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European Sport Management Quarterly, 2004, 4, 95-115
©2004 Meyer&Meyer Sport
Social Integration in Modern Sport: Commercial
Fitness Centres and Voluntary Sports Clubs
ANNE-LENE BAKKEN ULSETH
ANNE-LENE BAKKEN ULSETH is with the Institutt for Samfunnsforskning, Postboks 3233
Elisenberg, N-0208 Oslo, Norway ([email protected])
In this quantitative study of customers at fitness centres (N=1585) and members of
voluntary sports clubs (N=1205) in Norway, a comparison has been made of the
development of social integration in the two venues. Social integration is
operationalised through the participants’ focus on the social part of the exercise as
opposed to the physical exercises, and through the emergence of friendships inside
the venues in question. The point of departure in this article is the assertion by the
Ministry of Cultural Affairs in Norway that integration occurs more frequently in
voluntary sports clubs than in commercial fitness centres. In the theoretical part this is
approached by focusing on both the admission into the venues and the experiences
inside them as important in understanding why social integration might take different
forms in the two contexts. The analysis indicates that sports clubs, true to their
reputation, are important venues for integration, while integration at fitness centres is
largely restricted to maintaining existing friendships rather than establishing new ones.
Thus, a situation may be developing where physical activity loses its function as an
important venue for integration, because to a greater degree than hitherto, individuals
carry out their physical activities in other contexts than sports clubs.
In the western world, sport is seen to hold an important role in counteracting social
problems related to health, socialisation and social integration of citizens (Council of Europe,
1995). Many policy makers see physical activity as a neutral venue wherein social cohesion
may be restored or strengthens (Stevenson & Nixon, 1972; Elling & de Knop, 2001).
However, a changing society has also lead to differentiation in the field of sports (Guttmann,
1978; Coakley, 2001). This differentiation may affect the way social integration develops in
this venue. An example of differentiation process is the change in the organisation of
physical activity in Norway. Previously, voluntary sports clubs were responsible for almost
all organised physical activity: more recently fitness centres offering other activities and
alternative ways in which to participate have enjoyed a very large increase in membership.
Voluntary organisations in Norway are traditionally regarded as having positive functions for
society, functions that separate them from activities organised by the state or the market.
One of these functions is social integration (Ministry of Cultural Affairs: Parliamentary Report
1999–2000, No. 14 p. 37). The Ministry of Cultural Affairs in Norway has maintained that
social integration occurs more frequently in voluntary sports clubs than at commercial
fitness centres. This is one of the arguments behind the support of physical activity
organised in a voluntary rather than a commercial setting. Market relations are seen as
characterised by limited personal relations and commitments in contrast to the active
engagement and the feeling of obligation attached to voluntary organisations.
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The main objective of this article is to compare and explain the way social integration
develops in the context of voluntary sports clubs and commercial fitness centres. Two
issues are seen as important in this explanation. The first concerns the recruitment to the
club or centre. This may be termed a process of selection, and can lead to a situation where
the participants share similar attitudes and needs that in turn may influence integration. The
second issue concerns the experiences made within the venues, and the way in which this
affects members’ possibilities for communication. This may influence the way social
integration develops.
Social integration is an ambiguous concept. Terms such as Gemeinschaft (Tönnies 1988;
Brint 2001), solidarity (Habermas 1992; Hechter 1987; Turner & Rojek 2001; Wrong 1994)
community (Brint 2001; Tönnies 1988), social groups (Bourdieu 1987; Ramsøy 1963; Whyte
1993), social capital (Lin 2001; Paxton 1999; Portes 1998; Putnam 1993, 2000, 2002), trust
(Stolle 1998; Warren 2001) and social networks (Schiefloe 1997) are used interchangeably.
The analytical approach can be divided into two main categories with respectively actors
and systems as basis (Seippel, 2002 p.11). In this article the units are actors. Social
integration is operationalised through an evaluation of the importance of the social aspect
of exercising as opposed to the physical, and through the emergence of close and binding
friendships inside the two venues in question.
The prevailing understanding among Norwegian politicians on how social integration takes
form in the two venues is not based on research findings. Consequently, there is a need for
empirical contributions in this field. Furthermore, the aim of this article is to sketch a
theoretical framework that contributes to a more refined understanding of why social
integration might develop differently in the two venues. In the theoretical part, several
aspects associated with an individual’s entry into the venues in question and their
experiences inside them are discussed. These include the concept of choice, constrained
choices, potential gender differences, the way the venues assist and encourage
participation through the activities they offer. This is followed by a discussion of the research
questions and method of operationalisation. Data from two Norwegian surveys will be used
in the analysis: The Sports Club Study 2000 and The Fitness Centre Study 2001,1 both
based on a representative sample of people over the age of eighteen years. A discussion of
the empirical findings is carried out in the final section.
The Emergence of Social Integration
The structure of the following follows that of Burns, Schlozman & Verba (2001). Their
approach to explaining the gender gap in political participation, as a result of a two-stage
process, can be incorporated into this study. The first stage concerns a process of
differential selection concerning the venues; the second stage involves different experiences
inside the venue. The decision to become a participant at a fitness centre or a voluntary
sports club represents a choice, but this choice is made under circumstances of constraint.
In the first part of the theoretical discussion, the concept of choice is discussed together
with the specific constraints that may be relevant in such a decision. The relevance here,
1
96
The Sports Club Study 2000 was carried out by Ørnulf Seippel and Bernard Enjolras at the Institute for Social
Research in Norway, while The Fitness Centre Study 2001 was conducted by Ulseth at the same institute.
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however, is not primarily the situation of choice as such, but the consequences of the choice
for social integration. This process of selection may draw people with similar preferences
and expectations into the same venue, also when it comes to attitudes towards social
integration. The final part of this section concerns what happens inside the venues. The two
different venues will be described focusing on the manner in which they encourage
participation and the types of activity they offer, regarding this as an important characteristic
for the way social integration takes form.
Recruitment to the club or centre - a situation of choice
When an individual determines to commence training, a number of decisions have to be
made. What motive is most important in a situation like this? In this article the
consequences that these choices have for social integration are central, but prior to
focusing on this issue a discussion is made of the general situation affecting choice.
One of the characteristics of modernity is that tradition is of minor importance. Class,
gender roles, family patterns and working life; structures that were important indicators
in the formation of identity in industrial society, have lost some of their importance
(Beck, 1997). Giddens’ words are illuminating for the situation in sport: ‘...in conditions
of high modernity, we all not only follow lifestyles, but in an important sense are forced
to do so – we have no choice but to choose’ (1991, p.81). Increased possibilities in
ways which training may be undertaken require a greater individual engagement in
these decisions.
It is common to separate motives for action into three categories (Elster, 1993). One is social
norms (Homo Sociologicus), another one is rational choice (Homo Economicus). Following
the thoughts of Beck on individualisation introduced above, there are reasons to believe that
modernity has weakened the impact of norms. The third classification is what Elster calls
passion. Schuessler (2000) used the concept of expressivity to describe approximately the
same motive. He points out that an individual action ‘...is both “social”, insofar as it is
embedded in a culturally shared interpretive framework, and “communicative” in that it
represents a form of expression within that framework’ (Schuessler, 2000 p. 56). It is,
however, not necessary to argue that a person has only one motive for action. In real life
there will always be a combination of different motives (Elster 1989, p. 187; Hirschman 1982,
p. 69; Udéhn, 1993). A rational way to think of the reason for doing exercises is that one
wants to stay healthy. At the same time, it can be assumed that these persons are engaged
in the norm that everyone has a responsibility to keep their own body healthy. In her
research Steen-Johnsen (2002) found that people exercising at a Norwegian fitness centre
complied with this norm. Several researchers have also attached an expressive dimension
to physical activity (Bauman, 2000; Sassatelli, 2001; Steen-Johnsen, 2002). Steen-Johnsen
found that giving an impression of ‘who one wants to be’ was an important element in the
choice of leisure activity. Another way of explaining why people make different choices, and
also why they behave differently even if they are practising exactly the same activity, is to
use Bourdieu’s concept of habitus. Briefly, habitus can be understood as an individual’s (or
a collective’s) system of dispositions (Bourdieu 1978, p. 833; 1988, p. 157). The differences
in habitus result in individuals attaching different social and cultural meanings to the same
sport.
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Choice and constraints
Individuals have different motives when they make the choice to join either a fitness centre
or a sports club. The important differences for the actors are probably less attached to the
way the venue is driven (commercial versus voluntary), but also to the degree in which it can
satisfy personal motives. This choice, however, is subject to certain constraints of which
activity preferences is probably one of the most important. At fitness centres there is a
limited selection of activities – mainly exercising in groups with an instructor (aerobics, for
example), or individual exercises involving various fitness equipment. If one wants to
compete or to participate in team sports such as basketball or soccer, sports clubs
constitute the only alternative in Norway. Geographical accessibility is also relevant: How
easy is it to get to the sports venue? For some, fitness centres with particular opening hours
may be the only solution. Another relevant factor is the kind of identity one wants to express
through the actual activity. Some activities are associated with personal prestige such as
golf – often perceived as an exclusive activity. Aerobics, on the other hand, may be
perceived as ‘trendy’.
Social integration as a motive
All of the factors mentioned – activity preferences, geographical accessibility, flexibility in
time, identity – restrict the individual’s choice between the two venues. This choice can
result in certain venues enrolling members whose objectives and attitudes towards social
and voluntary engagement are equal. This, in turn, may have consequences for social
integration.
Social integration may also be of importance when making the choice between the two
venues: a desire to come into contact with people and to make new friends can be a motive
as such. Having just moved to a new locality, or wishing to extend the circle of
acquaintances, there is an opportunity to fulfil this wish through physical activity. Hitherto,
only one study has been carried out in Norway which examines social integration2 in
Norwegian sports clubs (Seippel, 2002).3 Seippel’s interpretation is that being a member of
a sports club implies four different kinds of communities (weak, mediated, practical and
strong), depending on the degree of participation and the feeling of commitment towards
the other members. The largest proportion of members belonged to strong communities,
referring to members that are relatively active and with a strong feeling of commitment.
Social background (gender, age and methods of recruitment into the club), kind of activity
(individual versus team sport) and aspects of organisation (for example, size of the club) also
affect choice of community. How important is ‘social integration’ in motivating the choice
between fitness centre or sports club? The understanding here is that this motive is of only
minor importance and is based upon scepticism towards a rational approach to social
integration. Coming into frequent contact with people often develops as a side-effect of
choice concerning the social contexts rather than as a result of a rational choice. Many new
acquaintances occur as a result of coincidence rather than rational choice. Friendship
2
For more literature on sport and social integration, see Allison, L. (1998); Gough, R. W. (1997); Harris, J. C. (1998);
Morgan, W. J. (1994); Uslaner, E. M. (1999) and Warren, M. E. (2001).
3
This study is based on data from The Sport Organisation Study 2000, also used in this article.
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frequently develops at school or through the workplace, for example. This is also the case
when one is a participant in one of the two venues in question – after a while some of the
acquaintances develop into friendship. This is not an important motive when deciding upon
which alternative to choose, but may be a part of the experience once one has become a
member. Another aspect of social integration as a motive is the importance of existing
friendships. According to previous research it is common for voluntary organisations, as well
as for sports clubs, to recruit established networks into the organisation (Diani, 1995;
Seippel, 2002; Snow et al., 1980). This suggests that the club reflects social relations that
already exist in the local community.
Gender differences
A gender dimension in the choice between fitness centre and sports club may also be found
to exist. Previous research on physical activity points at the social aspect of the activity as
being more important to women than to men (Biddle & Baily, 1985; Mathes & Battista, 1985;
Seippel, 2002). Consequently, it might be expected that more women than men participate
in sports clubs, and more men than women are customers at fitness centres as a
consequence of social factors attached to these venues. This is, however, not the case. In
sports clubs 37 per cent of members are women, but 70 per cent in fitness centres (Ulseth,
2002). This point towards other motives for participation as being considered more
important than social integration when selecting the type of body in which to participate.
What can be expected, however, is that women may experience the development of new
friendships more frequently than men, and they may be able to maintain friendships in these
settings to a greater degree than men.
Inside the venue
The venue’s ability to play an integrative role has to be understood in light of the way they
encourage and assist participation – under which conditions the communication necessary
for social integration takes form. For the same reason the activities offered by the venue are
of importance. The venues will be described according to these characteristics following a
short review into the organisation of physical activity in Norway. This review is important
because the organisation differs in many ways from that in other countries, and provides a
necessary background for understanding the information to come.
The organisation of physical activity in Norway4
The majority of the adult population in Norway carry out their physical activity in an
unorganised setting, either alone or with friends (Ministry of Cultural Affairs: Parliamentary
Report 1999-2000, No. 14 p. 5; Vaage, 2000 p. 87). When it comes to organised activity,
4
Data on voluntary sports clubs are based on Enjolras, B. & Seippel, Ø. (2001): Norske idrettslag 2000 [Norwegian
Sports clubs 2000], ISF Report 4:2001, if no other source is specified. Data on fitness centres are based on Ulseth,
A. L. (2003): Treningssentre og idrettslag. Konkurrerende eller supplerende tilbud? [Fitness centres and sports clubs.
Competing or supplementary offers?] ISF report 2:2003.
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voluntary sports clubs traditionally represented almost all such activity. They are
administered in a democratic way, with members possessing certain rights and obligations.
The principal right is to influence the club through democratic channels, while the principal
duty is to pay a membership fee. In addition, members are expected to contribute through
voluntary work. In the last decade, however, individuals have had alternatives – commercial
operators offering exercise are attracting an increasing number of customers (Damsgaard,
1997). As a customer in a commercially driven organisation, one has no duties except
paying the membership fee. Participation is attached to the role as a customer rather than
as a member.
Fitness centres constitute the major part of commercially driven training in Norway. Activities
such as dancing, climbing and outdoor life are, however, examples of activities that can be
carried out both in the commercial sector and in the voluntary sector as well as outside an
organised setting. Concerning voluntary organised activity, The Norwegian Olympic
Committee and Confederation of Sports (NOC) is the sole body responsible for organising
this form of activity. This traditional organisation dates back to 1861.5 The NOC has 1.9
million members6 making it the largest voluntary organisation in Norway. Competitive sports
are the NOC’s main field, and with few exceptions all competitive sports has to be carried
out as a member of one of the many voluntary sports clubs. These local clubs are connected
to a regional federation. At the top of the organisational hierarchy is the NOC whose role is
to unite the regional federations. Voluntary work constitutes an important resource for sports
clubs in as much as 68 per cent of the clubs’ work is carried out on a voluntarily basis.
Almost 30 per cent of the revenues of local clubs stems from membership fees. There are
no summary data showing the level of these fees, but with few exceptions they are far below
the level of the fitness centres. Other sources are commercial income through sponsorships,
competitions, hiring out sports venues, government grants and transfers from sport
federations.
Fitness centres in Norway are mainly commercially driven.7 The history of fitness centres is
much briefer than that of voluntary sports clubs. The first fitness centre in Norway was
founded in 1950 in Oslo, but it was not until the 1990s that the centres enjoyed a strong
increase in customers (Damsgaard, 1997). Today, these centres have about 300,000
customers.8 There are different kinds of centres, ranging from small fitness centres where
customers are mainly body builders and weight-lifters, to larger centres organised as
5
Since then the organisation has gone through several changes of name.
It is possible to be member of more than one sport club. Because of this, there are no exact numbers of how many
individual members there are in ‘The Norwegian Olympic Committee and Confederation of Sports’
(http://www.aftenposten.no/nyheter/sport/article.jhtml?articleID=556967).
7
One exception is ‘Friskis and Svettis’, a voluntary driven chain of fitness centres organised inside The Norwegian
Olympic Committee and Confederation of Sports. These centres are part of The Fitness Centre Study constituting
one part of the data used in this article. The reason for this is the argument that the activity offered is central for the
integration emerging there. ‘Friskis and Svettis’ offers activity comparable to the other centres in the study.
8
There is no complete summary showing the exact amount of people exercising at these centres. The leader of ‘The
Norwegian Fitness Centre Association’ assumes the number to be approximately 300,000.
6
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franchises. It is the latter which constitutes the sample in the current study. These centres
offer diverse forms of activity mainly divided into exercising in groups with an instructor, or
individual exercise. In the first group, aerobics and spinning are the most common activities;
in the latter fitness and step machines are the most common. The cost of annual
membership fees has increased by a factor of about three since the 1980s (Damsgaard,
1997), and is today approximately NOK 6000 (765 Euro).
Participation
One important difference between the venues is that sports clubs utilise more space for
‘compulsory communication’ than fitness centres. Through voluntary work, these clubs
have more meeting places for their members than is the case in commercial organisations.
This affects the relations between the members. As mentioned in the introductory section,
relations in voluntary organisations can be characterised by obligations and engaged
participation in a community. Relations in commercial organisations on the contrary are
characterised by the fact that ‘exit’ is always an easily-available solution (Enjolras, 2001 p.
85). This might imply restricted personal relations and obligations that contribute to a lesser
degree to integration.
Even if the main dividing line can be drawn between voluntary and commercially structured
venues, there are also differences inside the same group of venues. This applies both to
sports clubs (Enjolras & Seippel, 2001) and fitness centres (Ulseth, 2003). The size of the
sports clubs differs according to both membership numbers and activities offered. This
affects both the distance from the grass roots to the top of the administration hierarchy and
the economy of the club. A small club in this context may have a frequent demand for
voluntary work by their members. This is more likely to result in social integration than is the
case in a large club with only limited voluntary work organised by an administration
operating at a distance from the majority of the members. Most of the fitness centres in the
sample offer social activities, mainly courses and parties (Ulseth, 2003). These potentially
socialising venues are, however, not frequently used by the customers. Age presumably
plays an important role here. Those training at fitness centres are all adults who may have
reasons for not wishing to come into contact with other customers at the centre. This may
be due to a lack of time, or because the customers simply are not motivated to get in
contact with one another.
Another aspect of importance is group size (Brint, 2001 p. 4). Exercising in small groups
might be better suited for integration. Groups delimited by age, gender, physical level or
type of activity make the participants feel a sense of community. Steen-Johnsen (2002)
has studied one fitness centre located in a residential district on the outskirts of a large
Norwegian city. She found that in delimited exercise groups for the elderly, for pregnant
women or for people with back problems, there developed a feeling of belonging. She
pointed to the crucial distinction between classes practising in the day time, and the
majority practising in the evening as crucial. Stability is a key factor – frequent meetings
are important if friendships are to be made. In relation to this is the amount of time spent
in the venue – the more time, the higher the probability of coming into contact with
others.
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Type of activity
Generally, it is common to think of physical activity practised in groups as more integrating
than activity practised individually: the former requires more cooperation and a stronger
dependence on the other participants. Practising an activity as part of a group, however,
does not automatically provide the basis for integration. Sartre (1967) makes distinction
between series and group activity and the contribution to social integration. The concepts
constitute extreme points, i.e., series and groups, on a scale covering interaction between
individuals. In a serial activity, people are in equivalent situations, but not exactly the same
situation. In a group, however, the activity is characterised as shared. The main difference is
the degree of dependency between the participants. The stronger the dependency, the
stronger the basis for contact and communication with correspondingly more favourable
conditions for integration. In the context of the current argument, the following example will
be illustrative. Aerobics can be characterised as a serial activity; individuals usually practise
aerobics together. A level of dependency is attached to the fact that if no other individuals
participated, there would be no aerobics. Soccer is a group activity where the participants
have to cooperate with their team-mates to carry out their own activity. Here, dependency
on others is stronger than is the case for those practising aerobics. From this it can be
assumed that soccer – a game practised in sports clubs – provides a better point of
departure for integration to develop than does aerobics, which is mostly practised at fitness
centres. Individual activity carried out in sports clubs such as track-and-field and crosscountry skiing fall into the same category as aerobics. All the activities offered at fitness
centres may be characterised as serial, while sports clubs have both serial and group
activities.
Research Questions and Operationalisation
The main research question in this article concerns how social integration develops within
the context of voluntary sports clubs compared to commercial fitness centres, and how this
development can be explained. Social integration in this article is operationalised through
four factors, three concerning friendship and one concerning the importance of the social
part of the exercising. The friendship factors are assumed to reveal different kinds of
relations. One kind of relation consists of those stating that they have acquired new friends
through the training. Another kind of relation is constituted by friends entering the venue
together. With that they bring established friendships into the venue which is maintained
through the activities there. This group is distinguished by the questions concerning the
degree to which they exercise together with old friends, and the extent to which they meet
people with whom they exercise outside the training context. When it comes to the social
dimension, a question relating to the importance of the social part of the exercise as
opposed to the physical part is intended to find out which of the two types of venue engages
the participants with most focus on integration.
According to the manner in which these are operationalised and the theories and ideas
discussed in previous sections, the following questions will be considered: Do new
friendships emerge in sports clubs to a greater degree than at fitness centres? Is
maintenance of established friendships common at both fitness centres and in sports
clubs? How common is it to participate at fitness centres without any contact with the fellow
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participants compared to the situation in sports clubs? Is the social part of the activity more
important for those exercising in sports clubs than for the customers at fitness centres? The
anticipated responses to these questions are illustrated in Table 1.
Table 1
Anticipated findings in respect of the proportion of participants experiencing the different
kinds of friendships within sports clubs and fitness centres. Classification from 0=no one, to
3=many.
Social integration characterised by....
SPORTS CLUBS
FITNESS CENTRES
Emergence of new friendships
3
1
Maintenance of established friendships
2
2
No friendships
0
3
Importance of the social part of the activity
3
0
Another relevant question is the extent to which friendships develop to a greater degree for
women rather than for men, and also if friendships are maintained to a greater degree by
women rather than by men in both venues?
Empirical Analysis
Data
The data analysed in this study is based on two postal surveys. The Sports Club Study 2000
consisted of a random sample of members over the age of 12 years drawn from 549
voluntary sports clubs from a register held by The Norwegian Olympic Committee and Sport
Federation. From this study, data from members of sports clubs over the age of 18 (N=1205)
was used. In The Fitness Centre Study 2001, 4099 persons were chosen randomly from
customer lists among three Norwegian chains of commercial fitness centres (N=1585).9 The
two questionnaires contain many identical questions, facilitating a comparison between the
two groups.
Variables and methods
The independent variables in this study were gender, place of residence, age, marital status,
education, income, and chief occupation. Descriptive statistics of independent variables are
presented in Table 2.
9
The response rate for The Sport Club Study was 30 per cent. To make sure that it was acceptable to analyse data
with this response rate, the researchers compared information about gender and age composition in the sample with
that of the population (Seippel, 2002). These corresponded precisely and made the data suitable for use. The
response rate for The Fitness Centre Study was 45 per cent.
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Table 2
Descriptive statistics for independent variables.
VARIABLE
CODE
Gender
•
•
Woman
Man
Place of residence
•
•
City
Outside city
Age categories*
•
•
•
•
18–25 years (reference)
26–40 years
41–55 years
56 years and above
Education
•
•
Below college/university level
Above college/university level
Income categories
•
•
•
Low (< 26´ e) (reference)
Medium (26´-49´ e)
High (> 49´ e)
Marital status
•
•
Single (unmarried, widowed,
separated, divorced)
Married, cohabitant
•
•
•
•
•
•
Work (reference)
School/studies
Domestic work
Unemployed
Pensioner
Social security
Chief occupation
MEAN
Sports club
MEAN
Fitness centre
=0
=1
37%
63%
70%
30%
=0
=1
48%
52%
80%
20%
16%
29%
34%
21%
18%
49%
25%
9%
52%
48%
44%
56%
30%
51%
20%
35%
50%
15%
29%
71%
36%
64%
75%
12%
2%
1%
7%
2%
77%
14%
5%
1%
2%
1%
=0
=1
=0
=1
*Both The Sports Club Study and The Fitness Centre Study contain data for persons over
the age of 18 only.
The dependent variables are whether new friends are made through the exercise, how often
one meets ‘fellow exercisers’ outside the venue, and whether the physical or the social part
of the exercise is considered as the most important by the exerciser. The form taken by the
analysis is that of simple frequency analysis and logistic regression. In the interpretation of
the logistic regression, the focus is placed on the direction (positive or negative) of the
regression coefficient (B). Only significant correlations will be commented.
Different kinds of friendships
Table 3 summarises the results and indicates the nature and level of differences between the
venues when it comes to gaining new friends through the physical activity.
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Table 3
The proportion of people at fitness centres and sports clubs answering ‘yes’ and ‘no’ to the
following question: ‘Did you make new friends through your exercising?’, Per Cent.
FITNESS CENTRE
SPORTS CLUB
Yes
14
81
No
86
19
Total
100
100
Sample Size
1560
1118
There are broad differences between the two venues, indicating that development of new
friendships is much more widespread in sports clubs than fitness centres. The analysis
presents sports clubs as important socialising venues. Figure 1 contributes to the
understanding of the development of new friendships, in addition to information on
maintaining established friendships and on no friendships at all. The question was only
directed to those exercising at fitness centres; how they practise their activity – alone, with
new or with established friends?
60
50
Per cent
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30
20
54
39
Alone
Old friends
10
7
0
New friends
Figure 1. Exercising alone, with old friends or with new friends at the fitness centre. Per cent
(N=1563).
Figure 1 illustrates that the fitness centre is a venue where few people exercise in company
with others they have come to know through the activity. The majority of the customers at
fitness centres exercise alone suggesting that few customers gain new friends here. To
exercise together with old friends is also common, indicating that these centres act as social
venues for small groups of people such as close friends, colleagues or neighbours.
In the following analysis the two venues for exercise are compared according to their role in
maintaining already existing friendships. The first question is if those exercising together
also meet outside the context of these venues.
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Table 4
‘Do you join the people you are exercising together with in other settings than exercising?’
Per cent.
FITNESS CENTRE
SPORTS CLUB
Difference
Almost never
53
19
34
Twice a year
4
22
-18
About once a month
8
23
-15
About once a week
10
17
-7
Several times a week
11
12
-1
Every day
14
7
Total
100
100
Sample Size
1492
1016
7
More than half of the individuals training at fitness centres say they almost never meet other
persons who exercise at the same place outside the context of the activity, and this is most
probably because they do not know them. Among the members of sports clubs this is,
however, more common, indicating that these friendships are not limited to the club
precincts. The data did not allow us to establish whether these friendships comprise
persons who socialised inside the sports club extending their friendships outside that
setting, or whether these are friendships established outside the club and maintained
through exercise.
Information in Table 4 also shows that a greater proportion of fitness centre customers than
sports club members meet each other every day in other contexts. This points to an
important difference between the two venues in question: at the fitness centres there are
groups of people, even if they are small, who use this venue as a meeting place. Since they
state that they meet each other every day outside the context of the physical activity, this
suggests that these people are close friends and/or colleagues or neighbours. One possible
explanation for the lower proportion of sports club members giving the same answer may
be that few colleagues meet in sports clubs. This may be due to the fact that these clubs
have a wider recruitment area geographically than fitness centres, and that their relevance
lies in the activities they offer.
It has been mentioned that friendships at sports clubs extend beyond the limits of the club,
and that these are also venues where many new friendships develop. The difference
between these friendships and those at fitness centres is that the latter mainly comprise old
friends. They represent small integrated groups inside a context where few new friendships
develop. In line with this analysis, both venues seem to maintain established friendships.
Which variables are important in explaining the development of new friendships in the two
types of venues studied here? The logistic regression, the results of which are given in Table
5, offers some answers to this question. In this analysis the gender variable is the only one
attached to the research questions; the others are included for explorative reasons.
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Table 5
Logistic regression of whether one has gained new friends through the exercising at the
fitness centre or in the sports club. **p<0.01, *p<0.05.
FITNESS CENTRE
B
SPORTS CLUB
B
.558**
-.243
.197
.512*
.049
.115
Low (<26’ e) (reference)
Medium (26’-49’ e)
High (>49’ e)
-.284
-.433
-.068
-.658*
18–25 years (reference)
26–40 years
41–55 years
56 year and above
-.658**
-.514
-.428
-1.215*
-.304
.030
-.059
-.161
Chief occupation: Work (reference)
School/studies
Domestic work
Unemployed
Pensioner
Social security
-.467
.425
-19.634
1.304*
.564
.383
-.667
.798
.322
.490
Constant
-2 Log L
Cox & Snell
Nagelkerke
-.901
980.664
.036
.066
1.221
829.588
.029
.046
Male
Living outside the city
Married/cohabitant
Income:
Higher education
Age:
Before interpreting the coefficients in Table 5, it should be stated that the low r2 indicates
that the variables included account for only a minor part of the variance in the dependent
variable. This means that there are other variables not included in the analysis that may
explain the relationship.
The regression analysis in Table 5 indicates that more males than females have acquired
new friends through their participation. The result applied to both venues. This is somewhat
surprising considering the conclusions from previous research which point to social factors
as being more important to women than to men. One possible reason is that males and
females participate in different activities, which may provide a different basis for social
integration. Other parts of The Fitness Centre Study than those used here, demonstrate that
men prefer individual activities (most often fitness machines or free weights) and women
group activities (activities directed by an instructor such as aerobics) (Ulseth, 2003).
Individual training might make it easier to come into contact with other persons – sometimes
one needs a helping hand with the weights. Further, there are many natural pauses during
the session where one has the opportunity for have a chat with the person exercising along
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side. In group activities such as aerobics, however, there are few opportunities to keep a
conversation going through the classes. Regarding activities in the sports club, one reason
for men gaining more new friends than women might be that more men than women
participate in team sports (The Norwegian Olympic Committee and Confederation of Sports,
Ministry of Cultural Affairs 2003). According to Sartre’s division into serial and group activity
this activity is expected to provide more integration than individual sports.
Besides the gender issue, some other findings in the regression analysis justify comment.
Stability has been mentioned as an integrating factor, pointing at frequency of meetings and
the amount of time spent in the venue as important. Three of the results shown from Table
5 can be interpreted as supporting this. The first concerns income. The analysis shows that
people in the lowest income group among those exercising in sports clubs have greater
possibilities to get new friends than those in the highest income group. This may be
explained by the fact that people with high income are more frequently busy people due to
the amount of time spent at work. This can lead to less engagement in socialising activities
such as exercising together with other members and carrying out voluntary work, activities
where friendships develop (they may, for example, only participate in competitions). There
may also exist a culture among people constituting the highest income group, holding an
identity as ‘busy people with more important things to do than wasting their time on other
things than effective exercising when visiting the fitness centre’. This is in line with
Bourdieu’s habitus concept mentioned earlier. People with high income possess different
habitus than those with a lower income. An individual’s habitus may affect choice of physical
activity in the first place, but also the individual’s way of behaving in the actual activity. The
next result may be explained through a parallel argument. The lowest educated participants
at the fitness centres report that they have gained new friends more frequently than the
highest educated members. The same tendency can be seen in the sports club sample, but
the coefficient is not significant (p=0.11). Again various types of habitus can explain some
of the difference. In addition, research shows that those with low education are more
frequently employed in jobs with lower amount of work due to lesser responsibility (Barth &
Røed 2001 tab. 11.5; Statistics Norway homepages: http://www.ssb.no/emner/06/01/
akuovertid/tab-2003-08-04-01.html and http://www.ssb.no/emner/06/01/akuovertid/tab2003-08-04-03.html; Ellingsæter & Gulbrandsen 2003, Table 2.10). This gives them more
non-work time that may be spent at the fitness centre.
The last result of the regression analysis concerns stability and is related to the finding that
pensioners at fitness centres as a group report that they acquire more new friends than
those who are employed.10 This group clearly has more leisure time than others giving them
the possibility to use the fitness centres more frequently. Another point with this finding is
that pensioners may participate in tailor-made classes. Consequently, they meet the same
people every time they exercise in line with the claim that exclusive groups are crucial for
integration. They may also be able to use facilities during off-peak times in the working day.
This results in more opportunity for socialisation because the use of facilities is not so
intense.
10
The difference between the finding that pensioners at fitness centres have a greater possibility for gaining new
friends than those working should be noted, and also the seemingly contradictory finding that those over the age of
56 years more seldom gain new friends than the youngest in the sample. This is because the age group ‘over 56
years’ is broad: pensioners are those over the age of 67. Further analysis reveals that within the group ‘over 56 years’,
it is those in the age group 56-66 years who indicate that they have not gained new friends.
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A logistic regression with ‘venue’ (fitness centre or sports club) as one of the independent
variables concludes this part of the empirical analysis.
Table 6
Logistic regression of whether one has gained new friends through the exercising at the
fitness centre or in the sports club. **p<0.01, *p<0.05.
Fitness centre
Male
Living outside the city
Married/cohabitant
Income:
Higher education
Age:
B
-3.232**
Low (< 26’ e) (reference)
Medium (26’-49’ e)
High (> 49’ e)
B
-3.197**
.547**
-.053
.152
-.192
-.603**
-.491**
18-25 years (reference)
26-40 years
41-55 years
56 year and above
-.374
-.373
-.678*
Chief occupation: Work (reference)
School/studies
Domestic work
Unemployed
Pensioner
Social security
Constant
-2 Log L
Cox & Snell
Nagelkerke
-.216
.181
-.257
.613
.451
1.367
1883.458
.373
.505
1.869
1825.479
.390
.527
The dependent variable is identical to that in Table 5: whether new friends are made through
the exercise. This analysis demonstrates that venue explains most of the variance: in the
first stage ‘venue’ is the only independent variable; in the second stage social background
variables similar to those in Table 5 are included resulting in an increase in r2 from .505 to
.527. Being member of a sports club makes it much more likely for new friends to be
acquired than is the case at a fitness centre.
The importance of social integration
What is actually stated as the most important reason for exercising – the physical or the
social element? The distribution of answers to this question by participants in the two
venues is illustrated in Figure 2.
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Fitness centre
Per cent
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Sport’s Club
64
38
2
1
The social part
The physical
part
Figure 2. What is most important when you are exercising, the physical or the social part?
Assessment on a scale ranging from 1 ‘the social part is most important’ to 7 ‘the physical
part is most important’. Per cent.
Once again, there are major differences between fitness centres and sports clubs. Among
those exercising at fitness centres, only 1 per cent state that the social dimension of
exercise is the most important factor for attending, where as much as 64 per cent state that
exercising is most important. Looking at the curve representing the members of sports
clubs, the results are reversed: only 2 per cent state that the physical part of exercising in
sports clubs is most important compared to 38 per cent who state that the social part is
most important. The obvious conclusion from this analysis is that the social part of the
activity is much more important for participants in sports clubs than for fitness centre
customers. This is in line with the finding that members of sports clubs gain more new
friends through their training than is the case for customers of fitness centres.
Discussion
The article commenced with the fact that The Ministry of Cultural Affairs held the impression
that integration occurs more frequently in sports clubs than at fitness centres. Theoretically,
the analysis is approached by focusing on both the method of participant admission into the
venues and the experiences gained inside the venues. The entry into the venue is seen as
a selection process constrained by factors such as the activities offered, geographical
accessibility, flexibility in time, the kind of identity associated with the venue and the
importance of social integration for the participants. Concerning experiences inside the
venues which may have consequences for social integration, the way the actual venues
encourage participation and the activity they offer are highlighted. In this final section, the
empirical findings will be discussed in the light of the research questions. In conclusion
some possible aspects of the empirical results will be discussed in the light of the views of
the Ministry of Cultural Affairs.
The empirical findings presented mostly support the argument given: it seems to be the
case that both venues contribute to integration, but in different ways. Sports clubs are
important venues for new friendships to take form. These kinds of friendships are seldom
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established in the fitness centres. Further, participants in sports clubs appear to establish
friendships that exist outside the club itself. This pattern was less pronounced in the fitness
centres. Whether these friendships originate from people meeting each other in the context
of the club, or if they rather mirror friendships already existing in the community is, however,
not entirely clear. Among the majority of those exercising at fitness centres, no integration
emerges. Fitness centres do, however, fulfil some socially integrative functions. Some new
friendships are made, even though this is not common. The centres’ most important
contribution revealed in the survey is their function as places for friends to meet and
maintain already established friendships. This fits the picture drawn of members of sports
clubs regarding the social aspect of exercising as much more important than was the case
of customers at fitness centres.
One possible function not brought to light through the analysis is that fitness centres may
serve as places for weak ties to emerge. Weak ties are defined as ties to people one knows,
but with whom little time is spent and with whom there are few friends in common
(Granovetter, 1973). There may be strength in weak ties, meaning that according to
information diffusion – for instance in cases of job search or in political allies – weak ties give
access to people who move in other circles and who have access to information which may
be different from one’s own. It is reasonable to associate this function with a venue like this;
many customers see each other frequently even if this does not lead to friendship. If the
analyses had contained a clearer grading of friendship into less committal forms such as
acquaintances, it may have been possible to capture such tendencies.
The results from this study illustrate that physical activity is a field undergoing change.
During the last decade commercial fitness centres have gained a broad range of customers.
As the empirical results indicate, sports clubs seem to have maintained their reputation as
important venues for social integration. Fitness centres, however, mainly emerge as places
for individual training. Insofar as fitness centres contribute to integration, this is primarily as
places where friends meet and maintain an already existing social network. There are
reasons to be aware of a situation where, to a greater degree than today, people carry out
their physical activity in other contexts than sports clubs. One consequence of this might be
that physical activity loses its position as an important integrating venue.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Ørnulf Seippel at the Institute for Social Research for ideas to this text.
Comments from members of the group “Changing Civil Society“ at the same institute, and
from participants at the Phd-seminar on Civil Society, held in Stockholm in 2003, have also
been a great help.
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