Saving a Scarce Resource: A Case Study of Behavioural Change

Saving a Scarce Resource: A Case Study of Behavioural Change
Audra Liubinas and Paul Harrison
Deakin University
Background
Beginning in 2008, T155 formed part of the former Victorian Labor Government’s
behavioural change campaign encouraging individuals in metropolitan Melbourne to limit
water use to 155 litres per person, per day (L/p/d). With Melbourne facing severe water
shortages and residents consuming 63 per cent of the city’s water (Siriwardene, Quilliam &
Roberts, 2011), action was needed to secure ongoing water supply. Water restrictions limiting
outdoor water use had been in place since 2002. Therefore, the campaign focused individuals
on new ways to save water, voluntarily, both inside and outside the home.
From 1997-2010, water flowing into Melbourne’s water supply reservoirs from protected
catchments was 37 per cent below the long-term average (Melbourne Water, 2011a). With
Melbourne experiencing record growth in population, the cumulative effects of climate
change, and a ten-year drought, the threat of severe water shortages was imminent
(Siriwardene et al., 2011). Melbourne’s water suppliers had previously implemented demand
management strategies including water restrictions, rebates, pricing, alternative water
supplies, augmentation of supply, and residential and non-residential water conservation
programs. Melbourne’s residents had been subject to water restrictions since 2002, when
stage-1 restrictions were introduced. By April 2007, restrictions were increased to stage-3a,
which meant that gardens could only be watered at specified times and days, and vehicles
washed only at compliant commercial car washes. In 2008, water storages fell to the stage-4
trigger level of 29.4 per cent of overall capacity. However, stage-4 restrictions (banning all
outdoor watering, including residential and public gardens) were not imposed. With these
restrictions potentially having a huge impact on jobs (as well as potential negative attitudes
toward the government’s capacity to manage the crisis) the State Government implemented a
new strategy.
T155 was a water conservation campaign targeting all residents in metropolitan Melbourne
and encouraging them to voluntarily limit water use to 155 L/p/d. It was designed to achieve
similar savings to stage-4 water restrictions while offering the community greater flexibility
in how they reduced their water use (Office of Water, 2008). T155 was launched in December
2008 and ran until the Victorian Coalition Government ended it in February 2011. It should
be noted that other Victorian Government water conservation programs were run
simultaneously to T155 under the broader Our Water, Our Future brand. ’Support 155’ was a
supporting campaign that focused on business water use, while ‘Water – Live it! Learn it!’ is
an education program currently run through Victorian schools. This paper focuses exclusively
on the T155 campaign.
T155 as a social marketing campaign
To develop effective strategies, factors influencing consumers’ water conservation behaviour
were identified and addressed. Gersick (1991) and Tushman and Romanelli (1985) argue that
radical change generally only occurs if those involved perceive a significant crisis. Use of
contrasting images of the Thomson Dam in 1997 and 2008 (Figure 1) was an effective means
of establishing T155’s purpose and motivating involvement, negating the need to waste time
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and resources educating people about the drought or debating climate change. The imagery
provokes emotion, as the issue is something residents can visualise, making it concrete for
those viewing it. The importance of this is highlighted by the case of energy conservation,
which has failed to draw the same emotion and saliency, as residents are still unable to ‘see’
the extent of the crisis.
Figure 1: Images of the Thomson Dam, Melbourne’s main water supply, in 1997 and
2008 (source: Department of Sustainability and Environment)
Additionally, both Australian (Dolnicar & Hurlimann, 2010) and international (Silvia, Pape,
Szoc, Mayer, & Reekie, 2011) studies have argued that water conservation is necessary due to
water scarcity. The crisis (of water scarcity) is a call to arms for residents to act, and makes it
easy for residents to draw conclusions about the consequences of inaction. While all
Melbournians had been touched by the drought to varying degrees, powerful imagery
presented an inarguable truth: there was a ‘significant crisis’ and action was urgently required.
Having drawn attention to the impending crisis, T155 aligned campaign messages in
accordance with current behaviour change research and broader contemporary social change
literature. Meinck and Leathersich (2003) found severe water restrictions were not perceived
as acceptable. Additionally, Peattie and Peattie (2008, 4) argued that:
“Messages from governments exhorting people to drive their cars less or
admonishing them for buying products that cause environmental damage, appear
not to be working. People are simply not listening. Making people feel guilty
about their lifestyles and purchasing habits is achieving only limited success”.
T155 was the alternative to harsh stage-4 water restrictions. It was a positive campaign
encouraging personal choice and responsibility, in line with contemporary approaches to
social change strategies (French, 2011). While the goals of other current water conservation
programs are similar, T155 took a different approach to programs such as ‘Water, Use It
Wisely’ in Arizona, USA, which offered a brand as a directive and created ambiguity as to
what constituted ‘wise’ consumption. Similarly, ‘A change in Burnside (Australia) can
Change the World’ (City of Burnside, 2011) conjured up a broad and unattainable target. In
contrast, T155 clearly stated goals for individuals to achieve (155 L/p/d) while ‘Save Water’
clarified the brand’s essence (Keller, 2003), giving context to an otherwise ambiguous
number.
Bettman, Johnson and Payne (1991) argue that consumers have little capacity to process
information, so the ease at which information can be comprehended and used is critical.
Providing a simple and concrete target (155 L/p/d) was essential to the success of the
campaign. Much of the research surrounding attitudes and behaviours of consumers towards
water conservation highlight that while most consumers believe water saving is important this
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attitude does not translate to water use behaviour (Jorgensen, Graymore & O’Toole, 2009;
Dolnicar & Hurlimann, 2010; Randolph & Troy, 2008). A contributing factor to water
conservation inaction is very few residents know how much water they are using, or how this
compares to others (Randolph & Troy, 2008). T155 provided factsheets with simple
instructions to determine and monitor water use. It provides a clear comparative benchmark
(155 L/p/day), and this has been found more useful than absolute volumes (Randolph & Troy,
2008). The success of consumption reduction also lies in the extent to which the behaviour is
normalised and made salient to motivate behaviour consistent with norms (Cialdini, Reno &
Kallgren, 1990). Consumption reduction however, is more difficult to stylise in media as it
goes against consumption-orientated society (Peattie & Peattie, 2009). Ultimately, T155
portrays consumer needs can still be met, but through more sustainable means.
Targeting the Majority
Common theories regarding behaviour change can be useful in supporting segmentation
analysis for T155. Brown (1993) discusses diffusion of innovation through the growth of
markets in a series of segments. This model classifies adopters of innovations into various
categories, based on the idea that certain individuals are inevitably more open to adaptation
than others. The ‘S’ shaped diffusion of innovation curve demonstrates the way new ideas and
practices might spread across a population (Brown, 1993). For example, a new behavior will
start with just a few ‘innovators’ (brave people, driving the change or with T155, those that
have initiated or are already advocates for water conservation) followed by a larger portion of
the population who will be ‘early adopters’. These people will try out new ideas, but in a
careful way, and in relation to T155 this group will be willing to save water, but need to know
how to save effectively and efficiently. Next the ‘early majority’ (led mainly through
information and support, and seeing others save water) will start to recognise the benefits and
begin to engage. The ‘late majority’ will tend to be more skeptical, i.e., they will take up the
T155 challenge only when the majority is using it. Lastly, the ‘laggards’ are generally more
traditional people and are usually critical towards new ideas, only accepting it once the new
idea has become mainstream.
This model provides a useful framework for assessing how T155 resources and messages
were targeted. Targeting innovators or early adopters would have been an inefficient use of
resources, as many would already have water efficient showerheads and dual flush toilets, or
would immediately take the opportunity to conserve water. The early majority and the late
majority offered substantial opportunities for targeting communications– albeit in different
ways.
Tools for change
Mass media campaigns to promote sustainable activities are said to be ineffective when
traditional marketing techniques are used or when used exclusively (McKenzie-Mohr, 2000).
By understanding the diversity of barriers that exist to adopting water saving practices, and
combining it with other channels, mass media was effectively utilised to quickly inform and
influence a large group of people, to limit their water use in light of the impending water
shortage crisis. Advertising and publicity through television, radio, newspapers and billboards
saturated the market and enhanced awareness of the impending crisis and the T155 campaign,
primarily through the imagery of the Thomson Dam.
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Selective media was used to provide more concentrated messages to complement the broader
“Save Water” and “Target 155” messages, targeting specific segments of the market:
o Direct mail provided targeted advertising to the early majority addressing the barrier
to action that attitudes correlated with behaviours only where actions were easy and
did not carry financial burden (Dolnicar & Hurlimann, 2010; Wallis et al, 2009). T155
kits were mailed to residents, providing tips of simple changes to reduce water use
(e.g. take shorter showers) and incentives to reduce cost of appliance changes (e.g.
free showerheads).
o The late majority was persuaded by targeted messages about how water conservation
is now the norm. It did this with tools such as the T155 website section, e.g., “See how
others are keeping on target”. This provided factual and tangible evidence that
changing behaviour did in fact save water, enabling an abstract concept to be rendered
more concrete for consumers (Niva & Timonen, 2001).
Personal media (Lauders, 2008) also played an important role in influencing water
conservation behavioural change. As discussed, the late majority is more skeptical, so
providing this segment with the opportunity to ‘meet a water wise expert’ at information
booths in public spaces and at public events added credibility and built trust. It allowed the
seller (the Government) to tailor their message to individual barriers and concerns and gain
commitment to act. Across all media channels, the consistent use of a bold and easily
identifiable logo and slogan was essential in achieving strategic positioning (Keller, 1993).
This positioned each message, independent of the communication channel or target segment,
closely with the campaign, and increased the effectiveness of the communications (Keller,
1993). Figure 2 shows how the same message (cut showers to four minutes) was
communicated in a consistent manner, yet using credentials to appeal to different audiences.
Figure 2: Advertisements encouraging four-minute showers
(Source: theinspirationroom.com)
Following on from this, publicity of T155 added importance to the issue in the minds of
Melbournians. Nightly television and radio weather reports provided feedback on whether the
community as a whole was meeting the target, and discussed water storage levels to reinforce
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the need to conserve water. Again, this exploited the credentials of a third party, and
particularly those seen as experts in the field (e.g., meteorologists), to assist brand
positioning.
Was T155 a success?
T155 was successful in converting Melbournians into water savers, with 53 billion litres of
water saved over a 20-month period. In 2006/07, daily residential water consumption in
Melbourne was 188 L/p/d. With the implementation of T155, the daily water consumption of
households reduced, and averaged 147 L/p/d during the period of the campaign. T155 gained
cooperation amongst its target market through its brand equity (Farquhar, 1989), providing
supporting information and advice, and by using a measurable and easily understood target
(155L/p/d) to identify changes in behaviour and give encouragement where needed.
Positioning of the T155 brand achieved its goal by finding its way into the hearts and minds
of Melbournians. In 2010, with a change of government (Labor to Liberal), the T155
campaign was scrapped. A poll conducted in 2011 of 5,118 Melbournians revealed that 71 per
cent of water consumers believed T155 would keep Victorians vigilant about their water use
and that the incoming Liberal government was not right to scrap the T155 water consumption
campaign (Ker, 2011). Consequently, it is difficult to brand the campaign a complete success
when considering lost opportunities, such as the potential for longer-term behavioural change,
and continued reduction of water consumption.
Campaign Weaknesses
A shortfall of T155 was its close alignment with the Labor Party’s Office of Water branding,
‘Our Water Our Future’. This positioning meant continuation of T155 was not viable for a
succeeding government, as it risked future program successes being attributed to the former
government. T155 was linked to politically sensitive water supply augmentation projects
including the controversial desalination plant and North-South pipeline. Communication
material referred to these as the long-term answer to Victoria’s water security, making it
vulnerable to a change in government.
The Labor government made positive efforts to position the brand in industry (Support 155)
and with ambassadors (Sport 4 Environment), but it was largely positioned as a Labor Party
scheme. If the Save Water brand had been embedded within the community, rather than
perceived as a political campaign, brand resilience may have endured a crisis situation (State
Election) (Farquhar, 1989). T155 was also positioned as an inflexible measure, which may
have been perceived as overly prescriptive and immutable. When South East Queensland
(Australia) experienced a significant water shortage crisis, the personal water consumption
campaign Target 140 was introduced. As water storages increased, the target moved to reflect
storage levels, giving credibility to the efficacy of the target set. T155 did not provide floating
targets relevant to the scarcity of water, indeed, T155 was introduced when Melbourne’s
water storages were at 33 per cent of capacity (Austin, 2008), and axed when storages were
above 50 per cent (Melbourne Water, 2011b).
Conclusion
During its lifespan, T155 was successful in changing consumers’ attitudes and behaviours
towards water conservation. Water saving became the social norm, while wasting water was
repositioned as widely unacceptable thanks largely to the impact of T155. T155 successfully
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utilised social marketing principles and techniques to motivate Melbournians to change their
water consumption behavior. Grounding the campaign in consumer behavior research,
successfully integrating communications and aptly applying segmentation theory to target
specific, harder to reach markets all contributed to its success. The brand positioned the
notion of water conservation practices as an important issue that was worthy of breaking
established habits.
Case Study Questions
1. What are the key factors in communication when trying to make an abstract concept
more concrete in the consumer’s mind?
2. What type of campaign would be needed to continue to make the T155 target salient
when water resources were perceived to be in a better state?
3. Choose another context (e.g., environmental degradation, fair-trade) and use the
knowledge gained from this case study to develop an IMC campaign.
4. Using political marketing theory, explore why a particular political party might
attempt to distance itself from a social marketing campaign of the outgoing
government.
5. Suggest some demarketing policy instruments (e.g., increasing water prices) that
would contribute to reducing the level of demand for water.
6. Discuss how demarketing could be used to manage other scarce resources.
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Appendix 1: Communications overview
Advertising
Sales
promotion
Events and
experiences
Public
relations and
publicity
Newspapers
Radio
TV
YouTube
Free water saving devices (showerheads, shower-timers)
Rebates for water saving products as part of the broader
Our Water, Our Future brand (upgrading to dual flush
toilets and rainwater tanks)
Athlete’s challenge
Program launched by the Premier
Key Melbourne Water personnel appeared on morning TV
programs to reinforce the brand/message
TV and radio weather reports provided nightly feedback on
target achievement and water storage levels
Direct
Kits sent to households included shower-timer and
marketing
factsheets
Information on water bills
Website information
Interactive
Feedback of progress towards target was communicated via
marketing
radio, TV (weather reports) and billboard on roads with
high-traffic volume
Website section ‘See how others are keeping on target’
Tracking personal water consumption via water bills
Word of mouth The establishment of T155 as the face of the highly emotive
marketing
and salient issue saw it become a widespread discussion
point
Personal
‘Meet a water wise expert’ information booths were set up
selling
in public spaces and at public events
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