Research Project Diffusion and Contexts of Transnational Migrant Organizations in Europe (TRAMO) (Funded by Volkswagen-Stiftung/Germany) Project Direction Prof. Dr. Ludger Pries General Project Team at Ruhr-Universität Bochum Dr. Barbara Laubenthal (general adviser) M.A. Zeynep Sezgin (responsible coordinator) Dipl.Soz. Tülay Tuncer Zengingül (researcher) Hülya Kaya, Christina Gögelein (research assistants) Country Project Directors: Prof. Dr. Stephen Castles, Centre of Migration Research, Oxford University Prof. Dr. Gunther Dietz, Laboratorio de Estudios Interculturales, Universidad de Granada Dr. Dirk Halm, Stiftung Zentrum für Türkeistudien, Universität Duisburg-Essen Prof. Dr. Marek Okolski, Centre of Migration Research, Warsaw University Prof. Dr. Ludger Department of Pries Social Sciences Chair Sociology of Organisations and Participation Studies Building GB 04/42 44780 Bochum - Germany Telephone +49-234-32-25429 FAX +49-234-32-14446 E-Mail: [email protected] General Website: www.rub.de/soaps Project Website: <under construction> 1 Research Objectives and Rationale The integration of migrants is an important task of the European societies. The results of the PISA study demonstrate that children of migrants in many countries still do not have equal educational opportunities; especially in Germany, children with a migration background are strongly underrepresented in higher education. Unrest among youth with a migration background in the French banlieues, attacks on Muslim migrants in Spain and Britain also show that the integration of migrants has by no means been fully realised in the European societies. Closely linked to the question of the adequate ways and forms of integration is the issue of migrants’ participation in the countries and societies of arrival. All over Europe, migrants organize themselves in cultural, political, economic and social organizations. These migrant organizations (MOs) play a central role in integrating migrants into the host societies. The importance of MOs, however, is not limited to their role in integration. The civic participation of migrants is also crucial for the democratic development of Europe and for the future enhancement of European civil societies. Accordingly, the importance of MOs has been recognized by national and European political institutions, and the promotion of migrants’ participation in civil societies has been formulated as a policy-aim (European Commission 2004; Halm/Sauer 2005; Vogt 2005). However, in the face of an increasingly globalized world, the issues of integration and migrants’ civic participation can not be adequately addressed by analytical concepts which focus exclusively on the nation-state. In the last two decades, new political, social, cultural and economic migratory realities, which span across countries of origin and arrival, have emerged. Furthermore, current research shows that the linkages of MOs with countries of origin have been intensified during the last decade. This calls for a new scientific approach which focuses on the role of countries of origin and of countries of arrival in promoting migrants’ integration and participation. What is evidently required is a transnational analysis which can grasp current developments in international migration and which can identify the linkages of MOs with their countries of origin (Vertovec 1999; Pries 2003 and 2005; Vogel 2005). For this reason, the research project “Diffusion and Contexts of Transnational Migrants’ Organizations in Europe (TRAMO)” has developed an analytical framework addressing both transnational organizations and the border-crossing contexts in which they exist. Particularly, it seeks to (1) identify the characteristics of cross border migrant organizations (CBMOs), (2) analyse the diffusion of transnational migrant organizations (TRAMOs), (3) study the context factors which influence the emergence of TRAMOs, and (4) address the consequences of the 2 transnationalization of MOs (if this transnationalisation can be proven to be taking place), regarding the participation and incorporation of migrants in European national societies. State of Research on MOs Both in Europe and in other immigration regions, there is comprehensive research ranging from theoretical accounts of the causes, nature and extent of immigration, through analysis of governments’ basic integration policies up to the problems that migrants face in arrival societies.1 Within this body of research, literature on the forms, stages and the degree of migrants’ incorporation in the societies of arrival have especially expanded.2 Some of these studies although in the various countries in differing intensity - have also dealt with the participation of migrants and their organizations in European societies. The scientific interest in MOs is higher in those European countries with a long migration history than in those which more recently became important countries of origin or of arrival of migration. However, in quite all European countries research on MOs is less developed than for example research on individuals or ethnic groups. Also, especially in the new acceding countries of the EU and in the Mediterranean countries, there has only been a limited number of studies on MOs (Vogel 2005). In Spain, for example, although MOs have existed since the end of 1970s, the participation of migrants has only become a research topic since the turn of the millennium (González-Enríquez 2004). Previous studies show how MOs mainly act to improve the legal and social situation of migrants, for instance incorporating them in the labour market and helping them to obtain a legal status in Spain. These studies, however, neither systematically investigate the landscape of MOs nor do they empirically analyse their activities and structures. Similarly, migration research in Poland only started after 1989, taking into account new migration flows and migratory patterns. A large part of this research focuses on (1) current migration flows to Eastern Europe, (2) the transformation of Poland into a transit and migration country (Iglicka 2000; Okolski 2004), (3) the socio-economic situation of migrants (Hamilton Ian/Iglicka 2000), and (4) the general conditions for the integration of migrants in Polish society (Okolski/Grzymala-Kazlowska 2003). Regarding migrants’ participation, some studies have dealt with the historically present ethnic minorities, who have increasingly been estab1 See e.g. Castles/Davidson (2000); Castles et al. (2006); Okolski (2004); Thränhardt (2000). See e.g. Heckmann/Schnapper 2003; OECD 2005; British Council Brussels 2005: World Bank 2005; International Organisation for Migration (IOM) 2005; Bade 2004; Pries 2003; Gogolin/Pries 2004; European Commission 2001; Esser 2001; Esser 2006; Castles/Davidson 2000; Goebel/Pries 2003; Geddes 2000. 2 3 lishing new organizations since 1989 (Grzymala-Kazlowska 2002). The establishment of organizations by new groups of immigrant workers has not been scientifically addressed in Poland yet. There is a broad landscape of migrants’ and ethnic organizations in the UK and Germany countries with a long migration history. Accordingly, there is extensive research on MOs in these countries. In the UK, many recent studies focus on the political participation of migrants at the local level and on their integration into political institutions and trade unions. As opposed to the state of research in the new acceding countries of the European Union and in the Mediterranean countries, there is a significant number of studies on MOs in the UK (see e.g. Düvell 2005; McLeod et al. 2001; Davis/Cooke 2002; Husband 2002; Zetter/Pearl 2000). Similarly, in Germany, extensive research on participation of migrants and MOs in particular exists. Research on MOs started in Germany at the beginning of the 1980s (Elwert 1984). A large number of studies dealt with the self-organization of various national groups; the impact of MOs on integration success of different migrant groups (Fijalkowki / Gillmeister 1997; Thränhardt 1989; Thränhardt / Hunger 2000) was analysed as well as the historical development of MOs in Germany (Hunger 2002). Based on the – contested – concept of ‘ethnic colony’, various forms of self-organizations of ethnic minorities and their function for migrants have been illuminated in detail (Heckmann 1998). There is also a number of systematicempirical analyses on participation of migrants (Diehl et al. 1998; Diehl 2002) and on the members, structures, resources and responsibilities of MOs (Thränhardt 1999). Some of these studies particularly address the civic participation of Turkish migrants in German society (Halm/Sauer 2005). Yet, despite this wide range of research projects on migration in Germany, including some contributions specific to the migrant organizations, there still remains an important research gap in Germany. As stated by Jungk, 2000, since the 1980s most migration studies in Germany have been self-restricted and underestimated migrants’ associations. When migrant organizations actually were in the focus, the main approach was on their role in the integration process (Huth/ Hoppe 2002). Thus research has asked whether MOs contribute to migrants’ integration or if they increase their cultural and structural segregation. This focus on integration processes in the society of arrival has not been limited to the German case; it has been a common feature of much of the European research on MOs. As a consequence, studies have offered only a limited view on migrant organizations. Especially the influences of migrant organizations in countries of origin, the potential importance of transnational structures and the transnational characteristics of MOs have been neglected. 4 State of Research on cross border migrant organizations (CBMOs) Some recent studies have started to address the border-crossing activities of MOs; they have claimed that MOs should be (increasingly) understood as a transnational phenomenon (Vertovec 1999; Itzigsohn et al. 1999). For the German case, without explicitly addressing the issue of border-crossing activities of MOs, some recent studies show the existence of transnational ties of organizations. A study on the civic participation of migrants revealed that the activities of 12 percent of Turkish organizations in Germany are directed equally to Germany and Turkey (Halm/ Sauer 2005). A study on the self-organization of migrants in North Rhein Westphalia (Thränhardt 1999) has also pointed out the existence of cross-border activities of migrants: 13 percent of the analysed MOs stated that their main area of activity is the “humanitarian aid in the country of origin” (Thränhardt 1999). Caglar (2006: 18) supported these findings and argued that “migrant organizations strive to become political actors in both countries of arrival and origin”. Transnational migrant communities and corresponding CBMOs have also emerged in Spain (Dietz 2004). Ecuadorian and Uruguayan organizations which emerged at the end of the 1990s in Spain have established branches of their organizations in their home countries and have directed their claims both to the Spanish and to the Ecuadorian/Uruguayan government (Laubenthal 2007; Moraes 2004; Dietz/Agrela 2005). Portes et al. (2005) have identified similar transnational tendencies of MOs active in the USA as country of arrival. The aim of their study was to analyse the activities of transnational MOs and to identify the differences between the organizations founded by different nationalities. To this aim, Portes et al. (2005) have conducted a comparative study of transnational Colombian, Dominican and Mexican MOs in the United States. In this study, they defined transnational organizations as those whose goals and activities were not limited to countries in which their members resided (Portes et al. 2005). They studied organizations that were active both in the countries of origin and arrival. The organizations were classified by a typology differentiating civic, hometown committees, social agency, religious and political activities (the latter mainly political parties). Portes et al. (2005) showed that a significant amount of MOs in the USA display transnational characteristics, and that the political contexts of both the countries of arrival and origin have an influence on these organizations. Other studies also advocated the transnational analysis and elaborated typologies in order to highlight the transnational claims and practices of MOs (Koopmans/Statham 2003; Oester5 gaard-Nielsen 2003). Koopmans/Statham (2003), for example, studied the transnational character of migrants’ political claims in several European countries. In their comparative study, they investigated the extent and the ways the various European citizenship and integration models influence the transnational claims-making of migrants. Accordingly, they identified four types of claims-making: (1) transplanted homeland politics, (2) homeland-directed transnationalism, (3) country of residence-directed transnationalism and (4) purely national claims; only two of these types of claims-making (2 and 3) can be described as transnational. Ostergaard-Nielsen (Ostergaard-Nielsen 2001; Ostergaard-Nielsen 2003; Ostergaard-Nielsen 2006) created also a typology of transnational political practices. She defined various forms of political activity as transnational: (a) transnational immigration politics as politics in the country of arrival when the country of origin is involved in helping to improve the legal or socioeconomic status of its citizens or former citizens, and (b) homeland politics from migrants or refugees, directed to their home country (its internal or external politics) including the two subtypes of Diaspora politics (homeland politics of those who can not participate) and translocal politics (by immigrants to improve the local community, from which they come). The conceptualization of Portes et al. and the typologies of Ostergaard-Nielsen and Koopmans/Statham contain the same criteria for the identification of transnational phenomena. First, the direction of claims and/or political, social or economic activities are understood as transnational if they cross national borders and are directed to home country. Secondly, they coin transnationalization a process if a cross-border geographical distribution of organizations’ resources exists. Transnationalism and Organization Research as research perspectives In addition to these studies focusing on CBMOs, another body of literature deal with crossborder phenomena: the transnationalism approach and organization research. Organization studies have suggested some important approaches and concepts for studying different types of cross border organizations, and mainly transnational organizations. Following scholars like Bartlett/ Ghoshal (1989) Pries (2000) differentiated between the ideal types of focal, global, multinational and transnational organizations and proposed a more specific concept of transnational organizations as those which are characterized by a border-crossing, strongly decentralised distribution of their resources, knowledge, culture and interests and at the same time have a strong coordination in the form of a network. The proposition by Pries (2005 and 2008) thus offers a specific concept of transnationalization and transnational organisations, 6 distinguishing seven ideal types of internationalisation and four types of international organisations. An interesting empirical study regarding the existence of (specifically defined) transnational organizations is the contribution by Dijkzeul (2008). In the study of international humanitarian NGOs, Dijkzeul presented the case of the NGO Malteser International’s work in the Democratic Republic of Congo, asking if this organization has similarities to the transnational ideal type. His understanding of an ideal type of transnational humanitarian NGO management was mainly based on the Bartlett/Ghoshal (1989) proposal. In a similar way, other scholars tested for the specific definition of transnational organisations and found empirical evidence in the field of international educational organisations (Adick 2008) and of international women’s movement organisations (Lenz 2008). These examples show that efforts aiming at conceptualising a framework for transnational studies of migration and MOs have generally been increasing in recent years. Khagram and Levitt (2008), for instance, have identified five intellectual foundations of transnationalism, namely the empirical, methodological, theoretical, philosophical and public transnationalism. Schiller and Cağlar (2008) made another input for developing conceptual definitions and proposals of transnational studies. In particular, they analysed if ethnic groups are adequate units of reference for transnational studies, and concluded that individual migrants, networks, organisations and social fields (the latter as ‘networks of networks’) constitute more adequate units of analysis. Generally the perception of MOs as transnational actors brings about new theoretical questions concerning the contexts in which MOs emerge and are being influenced. The transnational perspective calls for a reconsideration of the existing frameworks and the approaches on the participation of migrants. A core argument is that theoretical concepts on the political, cultural, social and economic participation of migrants must systematically integrate both, the countries of origin and the countries of arrival as analytical levels. In other words, theoretical concepts must analyse migrants’ participation taking into account transnational social realities and spaces. Besides investigating the specific (transnational) characteristics of CBMOs, new research must deepen our understanding of the context factors and preconditions for their emergence and stability. In order to analyse the context factors and to address CBMOs successfully, four approaches are considered to be especially important: 1. the concept of (transnational) political opportunity structure (Soysal 1994; Nell 2004; Ogulman 2003), 7 2. migration systems or regimes (as bi- or multi-national historically grown and sedimented rules and practices of handling migration) (Zolberg / Smith 1996; Hillmann 2000; Papademetriou 2006), 3. translocal identity and/or culture (Mandaville 2001; Featherstone 1995), and 4. transnational social spaces (pluri-local dense and durable interaction relations and networks of everyday life and institutions) (Basch et al. 1994; Pries 1997; Faist 2000; Pries 2007). Main Research Questions, Hypothesis and Analytical Framework The research project “Diffusion and Contexts of Transnational Migrants’ Organizations in Europe” seeks to: (1) identify the characteristics of transnational MOs and distinguish them from other types of CBMOs, (2) analyse the diffusion of transnational MOs starting in four countries of arrival (Spain, Germany, Poland, and England), (3) study the specific conditions under which such transnational MOs emerge and consolidate themselves. One of the conceptual problems of previous studies on transnational organizations has been to differentiate transnational organizations from cross-border organizations in general. In order to avoid a very broad and unclear understanding of transnationalism and transnational organisations, the research project is based on a more specific definition of transnational organizations and transnational MOs, based on organization research as outlined above. Thus the following typology of six ideal types of CBMOs can be developed (Table 1). After having been discussed and ‘fine tuned’ by the international project team, this typology should be the guideline for the national empirical studies. First Complex of Questions: Diffusion of types of CBMOs, especially TRAMOs Within the first complex of questions (existence and diffusion of different types of CBMOs) the project aims at finding out: - how prevalent CBMOs are as subset of the total of MOs, - what their organizational characteristics with respect to distribution and coordination, - how prevalent transnational migrant organizations (TRAMOs) are as subset within CBMOs. In order to address these questions, about 30 CBMOs in each of the four countries of arrival (Germany, Great Britain, Poland, and Spain) will be identified. These organizations will be studied in accordance with the typology of organizations (Table 1). Here, TRAMOs are of 8 particular interest. The questions to be addressed are: How can the selected CBMOs be assigned to the six ideal types? Is there empirical evidence for the existence of TRAMOs? If so, did these organizations develop from other types of CBMOs or are they ‘born transnationals’? Here, the research starts from two assumptions: First, it is assumed that some CBMOs have become more transnational in the last decade; secondly, that other TRAMOs are newly established organizations that have been transnational from the beginning: Hypothesis-1.1: CBMOs have undergone a change in the last two decades and to a growing extent display transnational characteristics. Hypothesis -1.2: New CBMOs have emerged that from the beginning of their establishment match with the ideal type of TRAMOs. Second Complex of Questions: Context factors for CBMOs, especially TRAMOs The second Complex of questions deals with the context factors determining the specific type of CBMOs, especially of TRAMOs. These preconditions and factors will be analysed by means of case studies, i.e. four transnational organizations which will be selected from the total group of about 30 organizations in each country. The research starts from the assumption that migrants’ organizations differ in terms of the degree and form of their transnationality: (1) according to the specific context of countries of origin and of arrival, (2) under the respective organizational fields in which they operate, and (3) in respect to idiosyncratic conditions (the history and development of the organization, important personalities, conflicts, decisions, events, etc.). Especially, the following three hypotheses are analysed in the second complex of questions: H-2.1: The degree and form of transnationalization of MOs are determined by the contexts of the countries of origin and of arrival. H-2.2: The degree and form of the transnationalization of MOs are determined by the organizational field in which the organizations are working. H.2.3: The degree and form of the transnationalization of MOs are determined by specific idiosyncratic factors of each organisation. Ad H-2.1 Context of Countries/ Country Profiles It can be assumed that national contexts influence the activities and the character of MOs. A migration policy which puts greater emphasis on inclusion, such as in the UK, might encourage the emergence of global or focal country of arrival centred organizations, while a de facto 9 non-integration policy, as for a long time in Germany, or a very recent immigration situation as in Poland may rather lead to the emergence of multinational or transnational MOs. Regarding the countries of origin, an active policy for encouraging labour migration and the attempt of channelling remittances in regional development projects might influence the character of existing or emerging MOs differently than a policy, which denies emigration or treats it as a taboo. Also a multi-cultural integration approach, as in Britain, might influence CBMOs differently than for example a rather mono-cultural oriented policy as in Poland and as partly in Germany. A very strong colonial history, resulting structures of migration flows and relatively liberal policy of integration, as in Spain, facilitate probably the emergence of multinational or transnational oriented MOs besides strong organizations, which are oriented towards country of arrival. Under the term migration systems, several country specific factors will be defined and studied in the first phase of the project. Some of these factors that determine country contexts are: basic immigration guidelines, the legal contexts in respect to civil rights and obligations of individuals and organizations, the public and governmental treatment of religion, and the regulation (liberal or rather corporatist) of interests and conflicts of MOs. Generally, in accordance with the hypothesis H-2.1 at least four levels of context which probably influence the nature of CBMOs differently, have to be distinguished: (1) the specific context of the countries of arrival, (2) the specific context of the countries of origin, (3) the specific conditions of the bi - or multi-national migration systems and migration regimes, to which the researched MOs belong (e.g. in the case of Britain the Commonwealth context, in the case of Spain the specific rules for migration in the former colonies of Latin America, in the case of Poland the recent involvement in the European Union and the historical links with Middle-East European countries, in the case of Germany the conditions emerging from the guest worker policy), and (4) for the respective relevant context of the European Union. H-2.2 Organizational Fields Neo-institutional research assumes that institutional influences within organizational field affect the structures and practices of organizations. “Wider societal forces operate to structure organizational fields, which develop their own distinctive institutional logics and governance systems, and these systems, in turn, influence the structure and activities of individual organizations” (Scott 2001: 148). The following organizational fields belong particularly to the re- 10 search of CBMOs and will allow to systematically and theoretically operationalize the internal and external contexts of organizations: - national institutions and bodies which are relevant for the activities of the analized MOs, - other social movement groups and organizations working in the field of migration and connecting with the researched MOs, - international and supranational organizations, such as European public and non-profit organizations, and - members and stakeholders of the MOs with their specific expectations of how their organization should work. H-2.3 Individual Organizing Factors This third hypothesis is directed against a potential ‘context determinism’ underlying an exclusive focus on H.2.1 and H-2.2. H-2.3 underlines that the features of MOs are not only or exclusively an expression of its contingent situation but that actors and their strategies also matter. In organizational research, there is wide consensus that a ‘situational’ or ‘contingency theoretical’ approach significantly underestimates the importance of strategic actor groups, leading personalities and strategic decisions. Therefore, the variation of these factors related to individual organisation and their influences on the specific type of CBMOs should be controlled by the paired comparison of two organizations operating in the same country of arrival and in the same organizational field. Operationalisation The outlined analytical framework will be applied in the four project countries, each following the same research design. In a first step, the 30 most important CBMOs in each country will be identified. These organizations will then be described according to the typology of six ideal types of cross border organizations. These research aims will be carried out with a mix of methods, such as document analysis, internet research and telephone interviews. 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