Cultural Oppression and the High-Risk Status of African Americans
Author(s): Jerome H. Schiele
Source: Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 35, No. 6 (Jul., 2005), pp. 802-826
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CULTURAL OPPRESSION
AND THE HIGH-RISK STATUS
OF AFRICAN AMERICANS
JEROMEH. SCHIELE
NorfolkState University
One of the persistentandperennialchallengesfacedby AfricanAmericans
is thatof culturaloppression.Althoughthe effects of oppressionon African
Americanshave received enormousattention,much of the focus has been
on political and economic oppressionas the primarysources of the social
problemsthatAfricanAmericansconfront.Less emphasishas been placed
on connectingpoliticalandeconomic oppressionto culturaloppressionand
on viewing culturaloppressionas foundationalin explainingthe high societal vulnerabilityof AfricanAmericans.This articleidentifies and examines how culturaloppressionhas producedthreerisk factors- (a) cultural
estrangement,(b) attenuationof Black collectivism, and(c) spiritualalienation- thatdiminishAfricanAmericans'abilityto advanceandprosperin
the United States. Separatelyand collectively, these factorsplace African
Americansat high risk of experiencingcontinuedobstacles towardgroup
affirmationand empowerment.
Keywords: cultural oppression;African Americans; social class divisions; spirituality;Eurocentricdomination
One of the greatest group successes of UnitedStateshistoryis the
survival and continuationof African American life (Billingsley,
1992; Martin & Martin, 2002). After experiencing some of the
most brutalforms of injusticeand dehumanizationin U.S. history,
AfricanAmericanscontinueto surviveand functionwith remarkableresiliency.This tenacityfor survivalis embeddedin the history
of African American resistance and an intense desire to be free
(Asante, 1988; Dawson, 2001; J. Franklin,1980; Karenga,2002).
Althoughthe resiliencyof AfricanAmericansandtheiraspirations
JOURNALOF BLACKSTUDIES, Vol. 35 No. 6, July 2005 802-826
DOI: 10. 1177/002 1934704265560
© 2005 Sage Publications
802
Schiele / CULTURALOPPRESSIONAND HIGH-RISKSTATUS 803
to be free are quite real, the persistent albatross of oppression
remains.The oppressionof contemporarytimes, however,is not as
terroristicas in the past but instead can be characterizedas more
subtle, insidious, and seductive (Bobo, Kluegel, & Smith, 1997;
Collins, 1998; Kambon,1998;Marable,1996; Schiele, 2002). This
formof oppressionby seduction,althoughcertainlynot eliminating
oppressionby terror,regulatesculturalvalues and interpretations.
Young(1990) refersto the regulationof values andinterpretations
as culturalimperialismandconceivesit as "theuniversalizationof a
dominantgroup's experienceand cultureand its establishmentas
the norm"(p. 59).
Underculturalimperialism,or what is referredto in this article
as culturaloppression, the worldviews of divergentculturaland
ethnicgroupswho sharea commongeopoliticalspaceareunequally
validated(Hanna,Talley,& Guindon,2000; Kambon,1998;Schiele,
2000; Young, 1990). Inequalityexists in the value given to divergent interpretationsand life experiences. The experiences and
of thosewho controlsocietalinstitutionsareendorsed
interpretations
and imposed onto all who rely on these institutions,whereas the
experiencesandinterpretationsof those who wield less controlfind
little validationandexpressionin the broadersociety (Hannaet al.,
2000; Kambon,1998; Schiele, 2000; Young, 1990). Because people of Europeanancestryhave had more power relative to other
racialgroups,theirexperiencesandinterpretationshavedominated
the American socioculturallandscape (Ani, 1994; Asante, 1999;
Hacker,1992;Oliver,2001; Turner,Singleton,& Musick, 1984;A.
Wilson, 1998). Although diverse, the experiences and interpretations of European Americans, when compared to other racial
groups,are deemedmore crediblerepresentationsof what often is
referredto as the Americanexperience(Ani, 1994; Asante, 1999;
Hacker,1992; Oliver,2001; Takaki,1993; Turneret al., 1984; A.
Wilson, 1998). Culturaloppressionin the United States,therefore,
is expressedthroughwhatsome referto as Eurocentricdomination,
that is, throughthe imposition and universalizationof the diverse
yet distinctiveinterpretativeframeworksof EuropeanAmericans
(Ani, 1994; Asante, 1999; Baldwin, 1985; Dove, 1996; Graham,
2002; Karenga,2002; Rashad, 1991; Schiele, 2000, 2002).
804 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ JULY 2005
Although Eurocentricdominationhas had unfavorableconsequenceson the abilityof all groupsof color to optimallyaffirmand
freelyexpresstheirtraditionalculturalperspectives,AfricanAmericans may be its most conspicuousvictims. Theirinvoluntaryentry
into the United States as slaves, and their prolonged and
intergenerationalcaptivity,have renderedthe history and cultural
traditionsof AfricanAmericansparticularlyvulnerableto vilification fromculturaloppression.The intergenerationalbombardment
of this culturaldenigrationcontinuesto sully the qualityof contemporaryU.S. race relations in that the "plantationghost" (i.e., the
legacy of slavery) still hauntscontemporarytimes (Akbar,1996).
Slavery'slegacy has contributedenormouslyto the continueddisproportionaterepresentationof AfricanAmericansin many social
problemcategories(Akbar,1996; C. Anderson,1994; Billingsley,
1992; A. Wilson, 1998). As a result, African Americanpolitical/
economic power and potentialhave not been optimallyachieved.
Much of the attention, however, devoted to unraveling the
effects of oppressionon AfricanAmericanshas attributedAfrican
Americansocial problemsto oppression'spolitical and economic
dimensions.Althoughunderscoringthe role these dimensionsplay
in fostering the injustices experienced by African Americans is
criticallyimportant,it is just as significantto link these dimensions
to cultural oppression and to conceive cultural oppression as a
foundationfor explainingthe high societalvulnerabilityof African
Americans. This article contends that cultural oppression, as
expressed through Eurocentricdomination, has generated three
risk factors that limit African Americans'ability to advance and
prosperin the UnitedStates:(a) culturalestrangement,(b) attenuation of Black collectivism,and (c) spiritualalienation. How these
factorsthreatenthe collective advancementandprosperityof African Americansis this article'sfocus.
CULTURAL ESTRANGEMENT
Perhapsthe most importantandcomprehensiveconsequenceof
cultural oppression for African Americans is the risk of being
Schiele / CULTURALOPPRESSIONAND HIGH-RISKSTATUS 805
unawareand unappreciativeof their ancestralhomeland and its
customs, traditions,and contributions.This risk can engender a
formof alienationfromone's traditionalculturalvalues andworldviews, a kind of culturalestrangement.Culturalestrangementis
synonymous with culturalamnesia, which is a collective loss of
memory about the content and characterof a group's history and
traditions(Martin& Martin,1995). In this amnesia,favorablecharacteristics of a group's past are suppressed and systematically
excludednot only fromthe memoryof the culturallyoppressedbut
from the culturallydominantas well (Martin& Martin,1995).
The existenceof culturalamnesiadoes not imply thatthe culturally oppressedhave no culturalreferencepoint. Indeed, they do,
andit is thatof the culturallydominant.Althoughsimilaritiesmay
exist between the worldviews of the culturallyoppressedand the
culturally dominant, there are also important differences. For
example, EuropeanAmericans and African Americans emanate
from two distinct socioculturalhistories, and some even suggest
that these histories were oppositional (Ani, 1994; Diop, 1978;
Kambon, 1998; Williams, 1987). Several writers maintain that
divergentculturalthemes emergedin Europeand in Africa (Ani,
1994; Bradley, 1991; Diop, 1978; Horton, 1993; Rashad, 1991;
T'shaka, 1995; Van Sertima, 1989). Culturalthemes of materialism, individualism,andcompetitiontendedto be moredominantin
Europethanin Africawheregreaterattentionwas given to achieving a more spiritualand interdependentunderstandingof human
beings (Ani, 1994; Bradley, 1991; Diop, 1978; Horton, 1993;
Rashad, 1991; T'shaka, 1995; Van Sertima, 1989). Because the
dominantsocioculturalhistory of the United States can be understood as a modifiedsocioculturalheirof traditionalEurope- especially its Anglo-Germanicstrain- some claim thatthe imposition
anduniversalizationof this socioculturaltraditionpreventsAfrican
Americansfrom knowing and tapping into their traditional,culturalidentities(Akbar,1996; Akoto, 1992; Atwell & Azibo, 1991;
Boykin & Toms, 1985; Dove, 1996; Kunjufu,1985; Oliver, 1989;
Shujaa, 1994). The result is not only cultural amnesia but also
exposureto a distinctlydifferentsocioculturalethos.
806 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ JULY 2005
The primaryimplicationof this culturalestrangementfor African Americansis what Kambon(1992, 1998) refersto as cultural
misorientation.In this misorientation,AfricanAmericansmentally
affirmandembracethe traditionsandcustomsof EuropeanAmerican culture.For Kambon,EuropeanAmericantraditionsand customs are not only culturallydifferentfrom thatof AfricanAmericans but they also denigrate African American traditions and
customs. Cultural misorientationprecludes African Americans
from knowing, accepting, and validatingtheir traditionalcultural
worldviewswhile concomitantlyplacingthemat risk of internalizing pejorativemessages and images about their history and their
homeland and, by extension, themselves (Kambon, 1992, 1998;
Schiele, 2000).
The internalizationof these unfavorablemessages and images
has at least two implicationsfor the advancementof AfricanAmericans. First,the internalizationcan generatea sense of ethnic selfdepreciationor whatsome havecalledlow cultural,ethnic,orracial
esteem (Belgrave et al., 1994; Brooks, 1996; Jacobs & Bowles,
1988). Low cultural,ethnic, or racial esteem can preventAfrican
Americansfrom viewing theirethnic heritagefavorablyand from
providingthe culturalnurturancenecessaryfor developing maximum group self-confidence and self-pride(Belgraveet al., 1994;
Brooks, 1996; Jacobs & Bowles, 1988). Without optimal group
self-confidenceand self-pride,the ability to acquirean independent spiritvital in establishingand sustainingsocial and economic
structuresthat promote a group's interests and interpretationsis
minimized (Akbar, 1996; C. Anderson, 1994; Karenga, 2002;
Kunjufu,1991).
Second, the psychological distortionsof low cultural,ethnic, or
racialesteem for AfricanAmericansare accompaniedby psychological distortionsof White supremacy(Burgest, 1981; Kambon,
1998; Khatib, Akbar, McGee, & Nobles, 1979; Welsing, 1991;
West, 1991;A. Wilson, 1990, 1992). AfricanAmericansareat risk
of viewing the culture and history of European Americans as
supreme and universal. As supreme, African Americans may
develop the belief, whether consciously or not, that European
Americanshave constructedthe most advancedcivilizations and
Schiele / CULTURALOPPRESSIONAND HIGH-RISKSTATUS 807
have specialintellectualtalentsnot possessed by others.As universal, AfricanAmericansmay be at risk of believing that European
Americanculturalvalues and interpretationsare applicableto all
people and thatall people have exactly similarhumanpreferences
andproclivities.The internalizationof this formof culturaluniversalismmay obviatemanyAfricanAmericansfromacknowledging
the belief in culturalrelativity.Culturalrelativityor relativismfundamentallyassumes thathumannormalityis shaped significantly
by the particularityof a group's preferences,interpretations,and
experiences (Johnson, 2000). However, one of the grave consequences and legacies of Americanslaveryis thatit systematically
disparagedthe cultural traditionsof African Americans, which
placedmanyAfricanAmericansat riskof denyingthe particularity
of theirWestAfricanculturalorigins (Akbar,1996; Asante, 1988;
Baldwin, 1985; Herskovits, 1941; Kambon, 1998; Stampp,1956;
Woodson, 1933). The systematicvilification of AfricanAmerican
culturalparticularityhas caused some to presume that efforts by
African Americans to reclaim and assert their particularity,
especially in schools and universities, representreverse racism,
ethnocentrism, or anti-Americanism (see Chavez, 1994;
McWhorter,2001; Schlesinger, 1991).
In short, cultural estrangementmay preclude many African
Americansfrom recognizingthe presenceand importanceof their
humanparticularity.This acknowledgmentis critical,some say, to
a group'sabilityandwillingness to trulyexpressits positivepotentiality,to educateothers aboutits contributionsto humanhistory,
andto forminstitutionsthatinfuse its interpretiveframeworksand
that protect its political and economic interests (Akbar, 1996;
Dove, 1996;Karenga,1996;Mahubuti,1998;Shujaa,1994;A. Wilson, 1998; Woodson, 1933).
ATTENUATIONOF BLACK COLLECTIVISM
To a considerabledegree, the persistentopposition to African
Americansurvivalandadvancementhas compelledAfricanAmericans to coalesce andworktowardcommongoals of racialequality
808 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ JULY 2005
and justice. This same opposition, ironically, may have created
considerabletensionamongAfricanAmericansto sustaina collective focus. More specifically, the racial inequality in access to
wealth, education, cultural esteem, and social status associated
with culturaloppression may place many African Americans at
risk of compromisingthe overallvision of groupadvancementfor
personalgain. This compromisemay be particularlyobservablein
the postsegregationera,whereinAfricanAmericanshave achieved
greater access to the rights and privileges of citizenship. Two
forces, emanatingfromandreinforcedby culturaloppression,may
be attenuatingthe collective focus among AfricanAmericans:(a)
materialdeprivationand (b) internalclass stratification.
MATERIAL DEPRIVATION
Some authorssuggest that materialdeprivation,broughton by
oppression,can contributeto an inordinateattractionto material
items,especially when this deprivationhas occurredacrossgenerations (Addams, 1960; Akbar, 1994; C. Anderson, 1994). This
observationmay be especially germane to a society such as the
United States where the acquisitionof materialitems and capital
accumulationare highly valued. The many years of slavery and
legal racial injustice enduredby African Americanshave engendered mass, intergenerationalmaterialdeprivation(C. Anderson,
1994;Lipsitz, 1998). This deprivationcontinuesto be discernedby
data indicating that African Americanshave considerablylower
family and householdincomes thando EuropeanAmericanfamilies (U.S. Census Bureau,2002c); thata lesser percentageof African Americans,comparedwith EuropeanAmericans,have at least
a college education(U.S. Census Bureau,2002c); that the homeownershiprateof AfricanAmericans,althoughincreasing,continues to fall below thatof EuropeanAmericans(U.S. CensusBureau,
2002c); and that the net worth of AfricanAmericanslags significantly behind that of EuropeanAmericans(U.S. Census Bureau,
2002c).
The unrelenting experience of these disparities for African
Americans is associated with intergenerationalracial injustice
Schiele / CULTURALOPPRESSIONAND HIGH-RISKSTATUS 809
(Brooks, 1996; Hacker,1992; Lipsitz, 1998). The intimateagony
with injustice may place many AfricanAmericansin jeopardyof
acquiringmaterialitems withoutthe sagacityof a collective focus.
The acquisitionof materialobjectsandwealthis clearlyneededfor
an oppressedgroupto advanceitself. If, however,the concernover
obtainingmaterialitems is confinedto fulfilling needs of personal
pleasure and comfort, the potentialto view their attainmentas a
means to augmentthe collective power of the group may be lost
(Akbar,1996; C. Anderson, 1994; A. Wilson, 1998).
The fundamentalassumptionhere is thatbecause of theirlongmaterialdeprivation,Afristandingexperienceof intergenerational
can Americansmay be at a higherrisk of capitulatingto the seduction of American consumerism and conspicuous consumption.
Addams (1960), in her studies of poor Europeanimmigrantfamilies in the early 20th century,found that often the purchasingand
wearingof flamboyantapparelwas a methodto compensatefor the
stigmatizationof poverty. According to Addams, it was also a
means to embellish the poor person's economic status because
clothes areoften, andmistakenly,used to evaluateone's wealthand
worth.Because many AfricanAmericansexperiencepovertyand
low-income status,Addams'sanalysis may be applicable.Indeed,
African Americans spend a higher percentageof their after-tax
incomeon apparelthando otherU.S. consumers(Humphreys,1998).
Although the latter finding could be attributedto many additional sources,the confluenceof a consumeristworldviewwith the
experienceof intergenerationalmaterialdeprivationmay be a relevantexplanation.If the internalizationof a consumeristworldview
amongAfricanAmericansis in parta functionof theirexperience
with intergenerationalmaterialdeprivation,many AfricanAmericans may be proneto view theirgreateraccess to materialgoods as
an indicationof the declining significance of racism. The expansion of Americanconsumerism,occurringon the heels of the abolition of legal, racialsegregation,has increaseddramaticallythe consumeroptions and mobility of African Americans(C. Anderson,
1994). This new freedom, however,may come at the expense of
diminished emotional attachmentsthat traditionallycentered on
racial affiliation.Instead,AfricanAmericanpersonalidentityand
810 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ JULY 2005
social connectionincreasinglymay be influencedby the gratifications and other emotions generated by product consumption
(Schiele, 2002). If this is so, the adoptionof a consumeristworldview by AfricanAmericans,and the promiseit offers for emancipating them from the stigmatizing intersection of racism and
classism, might enervatethe bonds of racialsolidaritythatAfrican
Americansmay have felt more intensely in the past.
CLASS STRATIFICATION
The collective focus also has been weakenedby greatersocioeconomic class inequality within the African Americancommunity. The civil rights and Black power gains of the 1950s, 1960s,
and 1970s have propelledgreaternumbersof African Americans
into the middle andupperclasses (E. Anderson,2000; Billingsley,
1992; D. Franklin,1997; Landry,1987). Concomitantly,therehas
been a growing underclass of African Americans who lack the
trainingand skills needed to enter primaryand legitimate labor
markets(E. Anderson,2000; Murray,1999; Wilson, 1987, 1996).
These parallelphenomenahave createdan increasedclass schism
in the AfricanAmericancommunity.
One way to examinethis class inequalityis to evaluatethe Gini
ratiofor AfricanAmericans.The Gini ratioor index is used by the
U.S. Census Bureauto measureincome inequality,and it ranges
from0 (perfectequality)to 1 (perfectinequality).In 1966, the first
year the Gini ratiowas appliedto AfricanAmericans,the ratiofor
AfricanAmericanswas .375, but by 2001, the ratiohad increased
to .447 (U.S. Census Bureau,2002a). Althoughthe Gini ratiohas
increasedsteadilyfor otherracialgroupsas well, income inequality amongAfricanAmericansis greaterthanthe income inequality
for both Europeanand HispanicAmericans(U.S. Census Bureau,
2002a). Althoughmany explicationsof the greaterincome schism
between the Black poor and the Black middle and upper classes
exist, one primary factor is the contradictory paths the
postsegregationera has producedfor AfricanAmericansof divergent, social class backgrounds(E. Anderson,2000; Marable,1995;
Reed, 1999; W. Wilson, 1979, 1987). AfricanAmericanswho have
Schiele / CULTURALOPPRESSIONAND HIGH-RISKSTATUS 8 11
achieved higher educational training are in a better position to
exploit civil rightsgains thanAfricanAmericanswho do not hold
college, graduate, or professional school degrees (Billingsley,
1992; Landry,1987).
If raceas a sourceof personalidentityis injeopardyamongAfrican Americansand class inequalityhas simultaneouslyincreased,
class may be rivalingrace as a meansof personalidentificationfor
manymoreAfricanAmericanstoday.The rivalbetweenracialand
class identityfor AfricanAmericansshouldnot be separatedfrom
culturaloppression.CulturaloppressionthroughEurocentricdomination seeks to invalidatethe lives and traditionalnarrativesof
African Americans.Greateropportunitiesfor African Americans
to acquire more wealth and prestige may be accompanied by
greaterexposureto the narrativesand interpretationsendorsedby
and throughEurocentricdomination.If this is true, greaternumbersof AfricanAmericansareatriskof internalizingnarrativesand
interpretationsthat may imperil their ability and willingness to
resist Eurocentricculturalhegemony.These greateropportunities
also mayjeopardizethe value of maintaininga Black culturalidentity.Some suggestthatthis riskvariesby social class in thatAfrican
Americansin the middleandupperclasses tendto adoptthe values
of the majoritygroup(i.e., EuropeanAmericans)more thanthose
in the lower classes (E. Anderson, 2000; Frazier, 1957;
McDermott,2001). In this sense, concernsover out-groupacceptance among upwardlymobile African Americans may override
concernsaboutsustainingin-groupsupportandsolidarity(Postmes
& Branscombe,2002).
The implicationhere is that the variationin social class status
may lessen the psychoemotionalbonds between Blacks who have
moreandBlacks who haveless, which also may reducethe chances
of preservingcommonculturalties between the two. Indeed,what
may emergefrom this class cleavage amongAfricanAmericansis
what Ginwright(2002) and Rose (1997) describeas class culture,
an interpretative framework shaped by specific social class
experiences.
One possible contributorof class cultureamongAfricanAmericans is the ever-increasingresidentialseparationbetween African
8 12 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ JULY 2005
Americansof differentsocial classes. Forexample,Black suburban
areasthatareoverwhelminglypopulatedby middle-to upperclass
AfricanAmericanfamilies areincreasing,whereasthe innercities,
fromwheremanyof these suburbaniteshave fled, areincreasingly
populated by lower income African American families (Dent,
1992; Jargowsky,1996; Pattillo-McCoy,2000).
The dichotomyin residentiallocationsmay not only be a matter
of income andeducationaldisparities;it also may representdisparities in daily life experiences.One possible illustrationof this life
experiencedistinctionis the prevalenceof streetcrimein innercities andthe accompanyinglifestyles and social circumstances.Violent crimes, especially those relatedto the sale and distributionof
illicit drugs,aremoreprevalentamongresidentsof innercities than
those of the suburbs(U.S. Departmentof Justice,2002). This disparitymay place more AfricanAmericanresidentsof innercities,
as comparedwith residentsof the suburbs,at risk of participating
in, andgrapplingwiththe devastatingeffectsof, streetlife. Although
many African American suburbaniteshave relatives in the inner
cities and, thus, also may be personallyaffectedby the streetlife,
they are residentiallyremoved from having to confrontthe daily
challenges, manifestations,and corollariesof streetviolence.
The differences in daily life experiences may help engender
divergentsocial identities that drive an even wider psychosocial
rupturebetweenAfricanAmericansin the suburbsandthose in the
innercity. For example, McCall (1997) intimatesthatmany African Americanprofessionals who reside in the suburbs,although
not expressinganimositiesagainstlow income, innercity African
Americans,appearto demonstratevery little commitmentto helping themimprovetheirconditions.McCallsuggeststhatmanysuburbaninhabitantsenjoy living in theirprotectivecocoon separate
frompoor Blacks andWhites, generally,andappearto be committed only to financialsecurity,individualcareeradvancement,and
personal comfort. Although anecdotal, McCall's observations
underscorehow class differentiationamong African Americans
mayreducea sense of collectiveracialconsciousnessthatmayhave
generatedstrongersolidarityamongAfricanAmericansin thepast.
Schiele / CULTURALOPPRESSIONAND HIGH-RISKSTATUS 8 13
Two outcomes of the increasingresidentialseparationof Black
haves fromBlack have-notsthatmay have furtherimplicationsfor
the attenuationof Black collectivismare(a) the relocationof Black
religious congregationsto the suburbsand the establishmentof
new ones thereand(b) the emergenceof a new andgrowinggeneration of young African Americans who have not experiencedthe
hardshipsof financialinstabilityand uncertainty.
Nationaldataindicatethatthe income disparitywithinthe African Americancommunityalso can be gleanedfrom the increasing
separationof religious worshiplocationsbetweenBlacks of divergent socialclass backgrounds(Lincoln& Mamiya,1990;Mukenge,
1983). Thus, the locus where AfricanAmericansare said to have
the greatest degree of unity is becoming more separatedalong
social class lines. This splinteris discerniblein the proliferationof
mega Black churchesin Black suburbswhose membershipreflects
higherincome AfricanAmericans(Trussell,2001). Because larger
churcheswith morefinancialresourceshavebeen shownto participatemorein outreachactivities,andbecausethese churchestendto
have African American members with higher income levels
(Billingsley, 1999; Billingsley & Caldwell, 1995), the outreach
activities of these churches may not be targetedat the hardcore
AfricanAmericanpoor who are most vulnerableand who tend to
reside in inner cities (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). In essence, the
relocationof inner-cityBlack churchesto higherincome suburban
areas deprives inner-city African American residents of a vital
source of social and economic resources(Trussell,2001).
The new generationof African Americanyouths, who are the
childrenof successful African Americanswho frequentlylive in
high-income suburbanareas,also may pose a threatto Black collectivism. These young AfricanAmericans,who make up what is
referredto as GenerationX or what Kitwana(2002) calls the hip
hop generation,have been rearedin socioeconomic environments
thathave affordedthem vast social and educationalopportunities.
Forthis article'spurpose,these socioeconomicenvironmentsrepresent that proportionof African American households that have
annualincomes of $75,000 or more. In 2001, 12.4% of African
814 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ JULY 2005
Americanhouseholds had annualincomes that met this criterion
(U.S. Census Bureau,2002b). YoungAfricanAmericanswho are
rearedin these households are probablyless likely to experience
the strugglefor financialresourcesand access to highereducation
enduredby their parents, grandparents,and great-grandparents.
Benefiting from previous generations' successful protest movementsto secureAfricanAmericancivil rights,these young African
Americanshave hadthe privilegeof not havingto grapplewith the
material and symbolic consequences of state-sponsoredracial
repression.In addition,the high socioeconomic statusof theirparents may help to buffer them somewhat from experiencing the
bruntof contemporaryracialinjustice.
Thepaucityof tangibleexperienceswith financialhardshipsand
uncertaintymayhaveplacedmanyyoung AfricanAmericansuburbanites at risk of not identifying with the plight of lower income
AfricanAmericans,especiallythose who residein the ghetto.More
precisely, the high socioeconomic status of these young African
Americansmay renderthem significantlyvulnerableto interpretations of the ghettopromotedby andthroughthe lens of Eurocentric
culturaloppression. They may be in jeopardy of blaming lower
income AfricanAmericansfor the social problemsthey experience
(Schiele, 2002) andmay be at risk of rejectingnefariousaspectsof
the Americansocial structure,such culturaloppression,as explanationsof these problems.Ironically,althoughmany young African American suburbanitesmay hold contemptuous attitudes
toward ghetto residents, they also admire and emulate facets of
ghetto culturethat are glorified in rap music and lyrics (McCall,
1997).
SPIRITUAL ALIENATION
Spiritualalienationis the last risk factor generatedby cultural
oppression.It is definedby Schiele (1996) as "thedisconnectionof
nonmaterialandmorallyaffirmingvalues fromconceptsof human
self-worthandfromthe characterof social relationships"(p. 289).
The criticalconceptin this definitionis disconnection.This discon-
Schiele / CULTURALOPPRESSIONAND HIGH-RISKSTATUS 8 15
nection or fragmentationprecludes people from viewing themselves as intimately conjoined with others and with a Supreme
Being (i.e., God) and from believing that every living entity has
been formedfroma similaruniversalsource(Schiele, 2000). It also
fostersan extremeemphasison individualismandmaterialismand
creates what Ward (1995) refers to as a cutthroatmorality that
extols and nurturesa callous and combativesocial environment.
Some suggest that Eurocentricsocieties have been especially
vulnerablein supportingandreproducingspiritualalienation(Ani,
1994; Berman, 1981; May, 1975; Myers, 1993; Nobles, 1984;
Schiele, 2000; T'shaka,1995). This evolutiondatesbackto thephilosophy of Plato,who was one of the firstto facilitatethe separation
between the knower and the known, which severed the spiritualemotional link that connected the two (Ani, 1994; Havelock,
1963). This dismembermentof emotional attachmentcaused the
known to become objectified, that is, increasingly viewed as an
external object to be controlled and manipulated (Ani, 1994;
Berman,1981; Havelock, 1963). Along with the emergenceof secularrationalism,this epistemologicalmethodbecameincreasingly
characterizedas objectification.Some believe that objectification
is a hallmarkof Eurocentricallybased societies and has rendered
them highly susceptibleto values thatundergirdthe ideology and
practiceof domination(Ani, 1994; Berman,1981; Leonard,1995;
Rashad, 1991; Schiele, 2000), which essentially are groundedin
the notion of unavoidablehumanconflict. Withinthis framework,
the ideology and practiceof dominationare consideredoutcomes
of spiritualalienation.
As an importantaspect of Eurocentricsocieties and therefore
Eurocentricculturaloppression,it is suggestedthatspiritualalienation has adverselyinfluenced the lives of African Americansby
placing them at risk of (a) believing thathumanconflict is inevitable and (b) objectifyingGod.
INEVITABLE HUMAN CONFLICT
A primary indicator of spiritual alienation is the belief that
humanbeings areinnatelyantagonisticandconflict-driven(Myers,
8 16 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ JULY 2005
1993; Nobles, 1984; Schiele, 2000). This is because antagonism
and conflict, although importantin abolishing injustice, prevent
humanbeings from unifying or connectingin ways thatare mutually beneficial. African Americans have great exposure to this
belief and may be at risk of its internalizationthroughtheirstrong
affiliation with the Judeo-Christiantradition.Data from several
surveysrevealthatAfricanAmericansare overwhelminglyChristian and that their church attendance rate is enormously high
(Brown, Ndubuisi, & Gary, 1990; Chatters,Taylor, Lincoln, &
Schroepfer,2002; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Paris, 1995). This
high religiositymay place AfricanAmericansinjeopardyof adopting the centralChristianprincipleof originalsin, which is assumed
to be the primarysourceof the belief in the conflict-drivenhuman
being.
In Christiantheology, original sin emerges from the Gardenof
Eden narrativefound in the book of Genesis in the Bible. In this
narrative,both Adam and Eve, the firsthumanbeings, succumbed
to the deceptionof the devil who, throughthe likeness of anupright
serpent,got them to question why they should not eat of the fruit
from the tree of knowledge that God said was forbidden.In their
inquisitivenessto know the special qualitiesof the tree, andin violationof God's commandment,AdamandEve ate fromthe tree.As
retributionfor theiract, God castAdamandEve fromthe Gardenof
Eden,which preventedthem, andthe entirehumanrace,fromhaving an everlastingand tranquillife. Rather,the human race was
doomed to a finite life of struggleand strifefor Adam's and Eve's
disobedience.Fromthis narrative,at least two themes emerge:(a)
When given the opportunity,humans tend to cheat and disobey;
they do not exercise self-disciplineor self-mastery;and (b) human
life is marredby conflict and struggle.Because religious ideas are
strongindicatorsof a group'svalues (Elkins, 1995; Mbiti, 1970),
andbecauseAfricanAmericansareferventlyweddedto the JudeoChristianethic, theymay be atriskof employingthe AdamandEve
narrativeas theirphilosophicalfoundationto interpretthe inherent
characterand potentialof humanbeings.
One importantaspectof this interpretationis thatit casts considerable doubt on the humanbeing's capacity to influence positive
Schiele / CULTURALOPPRESSIONAND HIGH-RISKSTATUS 817
social change.Viewed as inherentlycombative,humanbeings may
be considereduseless in bringingabouta peacefulandjust worldin
which all areequallyvalidated.If humansaredeemedirrelevantin
constructinga just world, then only God can be relied on to eradicate humanmiseryandoppression.The essentialrecommendation
emanatingfrom this logic is thatthe best thathumanscan do is to
prayfor God's intervention,learnto adaptto the doomedexistence
of humankind,primarilybe concernedwith how one lives his orher
life, or embracea philosophythatanticipatespersonalrewardin an
afterlife. Although these recommendationsare not intrinsically
problematical,theirjustificationin the belief in inevitablehuman
antagonismcanplace AfricanAmericansatriskof not viewing and
using themselvesas agents of positive social change. More fundamentally,the belief can encourageAfricanAmericansto conceive
oppression,particularlyEurocentricdomination,as a naturalhuman
phenomenon.Indeed,the notionof originalsin may give privileged
groups a rationalizationfor dominationand exploitationby suggesting that unavoidablehumanconflict implies inevitablematerial inequality.
ForAfricanAmericans,the internalizationof inescapablehuman
conflict is believedto contradicta moreinclusiveconceptof human
behaviorfound in many traditionalAfrican societies, from which
AfricanAmericansdescend(Asante,1990;Gyekye, 1992;Karenga,
1993;Mbiti, 1970). In this moreholisticperspective,humanbeings
are thoughtto possess proclivitiesof unrestraintand self-mastery,
but self-masteryis believed to govern unrestraint,not vice versa
(Akbar, 1994; Hilliard, 1989; Karenga, 1993). This viewpoint is
poignantlyrepresentedin the ancient Kemetic- now Egyptianstatueof the Sphinx, which is characterizedby the body of a lion
and the head of a human. The lion's body representsthe unrestrainedtendencies of humans that can encourage mischief and
conflict, whereasthe humanheadsymbolizesthe abilityto regulate
andsuppressthose unrestrainedimpulses(VanSertima,1989). The
extent to which African Americansreject this ancient and traditionalAfricanunderstandingof the natureof humanbeings for one
thatemergesfrom Eurocentricculturaloppressionmay reflect the
degreeto whichthatoppressionhasbeen successfullyinternalized.
8 18 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ JULY 2005
GOD OBJECTIFICATION
Objectifying God also is an importantdimension of spiritual
alienation that stems from Eurocentricculturaloppression. God
objectificationcan be definedas a theologicalframeworkin which
a deity, supremebeing, or creatoris viewed as an externalentity
separatefrom humanbeings (Ani, 1994; Karenga,1993; Schiele,
2000). This form of objectificationvalidates a fragmentaryand
dimensionallystaticparadigmthatconceivesGod as situatedexclusively in the spiritualworld, which is thoughtto be distinct from
and unreachablein the materialrealm.Because humansare a part
of the materialworld,the abilityto internalizea spiritualbeing and
conceive it as intimatelyinside of the personis confined. Humans
arebelieved to connect or reconnectto God only afterdeathwhen
they returnto a spiritual,unseen existence. AlthoughGod may be
loved, worshipped,and prayedto, God objectificationis assumed
to restrictpeople's willingness to subjectifyGod. God subjectification "meansconceiving 1) thatthe totalityof oneself is spiritualand
is divinely inspired, 2) that one has the potential to tap into the
power,sagacity,andcreativegenius of the Creator,and 3) thatone
is a manifestation,thougha smallpart,of the whole of the Creator"
(Schiele, 2000, p. 116).
A major, inimical corollary of objectifying God for African
Americans,and otherswho are at risk of this objectification,is the
justification of unfavorabledeeds towardothers (Schiele, 2000).
Thejustificationof unfavorableacts can increasethe probabilityof
at least two phenomena:(a) the belief thatpoweris inherentlyevil
and (b) the intellectualizationof morality(Schiele, 2000).
The belief thatpower is inherentlyevil, or negativepower, can
generatethe expectationthatpower absolutelycorruptsall people
all of the time. Withnegativepoweras a foundation,poweris inescapably conceived as an instrumentof exploitationand domination, thatto be powerfulis to ruthlesslyregulatethe lives of others.
Besidesthepreviousdiscussionon inherenthumanconflict,Harkness
(1957) suggeststhatthe conceptof negativepoweralso stemsfrom
the Judeo-Christiannotion thatGod shouldbe fearedand obeyed,
that the relationshipbetween God and people is fundamentally
Schiele / CULTURALOPPRESSIONAND HIGH-RISKSTATUS 8 19
antagonisticandpotentiallypunitiveif one disobeys.This observation indicatesthatif the powerGod has overhumansis punitive,the
powerthathumansexerciseoverone anothershouldbe the same.
The notion of negative power has special implications for
oppressedgroupssuch as AfricanAmericans.First,it may prevent
AfricanAmericansfromsuccessfullyestablishingandmaintaining
organizationsthat combat Eurocentricdomination. Challenging
dominationrequiresa unified and systematicorganizationalstrategy that respects the diverse talents displayed by organization
members (Morris, 1984; Schiele, 1999; Williams, 1987). This
entails that people should maintaina vigilant focus on organizational visions and objectivesthatprecludesobstacles such as selfaggrandizement,jealousy, and rugged competitionthat can derail
broadervisions of group advancement.However,these obstacles
often get in the way of executingessentialorganizationalroles and
other proceduresnecessary for high organizationalperformance
andsuccess. The problemmay be thatthe overlayof the conceptof
negative power, engenderedand reproducedby Eurocentricculturaloppression,may place AfricanAmericansat risk of personal
preoccupationswith gaining power for self-aggrandizementin
organizationsthatsupposedlyhave the collective interestsof African Americans at heart. Consequently, broader organizational
objectivesthatendeavorto resist Eurocentricdominationmay fall
short of fruition because of the selfishness of some who would
ratherforsakethe broaderobjectivesfor personalfascinationswith
attainingnegativepower.This apparentparadoxis resolved when
one acknowledgesthatat its core may be the objectificationof God
thatsubstantiallylimitstherangeof positive,humanpossibilitiesin
the social constructionand practiceof power.
Next, whereasthe above scenarioof negativepower would prevent, or at least restrict, African American organizationsfrom
achievingthe mission of AfricanAmericanadvancementandliberation,a secondproblemwith negativepoweris thatit mightprevent
African Americansfrom organizingat all. The internalizationof
negative power as inherently evil could preclude some African
Americans from recognizing the need to organize because they
maybelieve thatthis mightcauseAfricanAmericansto emulatethe
820 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ JULY 2005
oppressivemethodsof thebeneficiariesof Eurocentricdomination.
Because powerhas been used so shrewdlyto repressthe spiritand
freedomof AfricanAmericansfor centuries,some AfricanAmericans may concludethatpoweris altogethermalevolentandthatthe
best thingto do is to remainclearof its potentialabuse.This attitude
not only may obviateactionto advanceandliberateAfricanAmericans fromEurocentricculturaloppressionbutalso may serve as an
enablerof thatdomination.By being inactive,AfricanAmericans
may providebeneficiariesof Eurocentricdominationwith further
legitimacyby contendingthatAfricanAmericansaresatisfiedwith
their sociopolitical statusand thatmuch has been achievedon the
civil rights front, a belief that now casts the United States as an
exemplarymeritocracy(see, for example,Connerly,2000; Franks,
1996; Steele, 1990).
The intellectualizationof moralityis perhapsa betterillustration
of the injuriouseffects of God objectificationbecause, in this process, moralityis severedfrom humanbehaviorand is exclusively
associatedwith ideas (Akbar,1994;Ani, 1994; Schiele, 2000). The
likelihood of planning,rationalizing,and engaging in unfavorable
actions towardothers is enhancedbecause people can be considered moral without their behavior being critically evaluated.
Although several authorscontendthat traditionalAfricanAmerican culture accentuates the importanceof consistency between
ideas anddeeds (Asante, 1988; Brisbane& Womble, 1991;Martin
& Martin,2002; Paris, 1995), culturaloppressionthroughEurocentric dominationmay have diminishedthis focus among many
AfricanAmericans.Reinforcedby negativepower,the intellectualization of moralitymay be seen by many AfricanAmericansas a
necessary strategyto progressin Eurocentricsocieties. Although
the "walkingthe talk"philosophy might be viewed ostensibly as
the right thing to do, it has significantliabilities in a society that
thriveson andeffectively promotesmaterialandphysicalpleasure
as the essence of humanexistence. Indeed,those who areskilledin
producingand marketingproductsthat maximize these pleasures
are frequentlythe most affluent,revered,and influentialpeople in
the United States. The experiencewith intergenerationaldeprivation examinedearliermay place many AfricanAmericansat seri-
Schiele / CULTURALOPPRESSIONAND HIGH-RISKSTATUS 821
ous risk of compromisingthe walk-the-talkparadigmso thatthey
may attainthe wealth and social statusthey rightfullydeservebut
too often achieve at the expense of abandoningvirtuesof honesty,
responsibility,and collectivity. Withoutthese virtues, a sustained
andformidableeffortby AfricanAmericansto overcomethe perils
and pitfalls of continuedculturaloppressionmay be furtherfrom
fruition.
CONCLUSION
Culturaloppressionis a primarysource of the social problems
experiencedby AfricanAmericansand has placed them at risk of
culturalestrangement,a weakened Black collectivism, and spiritual alienation. Together,these risk factors make it difficult for
AfricanAmericans,theircommunities,and theirfamilies to elicit
their vast, positive humanpotentiality.Although African Americans have undoubtedlydemonstratedtheirresiliency at overcoming the barrierof persistent,intergenerationaloppression,the gains
accruedfromcivil rightsandBlack powerstruggleshaveincreased
African American exposure to Eurocentriccultural oppression.
This exposure, along with new civil rights protectionsand privileges, may have diminishedthe spiritof collective andcriticalconsciousness among African Americans and the desire to embrace
their traditionalculturalvalues and practices.TraditionalAfrican
Americanculturecan serve to protectAfricanAmericansfromthe
adverseeffects of Eurocentricdominationandallow themto freely
expresstheiruniquehumanparticularity.Althoughthis particularity is clearly not monolithic, its variancemay not be completely
accepted until its distinction is first acknowledged. Eurocentric
cultural oppression profoundly obstructs this particularpursuit
towardhuman affirmation.By obstructingthe free expression of
African American particularity,and because African Americans
aremembersof the global community,Eurocentricculturaloppression can be interpretedas an impedimentto the essentialpursuitof
worldwidehumanliberation.
822 JOURNALOF BLACK STUDIES/ JULY 2005
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JeromeH. Schiele, D.S.W.,is a professor at the EthelynR. StrongSchool of Social
Work,NorfolkState University,Norfolk,Virginia.He receivedhis bachelor'sdegree
in sociologyfrom HamptonUniversityand bothhis master'sand doctoraldegreesin
social workfrom HowardUniversity.He is an authorof manyarticles and the book,
HumanServices and the AfrocentricParadigm.