A Note on the Trade in Eunuchs in Mughal Bengal Author(s): Gavin Hambly Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 94, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1974), pp. 125-130 Published by: American Oriental Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/599739 Accessed: 11-08-2014 19:06 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Oriental Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the American Oriental Society. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 19:06:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HAMBLY: Eunuchs rme-ba "speck, mole; unsmre-ba "to speak ill of, revile"9 clean, defiled" In spite of the vowel discrepancy we are also tempted to compare the following: rmo-sngags "wailing, lamen- smre-sngags "wailing, latation" mentation" The metathesis (rm- < *mr-, except after s-) suggested now allows us to derive early WT rmang "horse" from an earlier *mrang which is comparable with such forms as WB mreng "horse" and may be directly derived this and its other senses can be found in Thomas (1951) and (1952). 9 This sense of smre-ba is attested in Sarat Chandra Das, A Tibetan-English Dictionary with Sanskrit Synonyms, Alipore, 1902 (reprint 1960), and in Dge-bshes chos-kyi grags-pas brtsams-pa' i brda-dag ming-tshig gsal-ba bzhugsso, Peking, 1957, which attributes its entry to Das. in Mughal 125 Bengal from Benedict's TB *m-rang. The origin of WT rta "horse" and its relationship to TB *m-rang remains obscure. W. SOUTHCOBLIN UNIVERSITYOF IOWA a., c ?, g7t ' -X %R ^ %^ A note on the trade in eunuchs in Mughul Bengal The history of slavery and slave-trading in the Indian sub-continent has hitherto received scant attention from the historians. It seems probable, however, that at all periods prior to the 19th century India contained a very substantial population of slaves of one kind or another, mainly in some form of domestic servitude. The following paper brings together the fragmentary evidence for one highly specialized form of slave-trading peculiar to Bengal. Eunuchs were ubiquitous in the polygamous societies of the subcontinent, whether Hindu or Muslim, but they were always comparatively few in numbers and so the demand remained constant and the price paid for them consistently high. There must have been some feeling of dislike for the practice-the Mughul Padshah, Jahangir, is a case in point-but eunuchs remained a feature of court and harem life as long as there were courts and harems to require their services. During the 16th and 17th centuries the sibah of Bengal enjoyed an unenviable reputation as the principal source of eunuchs for the entire Mughul Empire, a reputation noted by a number of European writers and fully confirmed by Abu'l Fazl in the A'in-i Akbari.1 The sarkars of Ghoraghat and Sylhet were especially associated with this commerce.2 At what period Bengal first acquired 1 Abf'l Fail 'Allami: A'in-i Akbari, ed. H. Blochmann, 2 vols., Calcutta, 1869-77, vol. I, pp. 389-390. Describing the harems of Mughul India, Francisco Pelsaert refers to the eunuchs as being "merely purchased Bengali slaves." W. H. Moreland and P. Geyl: Jahangir's India. The Remonstrantie of Francisco Pelsaert, Cambridge, 1925, p. 47. 2 A'in-i Akbari, vol. I, p. 390. this reputation is uncertain,3 but as early as the second half of the 13th century Marco Polo, although personally 3 It is not suggested that Bengal was an exclusive source of Indian eunuchs. Eunuchs could be "manufactured" anywhere but some degree of surgical skill (implying a tradition) was necessary if the death-rate was not to become astronomical. Hence certain regions on the fringes of the Ddr al-Isldm-Bengal, Java, Nubia, for examplecame to be associated with the trade. In the case of Java, Varthema wrote at the beginning of the 16th century: "... in this island there are a kind of merchants, who follow no other trade excepting that of purchasing little children, from whom they cut off in their childhood everything, and they remain like women. " This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 19:06:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 126 Journal of the American unacquainted with the region, was well informed regarding the trade. "There are many eunuchs," he wrote, "and from this province all the nobles and gentlemen from the neighIndian bouring provinces are provided with them .... merchants come to this province, and buy the eunuchs I have mentioned, and also many slaves, and then they.take them to divers other countries to sell thein again. Eunuchs and slaves are very numerous, because all who are taken prisoners by those people, are straightway castrated, and then sold."4 Marco Polo's account differs in several respects from later accounts: he does not specify a traffic in castrated children, he does not mention the custom of providing eunuchs in lieu of land revenue payments, and he implies that the majority of eunuchs were originally prisonersof-war. In other respects, however, the information which he provides confirms the accounts written two or three centuries later, e.g., that the trade was firmly established and widely-known, and that its victims were not employed exclusively in Bengal or the neighbouring territories but were also available to meet the demand of distant markets. Two European accounts of Bengal in the first half of the 16th century, both dating from the reign of Sullan 'Ala al-Din I-usain Shah (899-925 A.H./ 1494-1519 A.D.), link the trade in eunuchs with Bengal. Thus Tome Pires wrote of the inhabitants of Bengal in the Suma Oriental: "They are more in the habit of having See J. W. Jones: The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema, London, 1863, p. 258. Similarly, Tome Pires wrote a decade later, in 1513: "They have a great many eunuchs in Java. They go about dressed in women's clothes; they wear their hair on top of the middle of their heads like a diadem. They serve as guards for the women, because the Javanese are very jealous meii, and no one sees their woman, except among the common people. But every nobleman, knight or rich man is careful that his women shall be seen by no one, and they are more ready to die about this than about anything else. The land is so much accustomed to this that they do not fail in any point of this custom and they keep it entirely." See Armando Cortesao: The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires, 2 vols., London, 1944, vol. I, p. 178. It may be noted, en passant, that it was estimated that during the 19th century the annual average quota of 3,800 eunuchs to reach the Middle East from the Sudan involved a mortality rate approaching 35,0001 See P. C. Remondino: History of Circumcision from the Earliest Times to the Present, Philadelphia, 1900, p. 100. 4 L. F. Benedetto: The Travels of Marco Polo, London, 1931, p. 203. Oriental Society 94.1 (1974) eunuchs in Bengal than in any other part of the world. A great many of them are eunuchs."5 Duarte Barbosa's account is somewhat more informative: "The Moorish merchants of this city [Bengala6] ofttimes travel up country to buy Heathen boys froin their parents or from other persons who steal them and castrate them, so that they are left quite flat. Many die from this; those who live they train well and sell them. They value them much as guardians of their women and estates and for other low objects. These eunuchs they hold in high esteem as men of upright character, and some of them become their lords' factors, and some Governours and Captains of the Moorish Kings, so that they become very rich and have great estates. "7 The demand for eunuchs in India was undoubtedly very ancient.8 First and foremost, they were required as 5 Cortesao: op. cit., vol. I, p. 88. 6 Probable Gaur (Lakhnawtl), the capital of the Sultanate. See Armando Cortesao: "The 'City of Bengala' in early Reports," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, (Letters), vol. XI, 1945, pp. 10-14. 7 M. L. Dames: The Book of Duarte Barbosa, 2 vols., London, 1918-1921, vol. II, p. 147. Barbosa's comment regarding the upward mobility of court eunuchs in Bengal is confirmed in Castanheda: "Das portas a detro se serue com capados que por tempo faz grandes senhores & gouvernadores de cidades q na lingoa da terra se cham5o lascares . . ." See Pedro de Azevedo: Hist6ria do Descobrimento e Conquista da India pelos Portugueses por Ferndo Lopes de Castanheda, 4 vols., Coimbra, 3rd edn., 1924-33, vol. II, p. 441. The wealth of the Mughul court eunuchs was proverbial. In his description of Agra during the reign of Shah Jahan, Tavernier writes: "As for the tombs in Agra and its environs, there are some which are very beautiful, and every eunuch in the Emperor's harem is ambitious to have as magnificent a tomb built for himself. When they have amassed large sums they earnestly desire to go to Mecca, and take with them rich presents; but the Great Mogul, who does not wish the money to leave his country, very seldom grants them permission, and consequently, not knowing what to do with their wealth, they expend the greater part of it in these burying-places, and thus leave some memorial." See W. Crooke: Travels in India by Jean- Baptiste Tavernier, 2 vols., London, 2nd edn., 1925, vol. I, p. 89. 8 Eunuchs are mentioned, for example, in the Manusamhita, although clearly viewed in a perjorative light. See G. Buhler: The Laws of Manu, Oxford, 1886, pp. 103, 161 and 372. Characteristically, the Arthashastra views them from a more practical point of view. See R. P. This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 19:06:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HAMBLY: Eunuchs in Mughal Bengal 127 Although eunuchs had doubtless been a feature of life in Bengal prior to the Turkish conquests of the close of the 12th century it is probable that with the coming of these invaders, and especially after the establishment of an independent Sultanate by Fakhr al-Din Mubarak Shill in 739 A.H./1338 A.D., there must have been an increased demand for eunuchs to manage the extensive harems and households of the new ruling elite. Eunuchs in Bengal under the Sultains were of two kinds, native and foreign, the latter consisting mainly of habshi slaves shipped from Abyssinia or from the ports of East Africa. The first ruler of Bengal to employ habshi slaves in extensive numbers was Rukn al-Din Barbak Shah (864-879 A.H./1459Kangle: The Kautilya Arthasdstra, 2 vols., Bombay, 1960-63, vol. II, pp. 57 and 58. 1474 A.D.), who enlisted eight thousand in his service.12 For a detailed account of Indian eunuchs, see N. IM. Under his successors, Shams al-Din Yfisuf Shfh (879Penzer: The Ocean of Story, being C. H. Tawney's Trans- 886 A.H./1474-1481 A.D.), Sikandar Shah II (886 A.H./ lation of Somadeva's Kathd Sarit Sdgara, 10 vols., London, 1481 A.D.), and Jalal al-Din Fath Shah (886-892 A.H./14811924-28, vol. III, pp. 319-329. 1487 A.D.), these ghuldms grew increasingly powerful and 9 As an Englishman of the late 17th century quaintly when Jalal al-Din Fath Shah attempted to break their expressed it: monopoly of power they had him assassinated. The throne "Neither the Moors nor Gentues of accompt admitt theire was then seized by a eunuch known as Sultan Shfhzadeh, Wifes or Concubines to gad abroad, but keep them who assumed the title of Barbak Shah in 892 A.H./1487 within doors, attended by Eunuchs and younge Girles." A.D. and who was presumably both a tzabshiand a slave. See R. C. Temple: A Geographical Account of Countries He was overthrown in turn by MailikAndil, a ihabshi slave round the Bay of Bengal, 1669 to 1679, by Thomas Bowrey, who thereafter assumed the title of Saif al-Din Firfiz Shih Cambridge, 1905, p. 207. John Fryer, a contemporary, (892-895 A.H./1487-1489 A.D.). The next ruler, Nasir alshared Bowrey's views: Din Mahmfid Shfh II (895-896 A.H./1490-91 A.D.), was "The Moors are by Nature plagued with Jealousy, a son of Jalal al-Din Fath Shahi but, being a minor, his cloistring their Wives up, and sequestring them the brief reign was dominated by two habshi 'mayors of the sight of any besides the Capon that watches them." palace,' Habash Khan and Sidi Badr. The latter eventualSee William Crooke: A New Account of East India and ly seized the throne, which he mounted as Shams al-Din Persia, being nine years' travels, 1672-1681, by John Muzaffar Shah (896-899 A.H./1491-94 A.D.), only to be Fryer, 3 vols., London, 1909-1915, vol. I, p. 89. It was overthrown in turn by 'Ala al-Din Husain Shah.13 One not unusual for 17th century Englishmen to refer to eu- of the most pressing tasks facing the latter on seizing the nuchs as capons. Regarding the Mughul women, Fryer throne was to rid himself of his slave-praetorians who felt tempted to assume from "the number of Spies upon were mostly expelled from the Sultan's territories, disthem, of Toothless Old Women, and Beardless Eunuchs, persing towards Gujarat and the Deccan.14 They did not, that they are incontinent in their Desires." See ibid., vol. however, altogether disappear from the scene since Tome I, p. 328. 10 Another outstanding example of a eunuch successthe article, 'Androgyny,' with an appended readingstory was that of Malik Sarwar, a former slave of Sultin Firuz Shah Tughluq, who first served as vazir under the list, in Benjamin Walker: Hindu World. An Encyclotitle of Khwfj a Jahan to both Sultan 'Ala al-Din Sikandar paedic Survey of Hinduism, 2 vols., London, 1968, vol. I, Shfh Tughluq and Sultan Mahmud Nisir al-Din Shah pp. 43-45; also N. M. Penzer: op. cit., pp. 321-325. 12 W. Haig: The Cambridge History of India, Cambridge, Tughluq, and thereafter became the founder of the Sultanate of Jaunpur, with the title of Sultan as-Sharq 1928, vol. III, p. 268. For habshis in general, see J. Burton(796-802 A.H./1394-1399 A.D.). The Mughul dynasty ap- Page: 'Habshi', Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn., London/ Leiden, 1971, vol. III, pp. 14-16. pears to have employed eunuchs in administrative posts 13 Firishta: Gulshan-i Ibrahimi, tr. John Briggs, 4 vols., rather less than other Indo-Muslim dynasties, notwithLondon, 1829, vol. IV, pp. 341-350. In writing this standing Fryer's gibe that "Eunuchs wedded to their Master's Concerns, were promoted from the dregs of paper I have not had access to an original text of the Slavery to Empire .. ." See Crooke: op. cit., vol. II, p. 52. Gulshan-i Ibrdhimi. 11 For the role of castrants in antominian sects, see 14 Firishta: op.cit., vol. IV, p. 350. guardians of the womenfolk of those affluent enough to be able to maintain a harem.9 Then again, they were much sought after as confidential servants, to watch over their masters' interests. In the case of eunuchs in the service of a ruling dynasty, these not infrequently rose to high office and great responsibilities, as in the case of Malik IKafur, the general of 'Alf al-Din Muhammad Shah Khalji of Delhi.10 Castrated boys were also in demand for purposes of sexual perversion and, finally, castrants played a part in the cult-ritual of certain antominian sects.11 This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 19:06:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 128 Journal of the American Pires found them still very much in evidence in the second decade of the 16th century. He writes: "The people who govern the kingdom are Abyssinians. These are looked upon as knights; they are greatly esteemed; they wait on the kings in their apartments. The chief among them are eunuchs and these come to be kings and great lords in the kingdom. Those who are not eunuchs are fighting men. After the king it is to this people that the kingdom is obedient from fear. "15 Pires states that at least some of the prominent liabshis in the Sultanate were eunuchs but it is far from clear whether all or any of the Sultans and Sultan-makers between 1486 and 1493 were eunuchs, apart from Barbak Shah who is specifically designated as such.16 Blochmann regarded such names as Kaffr (camphor),17 Qaranfil (clove), Firfizeh (turquoise). Alnias (diamond), Y'aqft carnelian), Habash Khan, Andil and SidI Badr as evidence that their possessors were eunuchs.18 It is true that eunuchs were frequently given the names of precious stones and spices but during this period of liabshi domination such names as Kaffir, Habash Khan, Andil and Sidi Badr are surely indicative of African origin rather than of emasculation.19 15 Cortesao: op. cit., vol. I, p. 88. 16 Firishta: op. cit., vol. IV, pp. 340-341. The word kadfr can mean, in addition to 'camphor,' 'whiteness' and as such was applied derisively to African slaves. See F. Steingass: A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary, London, 1957, p. 1007. Blochmann, in a different context, assumes a double meaning for Kaffir, meaning 'camphor,' since camphor was believed to contribute to impotence. See A'in-i Akbari, tr. H. Blochmann, H. S. Jarrett, and J. Sarkar, 3 vols., Calcutta, 1927-49, vol. I, p. 419. This and later references to the A'in-i Akbari refer to the English translation, as I have had only partial access to the Persian text. 18 H. Blochmann: 'Contributions to the Geography and History of Bengal (Muhammedan Period)', Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. XLII, part 1, 1873, p. 286. On this analogy, it would seem likely that the slave-boy, Lulu ('pearl'), purchased by a companion of Ibn Battuta during his stay in Bengal was also a eunuch. See M. Husain: The Rezila of Ibn Battuta, Baroda, 1953, p. 235. 19 For the association of the name Kafiur with African slaves, see above, footnote no. 17. Habash Khan clearly implies habshi origin. The term Sidi in India was almost invariably applied to Africans. See H. Yule and A. C. Burnell: Hobson-Jobson London, 1903, p. 806. I have been unable to trace any associations with the name Andil. 17 Oriental Society 94.1 (1974) In any case, the habshi eunuchs of Bengal must have been regarded as distinctly exotic. Most eunuchs would have been native Bengalis and, as such, were either articles of commerce in the sense that other Bengali slaves were, or were used as a form of tribute sent to the Sultan's court, as happened in Sylhet. When, following the Mughul conquest of Bengal, the Sultan's court was replaced by a sibahdari headquarters, such precious commodities would have been almost all forwarded to wherever the Imperial Court was in residence.20 The practice of sending slaves (generally beautiful slave-girls or eunuchs) as tribute to an overlord or as gifts to a neighbouring ruler was, of course, an ancient one. More specifically, however, it is possible that the practice of sending eunuchs from Bengal to the Imperial Court, as described in the A'in-i Akbari and the Tlzuk-i Jahdngiri, dates back to the reign of Sultan Firuz Shah Tughluq (752-790 A.H./1351-80 A.D.), whose policy it was to have slaves sent to Delhi in lieu of revenue payments.21 At all events, it appears to have been the usual practice until Jahangir intervened with orders to discontinue it. According to Jahangir, several attempts had been made prior to the 17th century to put a stop to it. If this were so, it is not unlikely that Akbar was among the rulers who attempted to stamp it out since Abu'l Fail specifically mentions his master's interest in the welfare of his own household slaves.22 The fact must be recognized, however, that Muslim society always maintained an ambivalent attitude towards the practice of human castration, a practice derived from Sasanid Iran or Byzantium and which, under the 'Abbasid Caliphs, became endemic among the Muslim ruling elite. Islamic Law strictly forbade emasculation and its prevention was among the varied duties attached to the office of muhtasib23 but so great was the popularity of eunuchs that, notwithstanding the fact that they were the most expensive category of slaves, the demand seems to have remained constant. The operation 20 Jahangir: Tuzuk-i Jahdngiri, tr. A. Rogers and H. Beveridge, 2 vols., 1909-14, vol. I, 150. In writing this article I have not had access to an original text of the Tuzuk-i Jahdngiri. 21 Shams al-Din ibn Siraj al-Din 'Afif: Ta'rikh-i Firiz Shdhi, ed. Maulavi Vilayat Husain, Calcutta, 1891, pp. 268269. 22 A'in-i Akbari, tr. H. Blochmann, vol. I, pp. 263264. 23 R. Levy: The Mia'dlim al-qurba fi ahkamnal-h.isba of Diyd' al-Din Mluhammad ibn Muhammad al-Qurashi al Shafi'i, London, 1938, p. 76. For a Muslim apologist's views on the subject of human castration, see Syed Ameer Ali: The Spirit of Islam, revised edn., London, 1935, p. 267. This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 19:06:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HAMBLY: Eunuchs in Mughal Bengal was generally performed by non-Muslims on the fringes of the Ddr al-Islam who thereafter sold the boys to Muslim merchants, as was probably the case in Bengal. Elsewhere, the victims were generally purchased by Muslim merchants who arranged for the operation to be performed by specialists from a minority group, e.g., Coptic monks in Upper Egypt.24 Jahangir seems to have regarded with abhorrence what was virtually a system of "eunuch tribute" and thus, in 1017 A.H./1608 A.H., he sent orders to the subahdar of Bengal, Islam Khan, to make an end of a practice whereby the inhabitants of Sylhet castrated children and sent them to the sibah headquarters in lieu of revenue payments, a practice which was spreading to other sarkdrs and allegedly becoming very common. Henceforth, the Padshah commanded, the making of eunuchs should be treated as a capital offence and Islam Khan was instructed to assume charge of any castrated children known to be in private hands.25 Previous rulers had attempted to put down this practice but where others had failed he, Jahangir, would succeed. Several passages in the Tuzuk-i Jahangiri refer back to this decision. In 1019/1610, for example, there is a record of Afzal Khan, subahddr of Bihar, sending to the Imperial Court several persons found guilty of castrating children, and these were sentenced to life-imprisonment.26 In 1022 A.H./1613 A.D. Islam Khan sent to the Court fifty eunuchs as part of the tribute from Bengal.27 These were, one would hope, some of the young eunuchs from private households rounded up at the Padshah's behest some six years earlier. The same explanation would account for the action of a later sfbahdar, Ibrahim Khan Fath Jang, who in 1030 A.H./1621 A.D. sent two eunuchs to the Court, and several more in the following year, including a hermaphrodite, presumably as a curiosity.28 In any case, irrespective of Jahangir's personal feelings, there was no falling off in the demand for eunuchs-there is a case of a prominent nobleman at his and his father's 24 See, e.g., J. L. Burckhardt: Travels in Nubia, London, 1822, pp. 294-296, and Remondino: op. cit., pp. 98-99. 25 Jahangir: op. cit., vol. I, pp. 150-151. Islam Khan was sibahddr of Bengal, 1017-22 A.H./1608-13 A.D. It is probable that these orders proved ineffectual, as in the case of a number of others promulgated at the beginning of this reign. Presumably Jahangir saw no point in intervening in the case of adult eunuchs. 26 Jahangir: op. cit., vol. I, p. 168. Afzal Khan was subahdar of Bihar, 1017-21 A.H./1608-12 A.D. 27 Ibid, vol. I, p. 247. 28 Ibid, vol. II, pp. 194-195, and 201. Ibrahim Khan Fath Jang was sibahdar of Bengal, 1026-32 A.H./161723 A.D. 129 Court who was so taken with them that he maintained a disorderly establishment of twelve thousand29-and throughout the 17th century the trade continued unabated. Francois Pyrard, a French traveller who was in Bengal just prior to the issue of the imperial farman forbidding the "eunuch tribute" noted the great prevalence of the trade and the way it operated. "One of the greatest trades in Bengal is in slaves; for there is a certain land subject to this king [Sylhet?] where fathers sell their children, and give them to the king as tribute; so most of the slaves in India are got from hence. Many of the merchants castrate them, cutting them when they are young, and not only the testicles, but also the entire organ.30 I have seen many of this kind, who appeared to have but a little hole for the passage of water. This is in order to put them in charge of the women, and the keys of the house; they trust them in all things, and never their wives."31 Further information about the trade is, unfortunately, lacking, apart from a passage in the A'in-i Akbari which lists three categories of eunuchs from Bengal: sandali, bddami, and kdafiri. In the case of the first category, also known as atlasi, the entire genitals were removed; in the second, part of the penis was left funtioning; in the third, the testicles were either crushed or cut off.32 No special significance need be attributed to the use of the words sandali (sandalwood), badami (almond) and kdfari (camphor), terms for odours or flavours traditionally used in the nomenclature of eunuchs. The fact that Kafur, meaning whiteness, was a nickname given to black slaves,33 and that sandalwood is a light-coloured wood at first suggested to the writer that the use of these terms might be connected with the colour of a eunuch's skin but, on reflection, this explanation seems unlikely unless, indeed, there was a relationship between the colour of a slave (i.e., his land of origin) and the form of emasculation to which he was subjected. 29 This was Sa'id Khan Chaghatai, who in the course of a highly successful career served as subahdar of the Panjab, Bengal and Bihar. See A'in-i Akbari, tr. H. Blochmann, vol. I, pp. 351-352, and Jahangir: op. cit., vol. I, pp. 12-13. 30 Cf. Remondino: op. cit., pp. 98-100. 31 A. Gray and H. L. P. Bell: The Voyage of Francois Pyrard of Laval to the East Indies, the Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil, 2 vols., 1887-90, vol. I, p. 332. At the close of the 17th century Bengal was still known for its export of "Slave boys and Girls," and no doubt the former included some eunuchs. See Temple: op. cit., 290. 32 Abii'l Fail: op. cit., vol. I, pp. 389-390. 33 See above, footnote no. 17. This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 19:06:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 130 Journal of the American Oriental Regarding the general pattern of the trade, it appears that the merchants were mainly Muslims and that they purchased the chilrdren either direct from their parents or from kidnappers who had already castrated them. Where this was not the case, the merchants must have arranged for the operation to be undertaken by specialist surgeons, perhaps Hindus of the baidya caste. Some passages imply that parents knowingly sold their children to become eunuchs: the motives here may seem difficult for the modern mind to fathom but dire poverty, long-established custom and the need to meet the revenue demands of the government (the Mughuls, for example, regularly sold revenue defaulters and their families into slavery34) would have been among the likely incentives. Moreover, since eunuchs often acquired great wealth and influence it may have been reckoned an advantage in a society accustomed to the idea of human castration to have at least one member of a poor family in a position to win the ear of the affluent and the powerful. Such, certainly, is the implication behind a story told by Manucci, who no doubt embroidered it in the telling, regarding a certain Mutamid or I'tibar, a eunuch high in the favour of Aurangzeb who made him jailer of the deposed Shah Jahan. At the time when he had become one of the most influential figures at the Imperial Court his parents travelled from Bengal to Agra to visit him for the first time since his departure from the family hearth, and also no doubt to derive some profit from his exalted position. Far from being delighted to see them, the eunuch kept them waiting for several days at the gate of his house and was then only with difficulty dissuaded from having them flogged. Finally, he sent them away, cursing them for their greed which had deprived him of the greatest pleasure a man 34 This practice is well documented: Bada'uini: Muntakhab al-tawdrikh, ed. Ahmad 'Ali Kabir al-Din Ahmad and W. Nassau Lees, 3 vols., Calcutta, 1865-69, vol. II, p. 189; W. H. Moreland and P. Geyl: Jahangir's India. The Remonstrantie of Francisco Pelsaert, Cambridge, 1925, p. 47; C. E. Luard: Travels of Fray Sebastien Manrique, 16291643, 2 vols., London, 1927, vol. II, p. 272; Francois Bernier: Travels in the Mogul Empire, A.D. 1656-1668, tr. A. Constable, London, 1891, p. 205; Niccolao Manucci: Storia do Mogor, tr. W. Irvine, 4 vol., London, 1907-08, vol. II, p. 451. Society 94.1 (1974) can experience.35 Exaggerated or not, the story casts a flicker of light upon the unrecorded private world of these inscrutable figures who were an ever-present element in court politics and the daily life of the ruling elite. The sources are silent as to the manner in which this was cerancient, evil commerce died out in Bengal-it tainly never stamped out-and it seems likely that it survived on a restricted scale into the 19th century. With the disintegration of the Mughul Empire came disruption of long-established patterns of trade but it may be safely assumed that the demand for eunuchs in nawabi Bengal and Awadh remained unabated, even if, in the case of Bengal, the traffic was less conspicuous after the suppression of the Murshidabad darbdr. In the case of Awadh, however, eunuchs appear frequently in the pages of European travel-writers down to the final extinction of the Lucknow darbar in 1856.36 It would be comforting, although perhaps unduly optimistic, to assume that the Mughul trade in eunuchs finally came to an end with Wiajid 'Ali Shah's installation in his quarters at Garden Reach.37 GAVIN HAMBLY YALE UNIVERSITY 35 Manucci: op.cit., vol. II, pp. 78-79. His words, according to Manucci, were: "How have ye the great temerity to come into my presence after you have consumed the price of my body, and having been the cause, by emasculating me, of depriving me of the greatest pleasures attainable in this world? Of what use are riches to me, having no sons to whom I could leave them? Since you were so cruel as to sell your own blood, let not my auditors think it strange if I betray anger against you." For instances of parents offering their children for voluntary castration, see Remondino: op.cit., p. 102, referring to 18th century Italy, and Sir George MacMunn: The Underworld of India, London, 1933, p. 200, referring apparently to India in the early 20th century I 36 e.g., Mrs. Meer Hassan All: Observations on the Mussulmauns of India, London, 1917, p. 39. 37 For an unsympathetic account of life at Garden Reach, see the Marchioness of Dufferin and Ava: Our Viceregal Life in India, 2 vols., London, 1890, vol. I, pp. 282-283. This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 11 Aug 2014 19:06:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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