, emotional bond, and place control. Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016 712 Journal of Adolescent Research 29(6) To ensure positive identity development, a large degree of support and flexibility by parents on personalization of bedrooms by adolescents is crucial. Parents’ involvement and encouragement in the personalization process can be vital in keeping up with and knowing their children’s interest, goals, values they can nurture and foresee the crises they are experiencing. Supported personalization can be a foundation for building positive parent-child relationship that will allow parents to assess and discuss with the adolescents what they see in the bedrooms to better understand them. Context and Limitations The main context that may have affected the findings was that participants may not have had the liberty to purchase their favored decorative items. Choices were mainly affected by parental control and parental preferences rather than by money. The context was true more for girls than boys. Girls wanted to please their parents by accepting their choices. The boys felt more in control of how they decorated their bedrooms with few exceptions of agreeing to remove things that were not friendly to the family. Cultural experiences of the adolescents provided context on how they interpreted the meaning and value of personalization items. The outcomes may be different in another culture. The small sample size and the significant wealth of the families were limitations of this study. Future Research and Recommendations Future research should investigate personalization by sharing adolescents and capture how individuals with different personalities, interests, and goals explore and negotiate who they are in a shared space. A longitudinal study may bring better insight into whether personalization changes with identity or vice versa. In future, personalization by low-income adolescents should be investigated to determine whether they personalize their bedrooms similarly or differently from middle-income adolescents. Future research can clarify and answer the following questions: How do sharing adolescents manage personalization and negotiate identity exploration? How do parental restrictions on personalization of bedrooms hinder identity formation? Can we determine adolescents’ psychological status by studying their personalized bedrooms? 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(2005). Bedroom design and decoration: A context for investigating developmental theory in adolescence (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Utah State University, Logan. Wallendorf, M., & Arnould, E. J. (1988). My favorite things: A cross-cultural inquiry into object attachment, possessiveness, and social linkage. Journal of Consumer Research, 14, 531-547. Weigert, A. J., Teitge, J. S., & Teitge, D. W. (1986). Society and identity: Toward a sociological psychology. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Author Biographies Lily C. Fidzani, PhD, is an interior design lecturer at the Department of Family and Consumer Sciences, University of Botswana. Her research interests are in human behavior in different built (interior) environment. The focus is on the impact of housing and interior environments, personalization, and design on human development, children and adolescents places. Marilyn A. Read, PhD, is an associate professor of interior design in the School of Design and Human Environment at Oregon State University. She investigates the impact the designed environment has on children’s perception, preference, and behavior. Her research has focused specifically on color, form, and ceiling height in children’s environments. Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 11, 2016
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