RESEARCH NOTE
"THE P R O M I S E T H A T HE GAVE TO MY
G R A N D F A T H E R WAS VERY SWEET":
THE GUN S H O T T R E A T Y OF 1792 AT THE
BAY OF Q U I N T E
David T. McNab
14 H o w l a n d Road
Toronto, Ontario
M4K 2Z6
In a recent (1996) paper, Paul Williams has written about Aboriginal
Oral Traditions. 1 In it, he has observed that t h e r e are " s o m e a s p e c t s of
Ontario Indian oral tradition that remain unsolved mysteries." As an e x a m ple, Williams has pointed to the Gun Shot Treaty of "1791" at the Bay of
Quinte. He r e m a r k e d that this Treaty "guaranteed that all Indians w o u l d
a l w a y s be able to hunt within the s o u n d of a gunshot from any lake or river,
and w o u l d be able to camp within sixty-six feet of their s h o r e s or b a n k s . "
However, he further stated that t h e r e is "no written r e c o r d of any such
promise" and that the documents "confirming the tradition" of the Treaty
"remain elusive." He speculated that "Maybe" the documents "do not
e x i s t - - a n d m a y b e the T r e a t y was not as the tradition recalls. "2
In June 1995 additional documents pertaining to the Gun Shot Treaty
b e c a m e available in the provincial Archives of Ontario by an acquisition of
private papers, called the A.E. Williams/United Indian B a n d s of C h i p p e w a s
and Mississaugas Papers. 3 Written documents, b a s e d on Aboriginal oral
tradition, pertaining to the Gun Shot Treaty of 1792 at the Bay of Quinte are
in t h e s e P a p e r s . T h e s e written documents are in Ojibwa and in English.
The p u r p o s e of this research note is to draw attention to the existence of
t h e s e documents in the Ontario Archives.
The Canadian Journal of Native Studies XVI, 2(1996):293-314.
294
D a v i d T. McNab
Although, as Williams has pointed out, references to the Gun Shot
Treaty or Treaties, can be found in both the primary and secondary
literature,4 t h e s e are not a l w a y s consistent and are b a s e d on fragments of
historical knowledge. Moreover, most of them are b a s e d on observations
by Euro-Canadian observers and not on the Aboriginal oral traditions. I first
b e c a m e a w a r e of the significance of the Gun Shot Treaty of 1792 through
a paper given to me by Elder Norm Miskokomon, a citizen of the Walpole
Island F i r s t Nation. Norm Miskokomon p a s s e d away earlier this year at
Bkejwanong, meaning in English, the place w h e r e the w a t e r divides, or
Walpole Island.
In 1927 the Miskokomon family at Bkejwanong (likely in r e s p o n s e to
the charges against Fred Ermatinger for selling m u s k r a t pelts), prepared a
paper on their Aboriginal and Treaty rights in relation to International
Treaties, their free trade and border-crossing rights and their Territories.
This p a p e r also includes a n u m b e r of historical references to Aboriginal oral
traditions of Treaties. One of t h e s e is the Gun Shot Treaty of 1792 made
by Lieutenant Governor, John G r a v e s Simcoe and Sir John Johnson, then
Superintendent G e n e r a l of Indian Affairs at the Bay of Quinte on Lake
Ontario. 5 Some of the information referred to in the M i s k o k o m o n paper is
not contained in the written r e c o r d of the government of Canada on Treaties
and is not readily available in published form. 6
The documents pertaining to the Gun Shot Treaty of 1792 d e s e r v e s to
be published and made available to interested researchers for additional
s t u d y and publication. It also w a r r a n t s c l o s e scrutiny as it may well be a
product of the oral tradition of the F i r s t Nations. 7 It is possible that the written
r e c o r d exists in British Imperial records, either in the Public R e c o r d Office
or in the various collections of private papers in Britain.
Lieutenant Governor John G r a v e s Simcoe (1752-1806) arrived at
Q u e b e c to take up his new duties on N o v e m b e r 11, 1791. 8 He remained at
Q u e b e c through the w i n t e r of 1791-1792 and then in the Spring travelled
to Montreal and then Kingston. He was accompanied by his celebrated w i f e ,
Elizabeth Posthuma Gwillim (1766-1850), the English heiress. 9 They arrived in Kingston and s t a y e d there, and in the immediate vicinity, for the
next twenty-throe d a y s . S i m c o e left Kingston in the government's schooner
10
for Navy Hall at Niagara on July 23, 1792.
It was sometime during t h e s e twenty-throe days of July, the traditional
time of Treaty-making with the British Crown, that S i m c o e and Sir John
J o h n s o n (1752-1830), son of Sir William Johnson, then Superintendent
General of Indian Affairs, met with the Aboriginal Nations 11 to negotiate and
to e n t e rinto the Gun Shot T r e a t y of 1792. Johnson did not leave the colony,
from Montreal, for England until July 22, 1792.
R e s e a r c h Note
295
Although Simcoe seemingly did not include an account in the official
r e c o r d or in his private papers, his w i f e , Elizabeth, provided an account of
their stay in the area. The F i r s t Nations were waiting for King G e o r g e IIl's
representative to s p e a k with him about the solemn promises of the Crown.
Elizabeth S i m c o e observed the following from an ethnocentric perspective:
T u e s . [July] 3 r d - - T h e r e are Missisage [Mississauga] Indians
here. They are an unwarlike, idle, drunken, dirty tribe. I o b s e r v e
how extremes meet. T h e s e uncivilized people saunter up and
down the town all day with the apparent nonchalance, want of
occupation and indifference that s e e m s to possess the London
b e a u x in Bond Street ....
Sun. 8 t h - - T h e Governor went to church and took the oaths
preparatory to acting as Governor ....
T u e s . 1 0 t h - - T h e [Executive] Council [of U p p e r Canada] met.
I w a l k e d this evening. Some Indians arrived from a distance.
They fired a salute with m u s k e t s , w h i c h was returned with a
cannon [This, as a w e l c o m e , symbolized the beginning of the
Treaty negotiations].
Wed. 11th. The Indians came to d a n c e before the Governor,
highly painted and in their war costume, with little clothing. They
were near enough to the h o u s e for me to hear their singing,
w h i c h s o u n d e d like a repetition in different dismal t o n e s of he',
he', he', and at intervals like a s a v a g e w h o o p . They had a skin
stretched on s t i c k s imitating a d r u m , w h i c h they beat with
sticks. Having d r a n k more than usual, they continued singing
the greatest part of the night. They never quarrel with w h i t e
people u n l e s s insulted by them, but are very quarrelsome
a m o n g s t themselves. Therefore, when the w o m e n see them
d r u n k they take away their knives, and hide them until they
b e c o m e sober.... 12
On July 26, 1792, Alured C l a r k e (1745-1832), then Lieutenant G o v e r nor of the Province of L o w e r Canada, w r o t e to Simcoe from Q u e b e c City,
about the Gun Shot Treaty, as follows:
By a paper from the Indians at the Bay of Quinte, presented to
Sir John Johnson, Supt. Indian Affairs, at a conference held
immediately b e f o r e his departure for England, and by him
communicated to me, they appear extremely anxious to have
the d e e d s w h i c h have been promised and appear n e c e s s a r y
to put them in the unequivocal possession of their lands. The
matter now r e s t s with the government of U p p e r Canada, and I
am persuaded from the knowledge you already have of this
296
D a v i d T. McNab
business, and in order to set t h e s e people's minds at e a s e , as
well as t h o s e settled at G r a n d River, You will take the earliest
opportunity to do in their behalf, what you may think proper. 13
The Gun Shot Treaty was more than a sharing of the use of land:
When King G e o r g e the 3rd sent out John G r a v e s , [sic] Simcoe,
as his representative to g o v e r n C a n a d a in 1792 he made a
treaty with the Indians at the Bay of Quinte, called the Gun Shot
Treaty, [.] Thousands of Indians were present including the
principal Chiefs of the different tribes. The G o v ' r [Governor]
stated although the G o v ' t [Government] w a n t e d the land it was
not intended that the fish and game rights be excluded or that
they were to be deprived of their privileges of hunting, trapping
and fishing as it was a s o u r c e of their living and sustenance.
T h e s e provisions were to hold good as long as the g r a s s g r o w s
and w a t e r r u n s , and as long as the British G o v ' t [Government]
is in existence. According to the ruling of the Gun Shot Treaty,
the Indians to have first rights to all creeks, rivers and l a k e s ,
16 feet on both s i d e s of the said c r e e k , 66 feet on both s i d e s
of all rivers and 99 feet around all lakes and island[s] on said
l a k e s . T h i s land mentioned is their inheritance w h e r e they can
camp and abide while pursuing their occupation of fishing and
trapping and w h i l e occupying said land [,] no w h i t e men can
o r d e r them off.... 14
The Gun Shot Treaty was also remembered in the oral tradition of the
various F i r s t Nations who were in attendance at the Council meetings and
at subsequent Treaty meetings at the same place of Council Fire, at the
Bay of Quinte. For example, Shaw-Wun-Dais (b. c. 1795-1875), or John
S u n d a y15 remembered the Gun Shot Treaty in his evidence presented to
the British Imperial Select Committee on Aborigines (British Settlements)
on M a r c h 17, 1837. T h i s evidence was presented, as follows:
136. Do the C h i p p e w a y Indians border immediately upon the
British p o s s e s s i o n s in C a n a d a ? - - Yes.
137. What Is the tenure upon w h i c h they hold their l a n d s ? They are not certain of holding their land; they cannot get any
writings at all.
138. They do not hold their lands under any official document
or written grant, but solely by what is called the royal word?Yes, that is exactly the c a s e .
139. That is by a p r o m i s e from the C r o w n that they shall be
permitted to hold it, w h i c h is called the "Royal w o r d " ? - - Y e s , it
is only that.
Research Note
297
140. Are the Indians satisfied with that mode of holding their
l a n d s ? - - N o , it is that they complain of.
141. What change in that respect do they d e s i r e ? - - T h e Indians
wish to get a title to the land, that they may not be driven away
from it. Perhaps you will allow me to say a little about the reason
why it is so. Fifty-two y e a r s ago, Sir George Johnstone [John
Johnson] went up to make a treaty with the Indians, and the
Indians agreed to give up their lands for what Sir George
Johnstone offered for t h e m The Indians gave up to Sir George
Johnstone all the lands he w a n t e d , but not the islands and the
points of the river; the Indians reserved them for their wigwams.
Some of the islands they reserved for themselves for planting
corn, and the points of the river for their wigwams. Well, as it
is, t h e r e is nothing in writing, and they are afraid they may be
driven a w a y . I remember, 25 y e a r s since, now, the governor
a s k e d for their land another time, and the Indians gave it to
them, and the governor gave his word that it should not be
t a k e n a w a y , but he w i s h e d to see something in writing to hold
our lands by, that we might not be driven a w a y .
142. Then the Committee understand, from your statement,
that you wish to have a regular charter or a deed of settlement?--Yes.
143. The Committee conclude that the object of your tribe in
desiring this charter or deed of settlement is to obtain an exact
definition of the lands w h i c h belong to you, and to obviate
encroachments on the part of other p e r s o n s ? - - Y e s , that is
what we wish.
144. Now, are we at present to understand the insecure state
of your reserves and settlements discourages you from cultivating and improving t h e s e p o s s e s s i o n s ? - - Y e s , certainly.
Last w i n t e r all the chiefs met together to talk about this; they
said now we must settle here, and by-and-bye, after we sow
w h e a t , and it is a l m o s t the time of harvest, the w h i t e men will
come and say, 'We want this land,' and so the Indians will lose
it; that is what the Indians are afraid of, that it will be a l w a y s so.
Now the Indians wish they had a title, so that they could hold
their lands from generation to generation in their families; that
is what the Indians wish to get.16
The following documents are from the A.E. Williams Papers in the
Ontario Archives. An "Extract" of the Gun Shot Treaty, in an English
translation, is quoted in full below:
298
David T. McNab
Extract
Gun Shot Treaty 1818
When King George III sent out Simcoe as his Representative
to Govern Canada he made a treaty with the Indians at the Bay
of Quinte, called the Gun Shot Treaty. Thousands of ["Indian",
stroked out] Indians were present including all the principal
Chiefs of the different tribes. The governor stated although the
Govt. [Government[ wanted the land it was not intended that
the fish or game rights be interfered with as these belong to the
Indians who derived their living from them. These promises
were to hold good as long as grass grows and water runs.
Memo found in the Dept. of I.A. of Upper Canada in 1866.
Transcripts of the original documents of the Gun Shot Treaty of 1792, in
Ojibwa, followed by the English translation, are transcribed below:
Gun Shot Treaty:
Netum na tah me sing qua yah quain dah mong. Ke kee Ked o
nod. ge ka ta ge me sho mis. ki ya neen dush ne me sho mis.
Emah seh (One-gahmeng [also in Ojibwa, "Onegaming,"
meaning a place of portage17]. (Port Hope) ne rum ke dah she
ke ge too noh ke me sho mis. me dush e meh keh deh ghe ah
sheeh mod enh since ge bah quod, enewh ne me sho me sun.
Ne dush ke ya go emah. Kah dah she me nah pun enh o nah
wendah mah g a m i n . Ne nah wind dush tah ya ke kein dah ge
nong. Ne te ghe dush ta bna yain deh min keen kah ke nah.
Keo dah pe nah mon. Emah ke doghe be egun ming. 1 Ne tum
ne tah me sing o nun do dah meh ge ning. sah ke me sho mis
nah kee e ke do. Ne nenegah shomis. Ke nah do dah moon sah
ke dab keem. Che peh ge de neh meh we yen. Ke kee noon
dawh mah. Kah ah ke do you. me nik ka ah goo jing owh kee
gis. Ki ya me nik ka gah pe me ji nong enewh ge-be-non. Ki ya
me nik ka gah ge ke gwain mashushk. A peech dush one no
pe dong. onh ne me sho mis. Ke pah go san dah mo win. Ki ya
ewh ke nah ween dah mah ga win. Kah neen no mug K e h a h
ye nah be see. owh ke e k e dood. Ke nab qua son seh ewh a
ghe kah go san ne me yen. No sa. Ah pe je mah ne me no pe
don nah ghe shaw wa he. Me yen ne mod ne dah be n o je em.
Me ["sah owh" stroked out] sah o-owe me nik ka pah ge te nah
moon non. A qua nag ["ph" stroked out] pah shke ge gun No
pe ruing. E newh dush neen me ne sun. neen wan e newh. ne
de shko nah nun. Ki ya na yah she won. Ki ya sah (se non) ["ke
e ge nun" stroked out]. E mah che dah ghe he ne dab nan j e
ga yon. Ki ya go ne nee jah ne sug. ne gaun ka ni be mah de
Research Note
299
ge jig. Che tah ghe ka w o d Capt. Paudaush oge ke do non.
2 Ne tum ma gwah tah ghe wah pe ga se ka yon. E mah ah
yah nwah te noong, Ne ge mah dwa kah no nig owh ke che o
ge mah. Ah ba pe kah ge g w e e n . Che neh qua shko dah de
yong, Emah Port Hope, Me dush ke pe mah gah yon. ke nah
qua s h k a h nog dush owh o ge m a h Keh ween dush neen a
tah. Ke me she no nog o ge mog, Ki ya ke me she no nog ah
ne she nah baig. pah noon dah gig ewh ke ge do win, Ke che
o ge mah o ge ke to win. O owh dush ke eke doo, Ne ne gah
ne se [above "nis"] doog. Me sah o owe a ghe pah go san ne
me non, me no weh ke dah keem che pah ge de neh mah we
yen,
Ke de mah ge se mah. ne do shke ne g e e m wah be noong
pah ah yod. pah kah da nog. ki ya go kah wah ke do go nog.
Ne dush ewh wain je pah go san ne meh non. Che pah ge te
nah mah we yen ke tah k e e m Pah be ga ne ge m e q u a i n don.
Ke woh ween dah mah ga win. keh ghe nish ko bong e bon ma
we g h e w , nah y a s h k n d kah eke do wod ke me sho me se nah
nig. ke nah qua to non d u s h , one dush ne g e e kid-do min. [ "ph"
s t r o k e d out] puh ge de nab mo nab dab sah-ke-ge-Che-go-senon. A she pah go sa ne me ning. kah neen ne ke ["nah" s t r o k e d
out] nah ne ["pe" s t r o k e d out] sa see ewh ah pe, kah dood. Me
dush go ka yah be kah e g h i s h k o nah mah bon. me ne sun.
Kah ya na yah she won. ["O" s t r o k e d out] kee e ghe kah go.
Pah ah ne kah no tah mah we yah g i d Ewh ah pe. Me dush
owe kah eke dood. ouh o ge mah. tah me nwan dum ke-geche-go-se-non me dush go ka yah be nah soh. Kah eke dood
ke mah mo yah n a d K e de bah gad e n e w h ke gi s o o n . Kah ya
e n e w h ge be non. Kah na me nik ka gah ge keeg ma g h u s h k ,
we keh che ish gwah sa ne noog ne tah gwe e go win. ["4"
s t r o k e d out] 3 Capt. P a u d u s h me no nab ne go ding ge kah
gwa de na owh ke che o ge mah. Me dush ewh one sing ke ah
too dah mah gad. owh ke-che-o-ge-mah. Me go me no nah
mah ["p" s t r o k e d out] Port Hope. Kah dah ghe ke ge dood. owh
A h - p i s h kah y a u s h k e . N a - s e - g e - g a h - b o w h dush ke e ghe ne
kaw go. Kah eh ne Kah no tung ewh [ " a f ' s t r o k e d out] ah pe.
Ene dush kah e k e dood. Owh-o-ge-mah. Ne-ne-gah-ne-sed o o k . Me nah wah sah ge wah ge bah ge sah ne me go wah.
Ke-ki-che-go-se-non. Che pah ge de nah mah wong [ " w o d "
above], ah ke. Abe. pe che mall ge wah nah ne mo the go se
owh O ge mah. Ne dush kah e ke do yong. ah how, sah peh
ge de nah m a h weh dah ke ge che k o se non. a she pah go sa
300
D a v i d T. McNab
ne me nung. Ka yah be ne ge me gwain don keh e ghe wish
ko bah ne ow nung. O ke ge do w e ne naun. Ke ka ta me sho
one se nah nig. Mge a nah ko ne ga min dush ka yah be ish.
Ko nah mong. me ne sun. Ki ya na yah she won Ki ya go. Ko
mah ewh me sick one ge wa ["yog" stroked out] Kah me gog.
ne ge ish ko non no pe ning. Me dush owh Kah e k e dood
o-ge-mah. Kah ge che one nwan dam sah ke ge che go se non.
me dush owh go nah sob kah e she mah mo yeh waid. Ke te
bah e gah e newh. Ke se soon. Kah ya se be non. Ki yah me
shushk. Me nik ke ah yah me guk. Che pe me sag. Ke mah
ween dah mah g a win. we kah che ish gwah sase noog n e dah
gwe e go win.-Ne ewh ish gu ach ke e do dah mah gad owh Ke-che o-ge-mah.
ewh ah pe pa ["boouk" stroked out] boong 1818. Ne mah ne
keh dan dum dush me gwain dah men o wah ween dah mah
ga win. Owh ke me sho mis kah weesh ko bah ne nig. o ge ge
to win. Ewh ah pe. ah no. kah ween. ne g e me ne g o se. o ghe
pe e gun. kah ya neen. Ka ge me gi one nah mah bon e mah
["jing" stroked out] jeeng, no goom dush ke keh gwa jim Che
wan dah mo non ["ewh" stroked out] en ewh a yah sen. Me sah
o nowh ah yah een a dah mah nin. Me ne sun. Kee ya ne yoshi
won. ki ya (aah ge soon). Ki ya ewh nen ge wa keh me jog ah
ke. Ka yah be a yog no pe ming. Ah neen Ki ya me nik Kah nah
non do mid. Owh Re-che-o-ge-mah. Che we do keh nog. ewh.
Kee-be-wah-yum-bah-kum-me-ge-sid ma we ghaw. Kah ween
ka go ne gis she mah mo geh nom nee ga se. owh o ge mah.
Neh sa o nowh ah yah een a dah mah rain. Neen nah sind sah
ah yah we yong ["yon" above]
Kah o ge to yong ewh bargain
Capt. Paudaush
"Nott.
"Cowe
Wm. Crow"
Another related document is also quoted in its entirety below:
1 ke kah gwa jinn dush ["onowh" stroked out] wa go nan enewh
ah yah sen. me sah ewh pa ghig ah yah ee kay e dah mah
["mon" above] bon. Ne seh e mah ge ish ko ne mah ["nom"
above] ben en ewh na yah she won. emah te de ba n a k e che
gum gah meeng. A she ne se to dah mong. Port Hope.----2. Ne no wah dush e mah Port Hope ke ge ge doong me dush
e mah kah dah ghe kang. Ne nah wah dush ne de she ta bwa
Research Note
301
yan d u m keen kah ke nah ke o deh pe nah ["mon" s t r o k e d out]
min.--Me dush emeh P [Port]. Hope Kah deh she ne min no tah go
gid. owe dush ke e ke dood. [ " N e "s t r o k e d out] ne ni gah ne se
doog. me sah me no wah a ghe pah go san ne mem na goog.
Ke the keem me nah wah. che pah ge de nah mah ne yen ["yag"
above], ah pe che mah ke nah won ne no tah go se we Ke e
Ke dood. Ke te mah ge se nog. ne dush ke ["ke" s t r o k e d out]
ne ge mag. nah be noong pah ah yah jig pah Kah ta wog.
Kah ya go ah nind Kah web ke do so n o g . - - Ah n e e s h me sah me nah wah ke nah gwa tah mon neen dush
go. Me sah d u s h go Ka yah be emah keen nan gi dah nan dah
mo non. ewh ween tah ma de win. nain ge dush e ke do yon.
E w e w h ah yah sen. Ewh dush Kah ge go Ke ge me ghe se o
ghe be e gun. Kah ya neen che ge one ji ne nab mon. Ne ge
che wah we ghan dunn dush neen. Kah ya go e [ " g e w h " s t r o k e d
out] gewh ah nind pa mah de g e j i g . - - - - - Last treaty at Port Hope
Ne dush ewh ["e o" s t r o k e d out] ish d w a c h . Ne go ["e mah"
s t r o k e d out] me no wah e mah Port Hope. neen dush go ah
yah we yon Kah o ghe to y o n ewh bargain, ah peh na dush nan
ji k a h shke to you. e Ke do you, neen ne de bon dah non me
ne sun eke do you.
Ah pe sah dush k a h me no nah [ " w a g s w o d "s t r o k e d out] wa
ge nod. e gah kah be ge ge to jig Colonel Claus me no nah owh
Colonel. Gibben ne rum
dush gah e k e dood ["do w o d " above], tab ke che mi no nah
wa ge. Ke-ge-che-ko-se-nah. me dush ewh ke e k e dood ke
["ow o" s t r o k e d out] e she no ong ewh se be. ne no wah ma
[ " g h a s h k " s t r o k e d out] shaw sh ko sun.
Ke j a en ewh ke ge s o o n . Ke ah ko nah bah e-bon dah mong
o [ " n o w e o h "s t r o k e d out] n o e w h me sah ewh a ghe ween dah
no non wah bon dah e non wah she shaw na ne me non. Neen
["ah" s t r o k e d out] sah ["ge?" s t r o k e d out] dush go ah yah we
you kah kah ghe to you. ewh bargain.
Captain P a u d a u s h
" Nott
"Cowe
Wm. C r o w e "
302
David T. McNab
A third document is outlined and transcribed, in full, below:
3rd A w a r d .
Ewh owah ween dah mah go we ne nah e g e w h Robinson
Treaty-ah-ne-she-nah-baig Owh Dominion of Canada. o g e e
she mah K a a n ewh we no wah mah yah nish Kah go wod ewh
te bah e ga win e g e w h Provinces of Ontario and Quebec.
[this paragraph is c r o s s e d out]
(port Hope)
1818
One-gah-meeng
[Onegaming]
Ke ge ge do o w h w e ke che o ge mah. Ki ya ween o w h - w e Ah
ne she nah b a k e ge ge do. Ke ah Ke dood Ke pah g e de nah
moon sah e w h - w e ne dah K e e m a u - d o dah mo we yen. (Ke
mah mo yah min sah ewh-we. ["A" s t r o k e d out and "Ah" above
also] Nah zhe s h a w - w a ne me yen.) [everything in the round
brackets is s t r o k e d out]
Ki ya dush Ka me nwah be je to you no sa.
Ke mah no yah min sah wah zhe shaw wa ne me yen. Ki ya.
ne dab be no je ning
E w h - w e dush me nik. nah. ah shko ne mort Kah ke nah na yah
she won. me ne sun. Ko mah Ki ya me nik m a z e wa Kah me
gog. Ki ya s a h - g e - w o n . E w h - w e ne ne jah nis Ka ["ne" s t r o k e d
out] me nwah be j e wod. ["Ki ye" s t r o k e d out] e w h - w e dush wah
zhe s h a w - w a ne me yen. Che ah gwe yen me nik Ka ah go
ching ke zis. Ki ya ne nik Ka pe me je nong. se ["p" s t r o k e d out]
be won.
Ah zhe dush ne wah bah don. wah ne to you. me nik. kah zhe
wah ween ["d" s t r o k e d out] dab wah we yen.
Me ge te ze mug. W e e n . Ke ge te mah ge ze wog. e w h - w e ah
pe. Kah ween Ka go ge k noah mah d e w i n K e ah yah se noon
Noon g o m dush w e e n . ne wah sa yah
bun dab mah. ne do ["shke" s t r o k e d out] shke ne ge mug. Ki
ya ["an" s t r o k e d out] a no nak Ke Kan dah so nog me dush
e w h - w e no goom Ke zhe guk wan je Ke kan dah mon e w h n e e .
["m" s t r o k e d out] a zhe mah je do dah we yen. Ke w e e s h Ko
bun ewh-we. Ke de Ke do win. ["y" s t r o k e d out] wah yash Keed.
Research Note
303
woon goom dush ne mah nah dum, me g w a i n dah mon
ewh-we.
ke wah w e e n - d a h mah ga win.
Capt. Paudaush'' 18
The following, also from the Williams Papers, is a transcript of the
English translation of the P a u d a u s h oral tradition of the Gun Shot Treaty,
or more properly, Treaties:
Gun Shot Treaty
F i r s t Council that we all [are] sure of. B e t w e e n our great G r a n d
Fathers, was held at Port H o p e . The Governer [Governor] or
Supt. [Superintendent] General had come to make a treaty with
my G r a n d father. And the p r o m i s e that he gave to my G r a n d
father was very sweet, of c o u r s e this was before our time. And
my belief is that you have t a k e n e v e r y thing d o w n , or written
e v e r y thing that took place at that time in your minute-Book.
1. When the Governor first a s k e d our Indian people, to ["let me
h a v e " s t r o k e d out] surrender 19 [interpolation in English of the
Ojibwa w o r d ] their land. he said my dear Children, I want to ask
you to ["let me h a v e " s t r o k e d out] surrender your land to me.
As you have already h e a r d what I said ["promised" s t r o k e d out]
["before" s t r o k e d out] or promised before.
As long as you ["can" s t r o k e d out] see the sun in the sky. as
long as the R i v e r s flow. and as long as g r a s s grows, the
R e s e r v e shall be y o u r s , what ever you will Reserve. And my
G r a n d father did not wait long. he got up and said. Great father.
I do a g r e e to surrender [share] my land to you as your p r o m i s e
is very s w e e t & the blessing that I will enjoy and my children
after me as long as they live forever. I will surrender [share]
[ " m y " s t r o k e d out] on the main-land, v i z - - w e shall make a bee
line from as far as you can hear a shot gun ( f r o m the s h o r e up)
this line shall leave me part of the main land: all the points
[peninsulas]. Islands and all the mouths of R i v e r s . t h e s e shall
be reserved for m y hunting and fishing ground, and my children
after me or the rising generation as long as they live.
2 The following statement was made by Capt P a u d a u s h again.
another time while I was fishing it was very calm. All at once I
h e a r d s o m e b o d y speaking to me. when I looked I saw it was
the Governor. ( S G I A [Superintendent General of Indian Affairs}), and he commanded me to rise and ["go" s t r o k e d out] to
go and arrange to meet h i m at Port Hope. And I got up and
went to Port Hope with a lot of other Chiefs and w a r r i o r s who
304
D a v i d T. McNab
[ " m e " s t r o k e d out] w a n t e d to hear what their g r e a t father the
Governor was going to say.
this is what ["and" s t r o k e d out] he (Governor) said. My dear
Children. I come t o ask you a g a i n to surrender your land to me
for my people that are comming [coming] from the East they
are on their way comming [coming]. they are very poor. and
h u n g r y and some of them are starving, and this is why I ask
you to s u r r e n d e r your land to me. and I remembered your
[above "the"] p r o m i s e you made to my g r a n d father long ago,
w h i c h was very sweet, the first time that our fore fathers met.
and I got up and spoke to him. Reminding him of the bargain
that the Gvnt. [Government] made with my grand father I am
willing to surrender [share] the land ["the" stroked out] to you.
and the others spoke and ["said we will" s t r o k e d out] agreed to
surrender [share] the land to our great father. (At that time we
had plentyof every thing.) And I made the same bargain as my
G r a n d father, viz to Reserve, part of the main land. all the
points, mouths of Rivers. and Islands. And I could ent [could
not] have made a m i s t a k e that time. I had an interpreter (Kah
dood) was his name. ["that time" s t r o k e d out] And this is what
he said (the interpreter). Our great father is very glad. and
t h a n k s us very much. and he m a k e s the same promise as the
governor did to our grandchildren long ago. viz. below as long
as [''the rises" s t r o k e d out] we see the sun. and as long as the
River flows, and g r a s s grows. ["(and" s t r o k e d out] (that the
supplies of clothing and blankets etc. from the Govnt. [Government] shall never be stoped [stopped]) ["as long as this w o u l d
last" s t r o k e d out] as long as we live.
3 the following statement was a g a i n made by Capt. [Captain]
P a u d a u s h another time. T h i s [ " i s " s t r o k e d out] was the third
time the governor came to us for land. same place. Port H o p e .
["Kah dab" s t r o k e d out] The meeting was called by C h i e f
["Ahpishto" s t r o k e d out] Ah-pish-ki-yoshk. And Na-si-ge-kahb o w h . was the name of the Interpreter that time. And this is
what the Governer [Governor] said. My Dear Children. once
more your great father has come to ask you to surrender your
land to him.
3. We all agreed to grant his request, and we said Hurrah. let
us surrender our land to our g r e a t father. And a g a i n I rememb e r e d the promise the Govnmt. [Government] made with ["our"
s t r o k e d out] my G r a n d father ["long ago" s t r o k e d out]. w h i c h
was very sweet. And we a g a i n decided to make the same
agreement with him---to R e s e r v e a part of the m a i n land the
Research Note
305
Points and mouths of Rivers and Islands. And this is what the
Governor said. Your great father is very glad. And ["he" stroked
out] I t h a n k you very much. And I promise to ["Reserve" stroked
out] that these Islands. Points. Mouths of Rivers. and part of
the main land. ["and that" stroked out] shall be reserved for your
hunting and fishing purposes, and that the supplies of Clothing.
blankets &&tc. from the Govrnt [Government]. shall n e v e rstop.
and that this promise shall be good. as long as the Sun lasts.
and Rivers flow and as long as the grass grows. And that was
the last time that the Govrnt [Government]. asked for land. that
was in the winter of 1818. And I am astonished, disappointed.
when I remember the promise made by the Govmt [Government], his [Lieutenant Governor, John Graves Simcoe]. words
were very sweet. At that time he did not give me any writing to
keep in my h a n d s but I know all. and now you ask me what I
am always talking about: These are the things I ment [meant]
viz. Islands. and all points, and mouths of Rivers and part of
the main land. that are Reserved for our hunting and fishing
purposes, And how many times ["have" stroked out] has the
Govr [Governor], asked me to assist him ["the Govr [Governor]." stroked out] And I always granted his request and I n e v e r
realized any thing for it. These are the things I ment [meant].
And w e are ["those" above] the ones that make the treaty, or
bargain, they call it.
Capt. Paudash
"Nott
Capt. Cow
Wm, [William] Crow
1. You ask me about the things, and this is one of the things I
ment [meant]: that I reserved all the points along the shore
which w e understand at Port Hope.
["1 You ask me what I meant by these things" stroked out]
2 And the second time the meeting was held at Port Hope. and
my beleaf [belief]. I am sure that you wrote every thing that took
place at that council.
It was at Port Hope where the Governer [Governor] spoke and
said My Children I ask you again once more to surrender your
land to me. furthermore ["stating that" stroked out] my people
are on t h e i rway from the East--they are very Poor. and hungry
and some of them are starving.----
306
D a v i d T. McNab
And again I agreed to surrender the land to him myself, thats
[that is] why I beleave [believe] that you have every thing writen
[written]. and that you have the agreement: and the promise in
your possession, and why I mention these things, because you
did not give me any writing Re the surrender, and the Promise.
but I am happy, so is my people to know the surrender, and the
promise, because its [it is] something w e can never forget.--Last Treaty at Port Hope.
this is the last time w e met at Port Hope. and I was the one that
made that bargain that [that is] why you often here [hear] me
say that I own all the Islands.-And they were pretty well satisfied with the bargain.
Colonel [William] C l a u s and Coil [Colonel] Gibbins [Givins] and
this is what they said. Your Great father will be very well
satisfied with the bargain. And they mentioned the promise viz.
the Rivers. ["Points." stroked out] grass, and the Sun. as long
as you see these, you shall e n j o y that blessing.
Those that made the treaty. Or bargain Capt. Paudash
"Nott
"Cow
W m [William] Crow
The implications of the Gun Shot Treaty of 1792 have continued to this day. The failure to recognize and respect the
Treaty(ies) in terms of First Nation citizens' rights to their lands
and waters as well as t h e i r hunting, fishing and trapping rights,
has been a stain on the h o n o u r of the federal and provincial
governments in Ontario since 1792. The purpose of this p a p e r
is to draw the attention of scholars to the Gun Shot Treaty of
1792 and these new documents which have only come to light
in the past year. The significance of the Gun Shot Treaty(ies)
in the Aboriginal history of Ontario will be examined and
interpreted in the years to c o m e . It will have a great impact on
the future relationship between First Nations and non-Aboriginal people in Ontario.
1.
Notes
Paul Williams, "Oral Traditions on Triar" in S. Dale Standen and David
McNab, Editors, with an "Introduction,": Gin Das Winan Documenting
Aboriginal History in Ontario, Occasional Papers of The Champlain
Society, Number 2, Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1996, pp. 29-34.
Research Note
307
2.
Ibid, p. 32.
3.
A.E. Williams/United Indian B a n d s of C h i p p e w a s and Mississaugas
P a p e r s , F 4 3 3 7 , Provincial Archives of Ontario, Toronto, Inventory,
dated October, 1995. I wish to e x p r e s s my t h a n k s to Mr. lan Wilson,
Archivist of Ontario, and his colleagues, for d r a w i n g my attention to
the Williams P a p e r s in 1995. The papers were acquired through a
private dealer who was handling the estate of the late A.E. Williams,
an insurance adjuster who lived in N o r t h Y o r k , Ontario. They were
acquired by the Ontario Archives on the last day of the political regime
of the NDP government of Bob Rae. It is unlikely that t h e s e papers
w o u l d have been acquired by the draconian right wing regime of
Michael H a r r i s , w h i c h government was responsible for the events at
I p p e r w a s h two m o n t h s later. The papers have been microfilmed on
four microfilm reels MS 2604-2607 and are now available by Inter-Lib r a r y loan. The Gun Shot Treaty of 1792 is in F 4337-11-0-8. I also
wish to e x p r e s s my t h a n k s to Dr. R h o n d a Telford for her assistance in
d r a w i n g my attention to other historical references to the Gun Shot
Treaties.
4.
The historiography on the existence of a Gun Shot Treaty(ies) is not
a clear subject. A n u m b e r of s e c o n d a r y s o u r c e s have noted the
existence of the Gun Shot T r e a t y entered into on the northern s h o r e s
of Lake Ontario immediately after the c l o s e of the American Revolution
in the late eighteenth century, from 1793 to 1797. All the s o u r c e s
highlight two main points: the Treaty document or proceedings of the
Council is (are) missing from the historical record and (2) the Treaty
discussions and agreements were only about land w h i c h was to be
"surrendered" by the F i r s t Nations who were present at the negotiat i o n s . T h i s was clearly not the c a s e . O t h e r subjects were d i s c u s s e d
and Treaties were made on them. The historiography has tended to
o b s c u r e the Gun Shot Treaty of 1792 and its significance. For example,
Peter S. Schmalz, in his The Ojibwa of Southern Ontario, stated that
R o b e r t Prescott, governor in chief of Canada, in a letter to Peter
R u s s e l l on 9 April 1798 complained that 'the land purchased
from the Mississaugas was most undoubtedly in an a w k w a r d
predicament since some of the treaties did 'not e x p r e s s a single
Boundary.' A frantic attempt was made to clarify the situation
by interviewing t h o s e who were involved. The interpreter
Nathaniel Lines, who was a witness to the negotiations, stated
that a 'blank d e e d ' was signed by all parties. This was the
famous 'walking Treaty' or, as some called it, the 'Gun Shot
Treaty.' Captain W.R. Crawford claimed he had negotiated the
surrender with the Mississaugas on 9 October 1783 for the land
D a v i d T. McNab
308
'from Tonaito or Onagara to the River in the Bay Quinte within
eight leagues of the bottom of the said Bay, including all the
Islands, extending from the Lake back as far as a man can
travel in a day.' When Alexander Atkins attempted to survey
the area, he found that the Ojibwa were unhappy not only with
the treaty but with others made in the area as well. Further
treaties were made to correct the error. But years later even
Captain T.G. Anderson of the Indian Department still maintained that, of the area under consideration, there remained
unsurrendered 'a hundred miles of the richest farm land in the
province.'
Professor Donald B. Smith, in his Sacred Feathers, The Reverend
Peter Jones (Kahkewaquonaby) and the Mississauga Indians, has
noted that
... Captain William Crawford, a Loyalist officer who had accompanied the Mississaugas on several raiding parties during the
Revolutionary War, obtained all the lands from the Toniata
River, a tributary of the St. Lawrence below Gananoque, to a
river in the Bay of Quinte 'within Eight Leagues of the Bottom
of Said Bay.' For this vast tract, with its loosely described
southern boundary, the Indian leaders asked for and obtained
clothing for all members of their bands, guns for those without
them, powder and ammunition for their winter's hunting, and
'as much coarse Red Cloth as will make about a Dozen Coats
and as many Laced Hats.'
More purchases followed, each of which confirms that the Mississaugas believed they were granting the use of the land. Once the
British promised presents 'as long as the sun shines, the waters flow,
and grass grows,' the Indians allowed them the use of as much land
as they needed.
Professor Robert J. Surtees in his paper on "The Williams Treaties,"
commissioned for, and published by, the federal Department o f Indian
Affairs in 1986, has provided historical background to the events o f the
period from 1783-1792. He has written that
Two considerations inclined British officials in Canada to seek
extension o f these agreements. First there w a s the desire to
provide for an unbroken line of settlement along the shore o f
Lake Ontario between the Trent River and the head of the lake;
second, it w a s also considered advisable to have an alternate
route to the interior, other that the Ottawa River or the Lake
Erie-Detroit River-St. Clair River. Such an alternative w a s
possible by travelling the Humber River-Holland River-Lake
Research Note
309
Simcoe route ( k n o w n as the Toronto Carrying Place) to the east
end of Georgian Bay. Such a route w o u l d have military and
commercial uses.
The northern and western most portion of the Toronto-Georgian Bay
route was apparently s e c u r e d by a treaty arranged in 1785 by John
Collins, [note #7 to Florence B. Murray (editor), Muskoka and Haliburton, 1615-1875, Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1963, 99] the deputy-Surveyor General who arranged for p a s s a g e b e t w e e n the Narrows
at Lake Couchiching and Matchedash Bay via the S e v e r n River. The
remainder of that route, from present Toronto to Lake Simcoe and the
lands of Lake Ontario's north s h o r e became the object of negotiations
in 1787-88, when Governor Dorchester directed Sir John Johnson, the
Superintendent General of Indian Affairs
to take such s t e p s with the Indians concerned, as may be
n e c e s s a r y to establish a free and amicable right for Government to the interjacent L a n d s , not yet purchased, on the North
of Lake Ontario, for that p u r p o s e as well as to such part of the
Country, as may be n e c e s s a r y on both s i d e s of the proposed
communication from Toronto to Lake Huron. [Ontario, Third
Report of the Bureau of Archives for the Province of Ontario,
1906, p. 453]
It was this direction that brought Sir John to meet an arranged
gathering of the Mississaugas at the head of the Bay of Quinte in
September, 1787. A b o u t 626 p e r s o n s were present; another 391 [NAC
R G 10, Volume 15, page 97] gathered at Toronto at the same time.
The latter gathering was represented at Quinte by selected chiefs, and
the two g r o u p s b e t w e e n them were recipients of L2000 w o r t h of g o o d s
dispensed by J o h n s o n [note: NAC M.G. 19, Claus P a p e r s , Volume 4,
page 168. J o h n s o n to C l a u s , October 19, 1787.] An account of that
meeting by the Indian trader, John Long, noted that Sir John showed
the Indians a map by w h i c h he desired to have the land 'from Toronto
to Lake H u r o n ' [note: John Long, Voyage and Travels of an Indian
Interpreter and Trader, London, 1791, pp. 177-178.] Another reconstruction of the affair by P e r c y Robinson, contends that J o h n s o n took
a surrender of the right of transport from Toronto to Matchedash Bay
as well as b l o c k s of land (10 miles square) at each end. Robinson's
principal s o u r c e explaining the events of the decade before, is a letter
w r i t t e n by J o h n s o n in 1798. In that letter Sir John did not mention land
other than the Toronto-Matchedash area, but it w o u l d seem that he did
s p e a k to the assembled Indians about the land on the north s h o r e of
Lake Ontario b e t w e e n Quinte and Toronto. Long's account says he
did; his instructions said he was s u p p o s e d to; and according to the
invoice of g o o d s given out at the time, the Mississaugas who had
310
David T McNab
gathered at Quinte on September 23, 1784 "Made a formal Cession
of Lands on the North side of Lake Ontario to the Crown." Also, this
land cession was described more specifically by the Land Board for
Nassau in 1790, when it issued instructions to survey the 'Land lately
purchased by Sir John Johnson from the Mississaga Nation on the
North Side of Lake Ontario in the District of Nassau from the head of
the Bay of Quinte to Toronto."
Sir John's distribution o f presents at this council was later interpreted
as payment for lands. These gifts of ammunition, arms and tobacco,
however, were rather designated as a present to the Mississaugas as
a reward for their fidelity to Britain and for 'services' during the late
American War." Specific payment for the land was to come later. It
would seem, however, that a deal was provisionally arranged at
Quinte.
Notwithstanding Sir John's denial of having put anything on p a p e r at
the time, a deed o f sorts has been found and identified as having been
drawn up at the Quinte Carrying Place in 1787. It was witnessed by
three chiefs--Wabikane, Neace, and P a k q u a n - - a n d by John Collins,
Louis Kotte and Nathaniel Lines. It does not contain a description of
the lands to be sold, but simply leaves blank spaces which evidently
were to be filled in later after proper surveys could determine an
accurate description. According to the interpreter, Nathaniel Lines,
who recounted the event some eight years later, the land in questions
was the north shore of Lake Ontario. Others suggest that the land
descriptions to have been inserted at a later date were to include the
region o f the Toronto-Matchedash purchase. It is likely that Sir John's
hurried visit to Quinte in 1787 did not allow sufficient time to ascertain
the precise bounds, particularly in terms of depth, that the government
w a n t e d or that the Mississaugas were prepared to offer. In any event
those details could be delayed until the following year when payment
could be made. The requisitions for supplies to make that payment
clearly indicate that two separate purchases were intended. These
being the north shore of Lake Ontario and the Toronto-Matchedash
lands. That little trouble was anticipated was reflected in the concurrent
despatching of surveyor Alexander Aitken, to conduct a survey of the
Toronto site.
Aitken and the provisions arrived at Toronto on the Seneca on August
1, 1788. He was joined a few days later by Lord Dorchester, Sir John
Johnson and Colonel John Butler. Dorchester and Johnson remained
at Toronto only until the goods had been distributed to the Mississaugas who had gathered for that purpose. However, not all the
expected Bands arrived on time. Thus, Butler remained behind to meet
those who were expected from Lake Simcoe and Pawastink (Port
Research Note
311
Hope), and also to reach some agreement regarding the depth of the
cession on the Lake Ontario shoreline. Again from fragmentary evidence, w e can observe that Butler was successful in coming to an
agreement about the depth of the tract. He later reported from Niagara
that while at Toronto, after the Lake Simcoe and Port Hope Indians
arrived, he called all the chiefs into a council and proposed that they
surrender the land between Toronto and the Bay of Quinte 'as far back
as Lake la Clay (Simcoe) and the Rice L a k e ' Having secured their
agreement, 'after2 or 3 meetings,' he then proposed that the depth be
a straight line beginning 15 or 16 miles back from Toronto. Running
the depth in a straight line cost an extra twenty-five guineas to two
chiefs, Wabikane and P o r q u a The actual depth was in fact determined
by the surveys completed in 1791, when the surveyor, Augustus
Jones, reported having done surveys to eleven townships, beginning
with the eastern boundary of the District of Nassau and extending two
miles west of Toronto.
This issue of the north shore and the Toronto-Matchedash section
appeared to have been settled at this point. The Indians, at least
according to Butler's reports and Johnson's understanding were satisfied; and the government was content also with having secured a
solid line of settlement between Cataraqui and Toronto, as well as the
communications link between Toronto and Matchedash Bay. But there
were some clouds on the horizon. First, Aitken had been prevented by
Wabikane from completing a full survey of the Toronto site. It was only
through the intervention of Nathaniel Lines that Aitken was permitted
to begin at the Etobicoke River rather than the Humber River. And,
being left alone after the departure of Butler and Lines, he feared to
run his survey more than 2 3/4 miles inland, for Chief Wabikane
cautioned him against crossing the stream located at that point.
Second, one group of Indians, apparently those from Matchedash,
claimed that they had not received payment for their lands. According
to Butler, this resulted because Sir John had given the goods to the
w r o n g people. More serious than any of these, however, was the
absence of a territorial description in the deed of surrender prepared
at Quinte in 1787. As a result, the problem did not become so much
from a n g e r on the part of the Indians, but rather from anxieties
expressed by White administrators and by settlers who were concerned about the security o f their tenure in lands covered by the
1787-88 agreements.
This concern was increased greatly in 1794. Pressured by LieutenantGovernor Simcoe regarding the imprecision surrounding the land
cessions, Lord Dorchester declared the blank deed taken in 1787 to
be invalid.
312
D a v i d T. McNab
Enquiry has been made relative to the purchase at Matchedash
Bay, a Plan... has been found in the Surveyor General's Office,
to which is attached a blank deed, with the names or devices
of three chiefs of the Mississauga Nation, or separate pieces
of paper annexed thereto, and witnessed by Mr. Collins, Mr.
Kotte, a Surveyor, since dead, and Mr. Lines, Indian Interpreter, but not being filled up, is o f no validity, or may be applied
to a land they possess; no fraud has been committed or seems
to have been intended. It was, however, an omission which will
set aside the whole transaction, and throw us entirely on the
good faith of the Indians forjust so much land as they are willing
to allow, and what may be further necessary must be purchased anew, but it will be best not to press that matter or shew
[show] any anxiety about it.
However, Professor Surtees' account does not recognize either the
oral tradition or the events of the Gun Shot Treaty at the Bay of Quinte
at the council meeting in July, 1792.
5.
The Miskokomon papers were shared by the Miskokomon family with
Nin.Da.Waab.Jig. in the Fall o f 1994 and copies were shared with the
author of this paper. It is entitled "Treaties between the Whites and
Indians, o f Chippewa [Ojibwa], Ottawa, and Pottawatomie [Potawatomi] Tribes," dated March 24, 1927. I am most grateful to Elder
Norman Miskokomon, formerly a member of the Walpole Island First
Nation Heritage Committee, for shanng this information with me. This
paper enabled me to identify the Gun Shot Treaty of 1792 from the
Williams Papers.
6.
Canada, Indian Treaties a n d Surrenders, 3 Volumes, Ottawa: Queen's
Printer, 1 8 9 1 , 1 9 1 2 (Reprinted by FiSh House Publishers, Saskatoon,
1992). On this subject see also the author's papers as follows: "A Few
Thoughts on Understanding Propaganda alter Oka," in Social Sciences and Humanities Aboriginal Research Exchange, Volume 1, No.
1, Fall-Winter, 1993, pp. 18-21; "Treaties and an Official Use of
History," The Canadian Journal o f Native Studies, Vol. XIII, No. 1,
1993, pp. 139-43; '"A Little Piece of Flesh': Some Reflections on Oral
Tradition and Historical Research," p a p e r presented at the National
Research Director's Conference, Vancouver, British Columbia, February 23, 1994.
7.
The event is unrecognized in the historiography or in the documentary
collections or in the archival records that are currently available in the
public domain. See, for example, The Correspondence o f Lieut. GovernorJohn Graves Simcoe, Collected and edited by Brigadier General
E.A. Cruikshank, Volume I, 1789-1793, Toronto: Ontario Historical
Research Note
313
Society, 1923, (Hereafter cited as the Simcoe Papers); Colin G.
Calloway, Crown and Calumet, British-Indian Relations, 1783-1815,
Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987, especially pp. 51-76
and the same author's recent The American Revolution in Indian
Country, Crisis and Diversity in Native American Communities, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. See also biographies of the
major historical figures such as John Graves Simcoe, cited below, in
the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Toronto: University of Toronto
Press; Canada, Indian Treaties and Surrenders, Volume 1, Ottawa:
Queen's Printer, 1891, (Reprinted by Fifth House Publishers, Saskatoon, 1992); R o b e d S. Allen, His Majesty's Indian Allies British Indian
Policy in the Defence of Canada, 1774-1815, Toronto: Dundum Press,
1992, pp. 57-86.
8.
A most ineffective, and overly negative, impression of Simcoe can be
found in S.R. Mealing's "John Graves Simcoe," Dictionary of Canadian
Biography, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983, Volume V,
1801-1820, pp. 754-759. Mealing's portrayal of Simcoe's relationship
to First Nations is at best misleading and entirely one-sided and, at its
worst, exhibits a complete disregard for the history of First Nations.
9.
Edith Firth, "Elizabeth Posthuma Gwillim," Dictionary of Canadian
Biography, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988, Volume VII,
1836-1850, pp. 361-363.
10.
G.M. Craig, Upper Canada The Formative Years 1784-1841, Toronto:
McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1963, pp. 20-28.
11.
Earle Thomas, "Sir John Johnson," Dictionary of Canadian Biography,
Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987, Volume VI, pp. 352-354;
see also his Sir John Johnson, Loyalist Baronet, Toronto: Dundurn
Press, 1986 in which he gives the date of Johnson leaving Montreal
on July 22, 1792 which date (i.e. 1792) coincides with the Simcoe
arrival in the colony. It also appears that Simcoe met Johnson late in
June or early in July, 1792.
12. J. Ross Robertson, The Diary of Mrs. John Graves Simcoe, Toronto:
William Briggs, 1911, Toronto: Coles Publishing Company, 1973, pp.
111-120.
13.
The Correspondence of Lieut. Governor John Graves Simcoe, Collected and edited by Brigadier General E.A. Cruikshank, Volume I,
1789-1793, Toronto: Ontario Historical Society, 1923, p. 182.
14. The Miskokomon p a p e r is dated March 24, 1927. The first part of this
description of the Gun Shot Treaty is also contained in the A.E.
Williams papers, referred to above, which are now in the Provincial
Archives o f Ontario.
314
David T. McNab
15.
G.S. French, "Shaw-Wun-Dais," Dictionary of Canadian Biography,
Volume X, 1871-1880, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972, pp.
647-648. I am grateful to Professor Donald Smith for drawing my
attention to this and the next reference in his letter of November 11,
1995, to me.
16. British Parliamentary Papers, "Report from the Select Committee on
Aborigines (British Settlements) with Minutes of Evidence Appendix
and Index. Anthropology Aborigines, Irish University Press Series of
British Parliamentary Papers. Shannon: Ireland: Irish University Press,
1968, p. 29.
17. It should also be noted that the place of portage was also a place of
both water and fire. It w a s a place of meeting for important councils
and holding council fires. For example, other places of Council Fires
include: Niagara, Detroit, Amherstburg, St. Anne Island, Lake Ontario
at Fort Ontario near present-day Oswego, Burlington Heights, Walpole
Island among others.
18. An effort is currently being made to provide an English translation and
interpretation of the Gun Shot Treaty o f 1792, quoted above.
19. There is no concept of the English word "surrender" in Ojibwa. The
Aboriginal understanding in concept and language would have been
the word "share."