TH E
L I FE A ND TI M E S O F H I LD E BR AND
P O P E G R E GO RY
V II
PO P E G RE GO RY
VI I ,
R
F O M TH E
PO RT R A IT
I N TH E
LAT R A N
E
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O F H I L D EB R A N D
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T H E L I FE A N D T I M E S
O F H ILD EB R AN D
PO PE
G REGO RY
RI G HT
TH E
BY
VI I
R EV
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ARN O LD HARRI S MATHE W
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I N TR ODU C T I O N
TH E P o nti fic ate of Gregory V I I is important as having occu rred
at a very critical period in the history o f the Papacy and as having
left an indelible impression upon its later aims and policy A
great revival o f the Empire had slowly taken place (A D 9 5 0
“
The German peoples within the empire o f Charles the Great
were united by the urgent necessi ty of protecting themselves against
barbarous foes They formed a strong elective monarchy and
shook themselves free from their Romanized brethren the Western
F ranks amongst whom the power of the V assals was still to
maintain disunion for centuries The German kingdom was the
inheritor of the ideas and policy o f Charles the Great and th e
restoration of the Imperial power was a natural and worthy obj ect
” 1
of the Saxon line o f kings
The restoration o f the Empire
involved a restoration o f the status o f the Papacy The great
monastery o f Cluny and the monastic reformers there became a
centre o f the revival of Christian feeling and aimed at uniting
Christendom under the headship of the Pope The reformers
aimed at a strict enforcement of the celibacy of the clergy and the
suppression o f sim o ny— to check in fact the secularization of the
clerical o ffi ce to which many causes especially the growing wealth
of the Church had contributed The first desideratum was a
reform o f the Papacy and the Emperor Henry I I I was called
upon to eff ect this The great Emperor in whom the medi e val
empire touched its highest point was not unnaturally hailed as a
second David when at the Synod o f Sutri he superintended the
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Tfie H irtory
M
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f
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P ape r} ,
by M and l l C r igh t
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on
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INTR O DUCTI O N
vi
deposition o f three Popes wh o simultaneously occupied the chair o f
St Peter
With Henry II I the Empire attained its maximum o f power
its maximum o f influence upon the R o man See I n Rome no
German sovereign had ever been so absolute
He became
hereditary Patrician and wore constantly the circlet of gold and
the green mantle which were the badges o f that o fli ce seeming as
t o find in it some further authority than that
o ne might think
which the Imperial name conferred To Henry was granted the
nomination o f the Pope and by his instrumentality German after
German succeeded to the Papacy at the bidding of a ruler so
powerful so severe and so pious
A mere chance checked the course o f Imperial patronage
The great Emperor died suddenly in 1 0 5 6 leaving as his successor
his son a mere child the unfo rtunate Henry I V
Under the line o f German popes the Papacy learned to borrow
the strength o f the Imperial system under which it had grown to
power So strengthened the Papacy aimed at independence A
critic al step was taken by entrusting the Papal election to the
cardinal bishops priests and deacons which aimed a blow at
Imperial interference Politically an alliance with the Norman
settlers in Southern Italy enabled the popes to count upon a
counter balance to the Imperial power
The Papacy sl o wly
prepared to assert its independ e nce
Under Gregory VII the struggle between the Empire and the
Papacy took an acute form Not content with claiming for the
Church an entire independence from the temporal power he
declared that the independence o f the Church was to be found
solely in the assertion o f its supremacy over the State
Gregory VI I did not aim at securing the Papal monarchy over the
Church— that had been established since the days o f Nicholas 1
He aimed at asserting the freedom o f the Church fr o m
worldly influences which benumbed it by setting up the Papacy
as a power strong enough to restrain Church and State alike I n
ecclesiastical matters Gregory enunciated the infallibility o f the
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INTR O DUCTI O N
vii
Pope his power o f deposing bishops and restoring them at his
o wn will
the necessity o f his consent to give universal validity
to synodal decrees his supreme and irresponsible j urisdiction the
” 1
precedence o f his legates over all bishops
I n political matters he asserted that the name of Pope was
incomparable with any other that to him alo ne belonged th e right
“
to use the insignia O f Empire ; that he could dep o se empero rs
and all princes ought to kiss his feet ; that he could releas e
”
subj ects from their allegiance to wicked rulers
Such wer e
Gregory s tremendous claims f o r the Papacy and such claims
naturally came into conflict with the temporal power o f o th e r
great rulers
Gregory VI I died in exile after a comparatively bri e f po ntifi cate
o f no t much more than ten years but the the o ry o f his O fli c e and
the prerogatives which he asserted were brought by his succ e ss o rs
to a marvellous realizati o n
With o ut Gregory V I I th e r e w o uld
—
have been no Innocent I I I that P o pe who succeeded in e ff ectively
impressing the theory of hierarchic government upon Euro pe and
“
became in e ff ect the king o f kings lord o f lords the o nly ruler
”
Of princes
for the influence o f Grego ry V II like that o f many
another politician was greater upon succeeding generations than
upon his o wn
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W O RKS C O NSULTED
viii
Vi e d e St H u gu es,
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by D
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Regi stru m P apae
W o d en
Li e and P o ntifi c ate o f
re go r VI I ,
Th e egi nni ngs o f th e e m o ra So ve re ignt o f th e o es,
E ng i s translatio n, L o nd o n 1 9 0 8
arti n
Les Sai nts, St L o n IX,
E
’
D o m Swi lb ert au me r, O S B
L H i sto i re d u r vi ai re Ro mai n,
Si r o ge r G re isley , Bt
Li e and P o nti fi c ate o f
re go r VI I ,
n d i c ti ne , I 8 9 3
evu e
ivi ta atto i c a, 1 8 9 5
Le o nc ave,
u i u s L e to r
i sto r o f Sace r o ta
e i a
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ar es Le a,
, 2
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La ri mau t d u P a e ,
ere P i ne , retre d e 1 O rato i re ( E i ti o n o f
ari s 1 0 8 ,
at
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C O N TE N T S
C R AP .
N T R ODUCT I O N
1
EARLY L I F E O F H I LDEBRAN D To T HE DEAT H OF N I CH OLA S 1 1
— J ULY 2
1 02 5
1 06 1
7
11
T HE P O N TI F I CA T E OF ALEX ANDER 1 1 1 06 1 — 1 0 73
1 11
T HE ACCESSI O N OF G RE GORY VI I — H I S F I RST ACT S APR I L 2 2
1 0 7 3 — M ARCH
10 4
9
7
T HE F I R ST ST RU GG LE S M ARCH 9 1 0 74— F EBRUARY 2 4 1 0 75
IV
v T HE BREACH BET WEEN HENRY 1 v OF G ER M ANY AND GRE GORY
v1 1
F EBRUARY 2 4 1 07 5 — F EBRUARY 2 4 1 076
v1
T HE R OAD To CAN OSSA F EBRUARY 1 4 1 07 6 — J ANUARY 2 8
P AGE
I
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26
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53
,
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1 08
10
77
T HE I N T RU I O N
S
OF
RUD O LPH
O F SU A B I A ,
JANUARY
2 9 , 1 07 7
F EB RUARY 2 7 1 0 7 8
C I V I L W A R I N G ER M ANY F EBRUARY 2 7 1 0 7 8 — M ARCH 7 1 0 80
HENRY 1 v A GA I N E X C O MM UN I CAT E D — T HE AN T I P OPE G U I BERT
M ARCH 1 1 0 80— F EBRUARY 1 0 8 1
T HE LA ST STRU GG LE S O F G RE GORY VI I — H I S DEAT H FE B R U
ARY 1 08 1 — M AY 2 5 1 08 5
T HE CAN O N I Z AT I O N OF G RE G ORY VI I — H I S CHARACT ER
G RE GO RY v1 1 As POPE ; AND A s T HE FOUNDER O F T HE H I ER O
CRAT I C SY ST E M
T HE A F T ER E FF EC T S OF T HE H I ERO CRAT I C SYST E M
,
VI I I
1X
,
-
x1 1
x 1 11
1
34
1
53
I
75
.
1
.
,
XI
,
,
,
x
85
,
,
v11
1
7
,
-
APPEND I X
I NDE X
2 07
2 42
254
2 77
292
0
6
3
ix
L I ST O F
I
II
III
Iv
POPE G RE GORY
I L L U S TR AT I O N S
F RO M
VI I ,
PO RT RA I T
TH E
LAT ERAN
I N TH E
FA C I NG P AG E
F
ronti s i ece
(
p )
O V ANA
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W AR
CHAR IOT
CRE M O NA F R OM AN
0F
,
PR I N T
O LD
CLOI ST ERS A T ST PAUL S W I T H O U T - T HE WALLS
T H I R T EEN T H CEN T URY BY Z AN T I NE WOR K
’
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-
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S
,
H O WI N G
-
v T HE G REAT BENED I C T I NE BASI L I CA
T HE WALL S RO M E
-
VI
TA T UE
S
.
1 12
G RE G ORY 1 O V ER T HE AL TAR I N
M ATT HEW CA T HEDRAL A T ALERN O
OF
.
VII I
PAUL-W I T H OU T
ST
,
I N ST
VI I
OF
97
v 1,
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BY Z AN T I NE PULP I T
I N ST.
CHAPEL
HIS
M ATT HEW S CAT HEDRAL
’
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S
CRYP T OF ST M ATT HEW S CAT HEDRAL WH I CH
ANC I EN T CHURCH UND ER TH E PRE SEN T ED I F I CE
TH E
’
.
,
ALERN O
IS
I
77
1
2
9
AN
2 S7
TH E L I FE A ND TI M E S O F H I LD E B R AND ,
P O P E G R E G O R Y VI I
CHAPTER I
EA R L Y L I F E
H I L DE B RA N D
OF
B i th
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11
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EA T H
1 06 1
2 7,
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—
102
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f th P ap y i n th
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l nth nt ry— Th P p f th H
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—
m
T l
B n d i t IX J h n Gratian (G r g ry VI) and J h n B i h p
t r I I I) ri al P p — Th
f Sab i na ( Si l
E mp r r H nry I II c all d i n t
—
i
r
i
t
a
i
m
Th Sy n d f S tri ( I O 4 6 ) — Th ab d ic ti n f B n d i t
d d h Cl
f G r g ry VI— H i ld b r nd f ll w G r g ry VI i nt
IX and d p i ti n
G rmany— C l m nt II ( S id g r B i h p f B mb rg) ch n P p — Sim ny
p r h i b it d at a y n d i n R m J an ry 1 0 4 7 — D ath f C l m nt II P p a
II A g t 9 1 0 4 8 — B r n B i h p f T l ch
0 4 7 — Dama
n O t b r
L
I X— H i l d b rand wr n m
f th m na t ry f St P a l — Th fabl that
— Sy n d
— L
H i l d b rand wa a m nk— Sy n d
0
h
f
f
R
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IX
49
xp d i t i n agai n t th
N rman and b ttl f C i i t ll I O 5 3 — H il d b rand a
—
F
i
n
a
n
lgt
r
c Th h r y f B r ng ri — D th f L IX 1 5 4— G bh rd
B i h p f Ei ch tad t n minat d P p by H nry III t k th n m f V i t r II
— D ath f th E mp r r
— Sy n d f Fl r n
I
1
M
a
1
0
p
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A
3
55
(
5 5)
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H nry III 1 5 6 — D ath f V i c t r I I J ly 8 1 0 5 7 — Fr d ri c k f L rrai n
C h n P p a St ph n IX A g t 1 5 7 — Th M il n Pat i n — D ath
— Ni h l
I
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p
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f St ph n I X M rch
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D c mb r 1 0 5 8 at Si na— An cd t fr m th Anna/ R m ni f H ild
b rand tr atm nt f th anti P p B n d ic t X— Th L t ran d c r f 1 0 5 9
“
—
n d t
f th
C r n ti n t
B n
H il d b r nd atti t d t t h i d c r
N i ch l a II— B r ng ri f T r at th C n il f 1 5 9 — H il d br nd Arch
—
—
f
Sy n d
n
t
t
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w h
N
f th H ly
Th all ianc
d c n 1 0 59
—
—
h
n
f
t
y f th Imp rial i t and G rm y
P p cy
D th f
M lfi J l
N i ch l a I I J ly 7 1 0 6 1
r
u sc u u
IN
—JU LY
5
1 02
THE
TO
a s
a a
a
o
o
a
o
ea
o
o
.
a country no w laid desolate by malaria rises the little town
Sovana ( Saona) At the present day Sovana is almost complet ely
.
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F G REG O RY VI I
2
abandoned but in the Middle Ag es it was a fairly important place
Almost the whole valley of the F iora whose sluggish waters flow
Close to Sovana gives an impress i on O f glo o m to the traveller and the
ground is undermined by innumerable Etruscan vaults and tombs
Near Sovana ( Saona) lay a small village R o v acu m ( R o v aco )
which has since disappeared and here says B o nitho Hildebrand
the future P o pe Grego ry VI I was born o f very humble parentage
1
Hildebrand s father according to B o nith o and the catalogue o f
2
the Popes in W atterich was named B u nicu s o r B o niz o while Paul
of Bernried gives the name as B o nicu s Benzo relates that Hilde
”
“
brand s father was a goatherd and his mother a suburbana ( a
native o f the district around Rome ) The name Hildebrand is
frequently met with in Italy after the Lombard invasion and is
origin I n appearance Hildebrand cannot have been
o f German
imposing His friend the Abbot Hugh Of Cluny writes Of his
”
small stature and Benzo scornfully de scribes him as a homuncio
L e a dwarf ; and another annalist writes Of his swarthiness and
—
—
his ill shapen appearance v ald e f u rcus d cy ormz: asp ecta The date
If
not
a
Roman
o f Hildebrand s birth was probably about 1 0 2
5
by birth he was an adopted Roman by education ; his youth was
passed in the Romanum Palatium the Latera n school W her e he
had as f ellow students several youths of the Roman aristocracy
among them Alberic and Cenci the latter the son of John Cenci
prefect Of Rome
During the school days o f Hildebrand in the early years of the
eleventh century the Papacy had touched the lowest depths of its
degradation the feudal princes the refuse o f Rome had ga i ned
complete ascendency over the Popes The Counts o f Tusculum
had gradually assumed an immense p o wer and attached themselves
to the new Imperial House which succeeded to that o f Saxony
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B id
hi
wh i h
w h
l
h
f o rm o f th e name, vari o u s f o rms are met i t i n anna i sts and o t e r
c
Ald e prand u s, Eld eb rand u s, H i ld e b rantu s,
th e mo st i m o rtant are
ri te rs, Of
H ild e prand u s, H elle b rand u s, H elli brand u s, H eld ebrand u s, H o ld e b rand u s, I e
b rand u s, Yld e brand u s and O ld e prand as
2 W at e ri c h I
V
I
2
t
,
,
p 93
1
w
es
es t
s
p
ld
.
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EA R LY LI F E OF HILDEBRAND
3
They bought and corrupted the venal pe o ple and appo int e d
Popes by the m o st o pen and unabashed simony The Papacy
became f o r a time an appanage in their family thre e o f its memb e rs
in succession became the heads o f Christendo m Benedict V II I
John XIX and Benedict IX ( 1 0 3 3
and had alm o st
succeeded in making it hereditary in their family The first two
P o pes of the H o use o f Tusculum had maintained the peace Of Rome
f o r twenty years and as secular princes they had no t been wanting
in energy and vigour Fo r the third Pope as if from wantonn e ss
the House provided a b o y not m o re than ten or twelve ye ars o f
age the nephew Of his two predecessors
”
“
Benedict IX blessed in name but no t in de e d had all the
vic e s o f a y o uth born to pow e r and f o r twelve years ruled in R o m e
while leading a life so shameful so foul and execrabl e that o ne
”
“
o f the later Pop e s
Victor I I I
shudde red to describe it
His
rule was that o f a captain Of thieves and brigands and his crim e s
passed unchecked and unavenged for his broth e r Gregory was
patrician o f the C ity and another brother Peter was an active
supp o rter F inally in desperation the citizens of Rome weary of
his misrul e and oppressi o n his robberies and murders assembl e d
and drove him from the city and elected another Pope in his stead
John Bishop Of Sabina who took the name of Silvester I I I But
the consuls were partisans doubtless relative s o f Benedict IX and
he returned in triumph F inally this P o ntifI s o ld his o ffi ce to John
Gratian another member o f th e Tuscula n House wh o had earned
a high reputation for his l e arning and probity and wh o to o k
the name of Gregory VI ( 1 04 4
According to one story
Benedict was in love with his cousin the daughter Of o ne Gerard
de Saxo but the father refused his daughter unless the Pope
would surrender the Papacy J o hn Gratian by his o wn admission
had heaped up great wealth which he however inte nded to devote
to pi o us uses Among these pious uses must have bee n included
his o wn advancement for he bought the su flrage s of the pe o ple
and with them the Papacy As soon as he was established in the
H oly See G regory VI at once bent his attention towards the
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THE LI F E AND TIMES O F GRE GO RY VI I
4
recovery o f the lost papal possessions and to the suppression o f the
custom o f plundering the pilgrims to Rome So busy was he with
these schemes that the Roman people gave him a colleague to
O fli c iate in his stead within the Church whe n he was engag e d in
war SO comparatively spotless was Gregory VI S character so
pure his aims in comparison with those o f som e o f the preceding
Popes that even Peter Damiani af terwards the stern e st o f the
opposers O f simony could not re f rain f rom welcoming his accession
”
“
“
Let the heavens rej oice writes Damiani
let the thousand
let no f als e
f ormed head o f th e venomous serpent be crushed
—
coiner Simon make money now within the Church
this o f a P o pe
who had purchased the Holy See ! Benedict s brother h o we v er
brought back the abdicated Pope and reinstated him and there were
no w three rival Popes i n Rome e ach one denouncing th e others
Claims and ready to def end his rights by f orce o f arms Benedict
holding the Lateran ; G regory Santa Maria Maggiore ; and
Silvester St Peter s and the Vatican
T his state o f things was too scandalous to endure long Th e
more serious portion o f the Church the more devout o f the laity
were revolted by this spectacle and commissioned Peter the Arch
deacon o f Rome to implore the help o f the Emperor H enry I I I
a man o f strong character and deep religious f eeling They
summoned him in the language o f a popular verse o f the day to
dissolve the trigamy o f the Church
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U724 :u m mzti: naf xit tri éu: mari tir
Rex H enri ee, ommpoterztz: v ice,
Sole/ e eomzuézum trzfi rme d uéi u m
'
.
'
'
.
Henry I I I crossed the Alps and was met by Gregory VI nothing
doubting o f his legitimacy at Piac e nza Henry how e ver did not
as was expected declare in Gregory s f avour but proceeded to
Sutri There in 1 04 6 he assembled a council o f many prelates
and proceeded to examine i nto the claims o f the three Popes
Benedict I X at once made a voluntary abdication Silvester I I I was
condemned as an usurpe r degraded f rom his orders and impriso ned
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EARLY LI F E OF H ILDEBRAND
fo r
life in a monastery while Gr eg o ry VI was called upo n to give
an account o f his election He was f orce d to admit that he
was guilty o f simony and stripping O ff the po ntifi cal robe s and
f orgi v eness h e q uietly surrendered the Papacy
e ntreating
His
degradation was f oll o w e d by his retirement to Germany According
to one account Gr egory VI in his earlier days as John Gratian
had been o ne o f the te achers O f Hildebrand ; but how e ver this
may be we know fro m Hildebrand s o wn lips that he f o llowed the
Pope Gregory VI into e xile in Germany
The Synod o f Sutri had now to consider the choice o f a
successor to Gregory V I To rescue the Papacy f rom the corrupting
influences O f the barons o f Rome and the still powerf ul counts of
Tusculum the only remedy seemed to be the app o intment o f a
s tranger to Roman politics and a f o reigner The Germans declared
that in the whole Church o f Rome there was scarcely a man wh o
was not disqualified for the position o f Chie f P o nti ff either by
illiteracy o r as tainted with simony o r through living in co nc u
binage F inally a German prelate Su id ge r Bishop o f Bamb e rg
was chosen by Henry I I I and consecrated Pope and when the
Emperor entered Rome the customary appeal to the Roman p eo ple
to state W hether they knew any o ne worthier to be Pope was
c
received in silence The new P o ntifl was given the name o f
Clement I I and Henry I I I and his W i f e the Empress Agnes
received the Imperial Crown at Ro me f rom his hands
I n January 1 04 7 a council was summoned at R o me in which
The
simony was f orbidden under pain o f excommunication
extreme party among the clergy were disposed to remove f rom h I S
o fli c e any o ne o f their number who had been guilty o f th i s o ff ence
but were reduced to admit that if this re f orm were carried into e ff ect
the Church would be deprived o f nearly all its pastors Since the
orders con f erred by a simoniacal bishop were at this peri o d declared
null and his episcopal acts void The c o uncil assembled to refo rm
i
o
was interrupted by a dispute f o r precedence between the Archb sh ps
i
i
i
e
Milan and Aquileia ; and Pet r Dam an compla ns
o f Ravenna
that Clement I I did not c o mbat simony with su fli cie nt energy He
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THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GRE GO RY
6
Vll
was
allowed no time to carry out his re f orms more completely ;
Rome might herself s ee m impatient o f her f oreign master and its
f atal climate
Rome devo u rer o f men Rome rich in f evers
asserted its supre macy The first O f the German Popes die d be f ore
the first year o f his po ntifi cate was concluded
A short lived att e mpt was made by Benedict IX under th e
protecti o n o f th e Marquis o f Tuscany to make another bid f o r the
P o ntifi cate ; but he fled again f rom R o me when a ne w German
P o pe n o minated by the Emperor arrived in the C ity W ith an escort
—
o
f
B o ppo
o
f
German
soldiers
This
second
ch
o
ice
the
Emper
r
O
”
Bishop o f Brixen a bishop f ull o f pride acc o rding to B o nith o — had
hardly time to reach R o me and assume the name o f D amasu s I I
when he was carried O ff by Roman f ever af ter a po ntifi cate o f only
twenty three days The singularly brie f po nti fi c ate s o f the two
German Popes could not but give ris e to rumours o f f oul means
employed by the unscrupulous Italians to rid themselves o f these
strangers
A f ter Pope Grego ry V I had died i n Ger many probably at
Cologne in 1 0 4 8 Hildebrand had no f urther reason to remain in
that c o untry That Hildebrand was pres e nt at the assembly held
at Worms at the end o f N o vember o r the beginning o f December
1 0 4 8 is pr o ved by a passage i n th e li f e o f Leo I X by Bruno Of
Segni but nothing else is recorded o f his soj ourn in Germa ny It
is possible that the Archbish o p o f Cologne was at this assembly as
h e was pr e sent at the assembly at Mainz in 1 0 4 9 and Hild e brand
may have acc o mpanied him and have been introduced by him to
Bruno Bish o p o f Toul
It was at Worms af ter the death Of D amasu s I I that Bruno
was C hosen Pope with the concurrence both o f th e Emperor
Henry III and the R o man delegate s ; but Bruno stipulated as a
condition o f his acceptance that he should first proceed to R o me
and be canonically electe d by the voice o f the clergy and the people
At Rome he was received with great cordiality and took the name
at his consecration O f Leo IX Hildebrand wh o f ollowed him to
R o me became cardinal sub d eacon and was appointed by him i n
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THE LI F E AND TI M ES O F G RE GO R Y VI I
8
himsel f the ce nsures o f the Church
The myth Of Hildebrand s
connection with Clu ny may have been originated by his visit to
that monastery during the po ntifi cate o f Leo IX NO notice was
taken o f it until the twelfth century when it gradually gained
universal credence and it is repeated by modern historians such as
Creighton Milman and others
The new P o pe Leo IX was a d i st i nguished Churchman ; his
early life is related by his a ff ectionate and admiring follower
Archdeaco n W ib ert with its full portion o f legendary marve l
Th o ugh of noble descent and C losely related to the Emperor
—
Henry I I I the Emperor Conrad s mother and the father o f Leo
were cousins german— the Churchman predominated in him ; he
had hitherto contented himself with the unimportant Bishopric o f
Toul where his life was marked by his great gentleness to those
below him According to his biographer he was S killed in all the
arts of his time especially in music befo re his po ntifi cate he had
won some slight reputation as a military leader having commanded
the vassals of the Bishopric o f Toul in o ne O f the Emperor
Conrad s expeditions into Italy ; and he had interfered as ambassador
between the Empire and the kingdom o f F rance
As Pope o ne o f Leo s first acts was to hold the well k nown
Easter Synod o f 1 04 9 i n which he succeeded in making clear how
strongly his convictions went against every kind of simony ; and
the celibacy o f the clergy was anew enj oined The greater part of
the year that followed was occupied in one o f those progresses
through Italy G ermany and F rance which form so marked a
feature o f Leo s strenuous po ntifi cate He did not restrict his
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H ld b
Cl y
d
d
d
h
d by
lf
p
wh
I n Bo ni th o s acco u nt
i e ran
was esire
P o e Leo I X (
e n at
e san o n
h
t
i
t
e A
f
n
t
h
e v o te
o
t
O
t
o
i
m
se
t
h
e
se
i
c
e
o
f
e
u
o
t
r
v
o
m
a
n
c
)
Th e
u rc
o t t e re o re
v e: H i ld eémnd
i
R
m
e
m
z
n
o
n
o
o
t
o
o
i
r
t
e
g
g
p
’
nf o rtu nate
f o r B o ni th o s ane c o te , at th e ate h e gi ve s f o r th e rst me e ti ng
O f Le o I X and
i e ran t e re was no A o t o f
un
A o t O i o h ad
ie
anu ar
1, 10
n
a
n
n
f
d
u
w
a
s
a
o
i
t
e
i
n
h
s
s
t
e
a
h
e
e
o
e
r
a
i
t
t
d
F
u ar ,
,
g
49
w en
il e ran and L eo h ad met i n
o me
( See Gregvr VI I , rei n Leéen and
Wi rf en,
artens
Vo l I I )
1
’
B
w h
bb
Ch h
A bb h f
U
ly
H ld b d h
J
y
H h
h H d b d
by W M
’
.
.
.
R
.
d
pp
.
.
d
bb
d
R
Cl y
d
.
.
bb
fi
dl
d d
b y
OF
EARLY LI F E
H ILDEBRAND
9
attempts for the reformati o n O f the Church to the city o f Rome or
even Italy but strove to include the whole o f Latin Christend o m
under his personal superint e ndenc e
To do this a religi o us
visitation o f the three great kingd o ms of Western Europe was
necessary Latterly the Popes perhaps fortunat e ly f o r the credit
Of the Holy See abroad had restricted themselve s to Rom e
At Cologne Leo IX met the Emperor who was engaged in
a war with Godfrey Duke o f Upper Lorraine and the Duke s
allies Leo excommu nicated Godfrey— who was accused O f burning
churches in his marauding expeditions — and the Duke b o wing
before the anathema came as a humble suppliant to Aix—la
—
Chapelle where he submitted to a most humiliating penance that
Of a public scourging befo re the altar
When L e o I X proceeded to France at a meeting of the high er
clergy at Rheims many important reforming decrees were passed
and careful inquiry was made into the cases o f those bish o ps
accused o f simony Simony and the marriage o f the cl e rgy w e re
The syn o d is
th e principal matters dealt with at this council
remarkable f o r the first tentative attempt to attack the old custom
and though this attack is restricted to a c o uncil
o f lay investiture
convened for F rance and attended by French prelates the pre
scription ne q ui r si ne electi one clerz et pay alz ad reg imen ecclesiasticu m
o rian
phrased
general
terms
The
Norman
hist
z etur is
r
o
v
i
n
e
/
p
O rd eri cu s Vitalis sums up the acts Of this council as f o llows :
“
Priests were forbidden to bear arms or to have W ives The
bearing o f arms th e y gave up gladly but even no w they will no t
give up their harlots ( such is the name with which their wives are
”
stigmatized) nor submit to chastity
To the Council o f Rheims succeeded a German council at
M ayence attended by forty prelates from Germany Leo returned
to Italy and aft e r havi ng passed Christmas at V e rona pr o ceeded
to Rome I n 1 0 5 0 he presided o ver synods at Salerno S i ponto
f
O
o
e
and Vercelli and in September immediately aft r the Sy n d
Vercelli he revisited Germany visiting some o f the great c i t i es and
i
h
e
t
verywhere
making
muni
icent
grants
confirming
r
ghts and
f
e
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10
THE LI F E AND TI ME S O F GREG O RY VI I
possessions o f monasteries A third j our ney beyond the Alps t o ok
place in 1 0 5 2 when Leo appeared as a mediator between Henry I I I
and Andrew King o f Hungary j oining Henry at Presburg ; but
his mediation was rej ected by both parties The P o pe withdrew
and p e ace was not e stablished until the following year and then
W ithout his interfe r e nce
The P o pe and the Emperor c e lebrated Christmas togeth e r with
many o f th e great prelates Of Germany at Worms Leo it is clear
wished to restore to himself and his successors their rank as Italian
potentate s The Holy See laid claim to a great number Of wealthy
church e s and abbeys in Germany among them the famous abbey Of
F ulda and the Bishopric O f Bamberg and th e s e endowments L e o
agreed to surrender i n exchange for th e city and territ o ry o f Ben e
v e ntu m
stipulating at the same tim e f o r a strong force to put
him i n p o ssessi o n Of that ci ty and subdue the hostile Normans
The Emperor however was persuade d to withdraw the greater part
o f the troops which wer e to escort Leo into Italy and put him in
possession of B e ne v e ntu m ; but the Pope retained in his service
fi v e hundred Su ab ian knights and with these and a host o f mer
c e narie s wh o gathered to his standard h e marched through Italy at
th e head of his o wn forces — almost the first warrior Pope
This act
aroused consid e rable criticism at the time and it has bee n supposed
that he was urged to it by Hildebrand There is no e videnc e to
support this supposition ; but o n the other hand there is little
doubt that Hildebrand s warlike character would be entir e ly in
sympathy with such an act o n the part o f the Pope Later as
Gregory VI I Hildebrand himself h e aded an unsuccessful expedition
against the Normans
I n a st e rn recluse like Peter Damiani the Pope s warlik e
”
measures aroused a strong protest
Wh e n the saints have power
“
he writes
they do not even slay heretics and i nfi d els
and
proceeds to conde mn Leo IX comparing his wars to sins like the
denial o f Peter and the adultery of David It is amusi ng to read
Damiani s commentator trying to make o u t that Damiani d oes no t
condemn the Pope s use Of the s word as a temporal prince
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.
EARLY LI F E OF H ILDEBRAND
1 1
To Pop e Leo South e rn Italy a ff ord e d a lik e ly fi eld f o r the
e xtension and
consolidation o f his sove re ignty It was divide d
betwe e n thre e rac e s bitt e rly hostil e to each o ther— the Greeks the
—
Saracens and the Normans o f which the Sarac e ns were the weakest
p ower the Normans the strongest and most united The delive r
ance o f South e rn Italy f ro m these half Christianiz e d peo ple se e m e d
p e rhaps a j ustification to L e o for his e xp e dition As L e o wro t e to
the Gre ek Empero r Constantine M o no mac h u s the Normans we re
ravaging Italy with more than pagan impi e ty th e y spare d neither
age nor sex and no t m e rely Sl e w Christians indiscriminately in
promiscuous f ray but put them to death slowly with torture and
plundered burned and razed church e s
The ad v ent o f the Normans in S o uth e rn Italy had a f ar-reaching
e ff e ct upon the history o f the peninsula
I n the beginning their
rule was o f the slightest Som e N o rman adve nturers on pilgrimage
to St Michael s shrine on Monte Gargano in 1 0 1 7 came to the
help o f the L o mbard C ities o f Apu le ia against the Gr e eks Twel v e
years later ther e was a settlement O f Normans at Aversa unde r
their leader C o unt R ainu lf cons i sti ng o f a body o f adve ntur ers
making their o wn f o rtunes and gathe ring round th e m f ollowe rs
f rom all quarters
They f o ught simply f o r their o wn hands and
took what they c o uld by th e right O f the stronger F rom thi s
small centre the N o rman p o w e r radiated ; and by playing O ff th e
Gree ks against the L o mbards and th e Lombards against the Greeks
th e Normans gra d ually becam e the m o st consid e rabl e f o rc e in
Southern Italy William O f Hauteville was proclaim e d Cou nt o f
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Apu le ia
L e o IX fixed his
o f excommunication
.
quarters at Civite lla and launch e d the thund ers
against the Normans The Normans had
mustered
knights men who wer e said to be able to cle av e an
enemy f r o m the head to th e saddle with o ne bl o w and w e re c o m
mand e d by Humfre y Richard O f Ave rsa and th e y e t undistinguish ed
R ob e rt Guiscard W ho was to play such an imp o rtant role in the
the o pp o sing arm i e s
F
or
three
days
o ntifi c ate O f Gregory V I I
p
watched each oth e r ; on the f ourth day ( Jun e 1 8 1 0 5 3 ) the
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TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F G RE GO RY VI I
12
Normans rushed down in three sq u adrons f r o m th e hill they o c cu
pied and utterly ro ute d the composite and ill disciplined army o f
Leo I X A f ter this crushing def eat Leo was received with every
t oken o f submission by the N o rman troops who entre ated his
pardon and expressed dee p repentance ; but the Pop e was at the
same time d etained in honourable captivity with C o unt Hum f rey
as gaoler o r attendant upon him f rom June 1 0 5 3 to March 1 2
10 4
at
B
e ne v e ntu m
5
During his imprisonment Leo resorted to the s e verest practices
o f austerity
he wore nothing but sackcloth and the f ew hours he
allowed f o r sleep were pass e d on a carpet with a stone f o r a pillo w
Every day h e celebrated Mass and almost all the rest o f th e day
and the night were passed in prayer and the recital of th e Psalte r
His admir e rs glori f y the peri o d o f his imprisonme nt with many
miracles At length he was r e leased by t he Normans and returned
to Rome— worn out by his austerities and the earlier labours o f his
active po nti fi cate— where he died April 1 9 1 0 5 7 be f ore th e altar o f
St P e ter s
Hildebrand com e s into prominence during Leo s po ntifi cate
I n the early part o f 1 0 5 0 he received the minor o rders and the sub
diaconate As subdeacon he became either ipso f acto or by sp e cial
nominatio n o ne o f the cardinal clerics
I n the year 1 0 5 3 he was sent as l egat e to F rance to
i nvestigate the q uestion o f the heretical teachings o f B e re ng ari u s
with which an Easter synod o f April 2 9 1 0 5 0 had b e en largely
Occupi e d
B ere ng ariu s a distinguished medi aeval the o l o gian was born at
Tours 9 9 8 A D and was appointed in 1 04 0 Archdeacon Of
Angers Shortly a f ter this rumours began to spread Of his heretical
t e aching with regard to the Sacrament o f the Altar His views
came to the notice o f Leo I X and B e re ngariu s was condemned as
a heretic without being heard at a synod at Rome and at another
at V ercelli both held in 1 0 5 0 Hildebrand at the Council o f Tours
was satisfied with the f act that B e re ngariu s did not deny the
Real Presence o f Christ in th e Sacramental Elements and succeeded
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EARLY LI F E OF HILDEBRAND
1
3
in persuading the assembly to be content with a gen eral ackno w
l e dgment f rom him that th e bread and wine a f ter cons e cration wer e
t h e B o dy and Blood O f Christ W ith o ut re uiring him to d e fine ho w
q
He also suggeste d o r ordered that the accus e d sh o uld appeal
directly to the P o pe and have the cas e i nve stigate d at Rome
This counsel has bee n interpr e ted as an attempt to glori f y the
”
“
Roman See to centralize all authority the re ; but a simpler
explanation is that H ildebrand who was no philosoph e r did not
f eel capable o f deciding the questio n himsel f
A perso nal liking
f o r B e re ngariu s also tended to make Hildebrand i nc line to adopt
gentle measures
During Hildebrand s stay in F rance he visited f o r the fi rst— and
probably the last— time the great monastery o f Cluny so memorable
as a centre O f re f orm in the Church
Be f ore the mission was concluded Pope Leo IX had died in
Rome It i s cle ar that Hilde brand had a deep and sincer e r e sp ect
f o r the saintly Leo whom later when Pope himsel f he calls his
”
“
and d e scrib e s as mmtus It is a mistak e however to
f ather
assume as some historians have assumed that Hilde brand was
during Leo s po ntifi cate the p o wer b e hind the Papacy
and it is
n o teworthy in this con nection to Obs e rve that Le o s biograph e r
W ibe rt o f To ul never onc e mentions Hildebrand s name and that
Petrus O f Mo nte Cassin o only i ntroduces his name a f ter Leo s
death
Hilde brand who was in F rance at the time O f the death o f
Leo I X travelle d thenc e with instructions f rom Rome to the
Court o f Henry II I The Obj ect o f his mission was to ask the
Emperor to nomi nate a new Pope
Henry s choice f ell upon
Bishop Gebhard o f Eichst adt o ne o f his C hie f advisers a man
devoted to the Empire and to the Salic House Bishop Gebhard
came to Italy and upon his consecration took the nam e o f
V ictor I I
The Emperor at th e head o f an army f ollowed the Pop e into
Italy wher e a new enemy had arisen God f rey the Bearded th e
deposed Duke Of Lorraine had been H e nry s ancient antagonist
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14
THE LI F E AND TI M ES OF GRE GO RY VI I
and as such had as we have said been anathematized by Pope
L e o I X though his brother F r e d e rick of Lorraine had b e e n
e l e vat e d by Leo to the cardinalate
God f rey had strengthe ned his
position by marrying Beatrice widow o f Boni f ace Marquis o f
Tuscany who had b e en murdered a f e w y ears be f o re so that the
whole estates O f the m o st p o w e r f ul f amily in Italy (which a f terwards
f alling to the C o untess Matilda were the sourc e O f power and inde
h
were
in
e hands o f the Emper o r s
t
e nd e nce t o Gregory VI I
p
)
e nemy
The r e duction O f the House O f Lorraine was no w the
chi e f Obj ect o f H e nry I I I The mother and her daughter f ell into
his hands and Godfr e y himsel f was f o rced to abandon his Italian
estat e s and fly to Germany Even the Cardinal F rederick did no t
f eel himsel f s e cu re from the heavy hand O f the Emp e ror and leaving
the abb e y o f Monte Cassino t o ok refuge in a more unapproachabl e
monastery in the rocky island o f Th e rmita
O n May 2 7 1 0 5 4 Pope V ictor I I h e ld a council at F lorence
at which the Emper o r was pre s e nt Simony was condemned an e w
a f r e sh sentence was passed against the already excommunicated
B e reng ariu s ; and the alienation o f the estates o f the Church was
placed under anathema
Next y ear the Emperor summoned Pope V ictor I I to Germany
The Empire was in Open revolt f o r the disconte nt e d God f rey o f
Lorraine had organized an insurrection and the Pope hastened to
the aid o f his Old master Victor I I was with the Emp e ror when
he die d in consequence o f a f ever caught f rom violent exerti o n in
the C hase O ctober 5 1 0 5 6
The death o f Henry I I I in the prime o f life had a far reaching
e ff ect u pon the relations Of the Papacy and the Empire for the long
minority o f H enry s infant son was a source Of strength to the
”
“
Papacy in which there are no minorities
As guardian o f He nry s son the young H enry IV and adviser
Of the Empr e ss Agnes Victor I I wielded his en o rmous power with
great tact and skill f o r the maintenance o f peace through o ut the
Empire and f o r the strengthening o f the papal power He recon
ciled Go dfrey o f Lorraine to the Empire and also another e nemy
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THE LI F E AND T I MES O F G RE GO RY VI I
6
to take upo n himself the episcopate and the cardinalate by his
”
persecutor as he called Stephen IX rather than his patron It
was during the po ntifi cate o f Stephen that the Milanese Patarines
the party in f avour o f the re f orm o f the M ilanese married clergy
entered into relations with the Holy See
Milan had the most numerous and best organized clergy o f the
day According to a proverb o f the time Milan was to be admired
for its clergy Pavia f o r its pleasures Rome f o r its buildings and
Ravenna for its churches The Church o f Milan used the Ambros
ian Liturgy and supported the tradition o f a married clergy In
the assertion o f this latter privilege it defied Rome and was
evidently slow to ackn o wledge the supremacy o f the Pope The
practice o f marriage was W idespread we may say almost u niversal
among the Milanese clergy who were publicly ecclesiastically and
legally married with ring and dowry precisely as were the laity
The more austere clergy headed by three persons raised Obj ections
to this privilege : these were Anselm o f B ad ag io Bishop O f
Lucca a certain Ariald a man of humble station and an eloquent
noble named Landulph Landulph and Ariald began to agitate
against the married clergy preaching to the populace and the
peasantry At a f estival f o r the translation o f the relics o f the
martyr Nazarius the two parties broke into open conflict Ariald
had driven the clergy o u t o f the choir o f t he church and had
caused a paper to be written binding them to maintain chastity
to which he endeav o ured to compel all ecclesiastics to subscribe
A priest harangued against Ariald and struck him and a general
tumult followed during which the populace— o u the S ide of
—
reform insulted the higher clergy plundered their houses and
forced them to abandon their wives and di v orce them by a
summary process
Ariald and Landulph proceeded to Rome to enlist the Pope
upo n their side while Cardinal Dionysius a Milanese appealed
against the violence O f the Patarines and the stirring up Of the
populace and finally Pope Stephen app o inted a mission consisting
o f Anselm Bishop o f Lucca and Hildebrand to proceed to M ilan
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WAR
C HA R
IO
T
OF C R E M O N A
,
R
F O M A N OL D
PR
I
N
T
16
EARLY LI F E OF HILDEBRAND
1
7
The legates spent several days in striving to calm th e popular
1
excitement and encouraging the Patarines to pursue peace f ully
and in u nison with th e Holy See the work o f re f ormation
O n leaving Milan the two legates went to Germany to de f end
the election of the P o pe before the Empress Agnes Although th e
—
late Emperor Henry had no formally accepted right to nominate
to the Papacy he had done so in the case o f the late Popes and it
had been understood that the influence and consent o f the Empero r
was an indispe nsable element in the election Moreover the new
Pope as brother o f Godfrey o f Lorraine was hardly a persona g ram
at the Imperial Court The Ponti ff however wished to avoid
a direct breach with the Empire and in this mission which was
ultimately successful several weeks were spent
A strong proof of the confidence reposed by the Pope in
H ildebrand is shown by the f act that shortly b e fore his death he
compelled the Roman Clergy and people to take an oath no t to
elect his successor to the Papacy before H ildebrand returned f rom
Germany hoping thereby to s e cure a free e lection independent of
Imperial influence At Christmas ( 1 0 5 7 ) the Pope was seized with
a violent i llness and was at the point o f death His health
improved but he was labouring under a mortal illness He se t
turned aside to visit the saintly
o u t f rom Rome for F lorence ;
G u alb e rt in his retirement at V allombrosa and a f ew days later
—
died in G u alb ert s arms
105 8
O n March 2 9
The death o f the Pope caused great agitation in Rome At
once the Old feudatory barons caused to be consecrated under the
name of Be nedict X John Cardinal Bishop of Velletri o f the f amous
house Of C re sce ntiu s Hildebrand was absent f rom Rome at the
time o f Stephen s death and o n his return to Italy in June he
attempted to carry o u t the wishes Of the late Pope with regard to
the election of his successor An electi o n in Ro me was imposs i ble
owing to the strength of the party o f the Roman feudato r
y barons
who stood firmly for their creature Benedict X ; H i ldebrand
t
r
m
r
h
d
t
i
t
r
b
l
d
h
p
n
d
p
ll
f
p
y
Bi
m rri
Th n
nd th
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1
“
e
patari ni
o
”
,
i
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es
e
.
a
e
cl w n
o
s,
a
o r ragge
e
d
s o
men
.
s
a
es s
ca e
e
e or
a
1
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O R Y VI I
8
herefore decided with his party that the election should take place
at Siena
Here in November or Decemb e r his candidate Gerard
Bishop Of F lorence was proposed and chosen Pope The enthron e
ment was de f erred Hildebrand as representing the last wishes o f
Stephen IX played an important role in the election and C hose
”
“
t h e new name o f the Pope
Nicholas
We need not suppose
however that H ildebrand was omnipotent at this j uncture ; dis
t i ng u i sh e d cardinals like Peter Damiani and Humbert were present
Later it was to these cardinal bishops and not to Hilde
at Siena
brand that Nicholas I I entrusted the direction o f ecclesiastical a ff airs
The epoch making manifesto o f the year 1 0 5 9 is no t f r o m the pen
Of H ildebrand but o f a cardinal—bishop It has often been asserted
that Hildebrand whe n in the neighbourhood O f the Imperial Court
o r later f rom Italy
had
submitted
his
choice
the
Bishop
Gerard
(
)
t o the Empress Regent and that she empowered him to proceed to
the election
As Hildebrand had taken part in a mission to the I mperial
Court during the lifetime o f Henry I I I to ask the Emperor to
nominate a Pope (Victor II ) such an act o n his part is neither
absolutely impossible no r improbable Stephen I X died in Marc h
and Nicholas II was not elected until the close o f the year so that
there would have been ample time f o r negotiati o ns betwee n the
C ourt and Hildebrand s party But o n the other hand it is high ly
improbable after the successful prece d ent o f Stephe n I X S election
that the c onsent o f the Empress Rege nt was asked before the
election o f the Bishop Of F lore nce to the Papacy After such a
victory ne w concessions to the Court would have bee n an absurdity
Again Hildebrand acted in the election o f Nicholas I I as the
representative o f the late Pope who would have been stro ngly
opposed to such a concession The submissive message to the
Empress Agnes laying the nomination at her feet and those o f her
son which we find recorded by Lambert o f Hersfeld and in the
Annales d i m
/gem“ we must attribute to the desire in Germany to
gloss over the second check to the Court A strong presumption
in favour o f the idea that the Empress Agnes learnt O f the
t
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EARLY LI F E OF HILDEBRAND
I
9
nomination o f the ne w Pope afler his election is aff orded by the two
writers Benzo and B o nith o who from widely di ff ering motives
r elate that the election was carrie d through without influence f ro ni
the Court
The new Pope was supported by Godf rey o f Lorraine th e
Duke O f Tuscany Escorted by Godfrey and Guibert Bishop Of
—
Parma recently named by the Empress Agnes Chancellor f o r the
—
Kingdom of Italy Nich o las I I proceeded to Sutri wh e re in a
“
council o f bishops Benedict X was declared to be an intruder
”
and a perj urer and Nicholas I I the right f ul Pope Resistance
was vain Nicholas advanced to Rome and was welcomed by the
clergy and the people if not b y the barons
The fl mmles R omam give th e following account o f the fate
o f Benedict X
and his persecution by Hildebrand The whole
narrative however is biassed and untrustworthy and is merely
l
quoted f o r its curious party spirit
Nicholas I I besieged his rival in Galeria where the Count o f
that fortress had o ff ered him refuge but now repented o f his
generosity Benedict mounted the walls and began to make S igns
and utter curses against the Roman people
Y o u have f o rced
me against my will to be your Pope ; give me securi ty f o r my
life and I will renounce the P o ntifi cate
Thirty Roman nobles
thereupon pledged themselves as guarantees f o r his safe reception
in Rome and Nicholas I I proceeded to R ome followed by his
’
rival who had stripped o fl his po ntifi cal robes Thirty days after
Hildebrand the Archdeac o n seized him by force and placed him
be f ore Nicholas and a council in the Lateran church They
denuded him before the altar o f his episc o pal vestments ( in which
he had been again invested) set him thus despoiled before the
synod and put a document in his hand containing a long confessi o n
He resisted f o r a long time kn o wing
o f e very kind Of wic kedness
himself to be perfectly innocent of such crimes but h e was
eventually compelled to read the document with very many groans
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1
M il man
’
s
Lati n C aristi e mty , Vo l I II
'
.
.
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF G REG O RY VI I
20
and tears His mother stood by her hair dishevelled and her
bosom bare uttering sobs and lamentati o ns His kindred were
weeping around Hildebrand then cried al o ud to the peopl e
These are the deeds o f the Pope whom ye have ch o sen 1
They then re arrayed him in the po ntifi cal r
obes an d formally
deposed him He was allowed to retire to the monastery o f St
Agnes where he lived in th e utmost wretchedness They pro
h i b ite d him from exercising all holy functions and would not allow
him to enter the choir By the intercession o f the Archpriest o f
St Anastasia he was permitted at length to read the Epistle and
a short time after the Gospel also ; but he was never su ff ered to
celebrate Mass He lived to the po ntiflcate of Hildebrand who
whe n informed of his death said In an evil hour did I behold
him ; I have committed a great sin
Hildebrand commanded
that he should be buried with po ntifi cal honours
The first ac t o f historical importance in Nicholas II S po ntifi cate
was the fundamental C hange introduced in the method O f electing
the Pop e An immense and ste adily increasing co ntroversy centres
round the Lateran decree o f 1 0 5 9 which is to be attributed not to
Hildebra nd but to the Cardinal Bishop Humbert O n April I 3
Nicholas
I
I
assembled
at
the
Lateran
a
synod
attended
by
10
o ne
59
hundred and thirteen bishops By this c o uncil the nomination to
the Papacy was vested in the cardinal bishops who upon the death
o f the Pope were to assemble and propose to the other cardinals
one candidate whom thes e latter could either accept o r rej ect
If
the candidate o f the cardinal bishops were approved the choice was
fixed and unalterable by the action either o f the lower clergy o r the
Roman peopl e or the Ki ng o f Germany or the Emperor Th e
—
f
choice was thus ve ste d in a small college consisting o at most
seve n persons — an unheard O f innovation in the history o f the
Papacy The natural in f erence is that this scheme was drawn up by
a cardinal bishop The Cardinal Bishop Humb e rt s work fl d v emm
Si momczeos shows many p o ints in common with the Lateran decrees
so that the latt e r may b e saf ely attributed to his initiative Th e root
idea o f the wor k fl d v ersu: Si moni ezcos is that the intervention o f the
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THE L IF E AND TI MES OF GRE GO RY VI I
22
St Peter and St Paul both in this life and in the next ! May
his house be desolate and no one dwell i n his tents ! Be his
children orphans his wi f e a widow his sons outcasts and beggars
May the usurer consume his substance th e stranger reap hi s labours
may all the world and all the elements war upon him and the merits
o f al
l the saints who sleep in the Lord confound and inflict visible
vengeance during this life ! Whosoever on the other hand shall
k ee p this law by the authority Of St Peter i s absolved f rom all his
”
S i ns
?
What was Hildebrand s attitude towards this decree
He
subscribed to the acts o f the synod and must have we lcomed the
paragraph reducing the infl u ence o f th e King o f Germany to an
unmeaning co nse nt to a completed choice The prominent position
—
f
n
the cardi al bishops must ha ve displeased him and his colleagues
o
the other cardinals The accusation made at the Diet of Worms
” 1
“
in 1 0 7 6 that he was author and instigator
Of the decree is
unfou nded It rests upon the malice Of Cardinal Hugh Candidus
who was well aware o f the tumultuous nature O f Hildebrand s o wn
elevation to the Papacy in 1 0 7 3 and wish e d by pointing the
contrast between the stormy acclamation o f Hil d ebrand at that date
and the Lateran decree o f 1 0 5 9 (o f which he asserted Hildebrand
was the originator ) to blacken his character I t is noteworthy that
the later Synod o f Brix e n ( 1 0 8 0) does not repeat the assertio n of
Hildebrand s responsibility for this decree
Be nzo has a fanciful and fabricated anecdote of this council
—
that Hildebra nd whom he hated with an in e xtinguishable hatred
—had bribed the Romans and at the synod crowned the Pope
Nicholas I I with a royal crown
Upon this crown was the
i nscr i pt i on
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Corona reg ni tie man u D ei
’
’
D i aaei na i mperi i ae inanu P etri
.
By which he wishes to express that ( I ) the Pope ( not the King
Patrician) was by G od s wi ll sovereign o f Rome ( 2 ) the Pope as
n i lii
r ti t ip
t r tp
r
n
o ipt rg f i ti
Hj
’
,
1
u us co s
se
’
aee e
u
se au c o
e
ersuaso
su ser
o
ue
u s
.
EARLY LI F E OF HILDEBRAND
23
such is superi o r to the Emperor Alexander I I als o (after the deat h
”
“
of Nicholas I I ) Be nzo c o ntinues was crowned lik e a king in
t h e synod ; and Hild e brand
he says upon his elevation to the
Papacy was crowned as h e expresses it briefly d e moni um coronatur
“
Marte ns rightly dismisses the anecdote to the kingdo m o f
” 1
fables
The Lateran Council influe nced by the Cardinal —Bishop Humbert
“
protest e d against lay inve stiture and forbade any cleric or priest
”
to accept a b e ne fi c e at the hands O f a layman
The same council
the second o f Lateran which had made this e poch making provision
f o r a ne w form o f election f o r the Pope aspired also to establish
unity o f d o ctrine and authoritatively to decide the theological
controversy that had arisen aro und the teaching Of B ere ngariu s of
Tours
At this council B ere ng ariu s was temporarily induc e d to admit
the doctrine o f the Real Pres e nce in the Sacram e nt o f the Altar
Trusting i n Hildebrand s support B e rengari u s had pre sented himself
at the synod but found himself forced by the fear O f death to
“
signify his acceptance o f the doctrine that the bread and W in e
after consecration are not merely a symbol but th e true Body and
th e true Blood Of Christ and that this Body is touch e d and bro k en
by the hands O f th e priests and by the teeth O f the faithfu l not
”
merely in a symbolical but in a re al man ner
He had no sooner done so than h e bitterly repented O f his
“
act and on the principl e that as he says to take an oath which
never ought to be taken is to estrang e o nes elf from God but to
retract what one has wrongfully sworn to is to return back to
”
Him when he arrived safely in F rance free from the imminent
fear o f c o mpul sory martyrdo m he attacked transubstantiation as
vehemently as ever and reassumed the c o ntemptuous language o f
a superior mind towards Nicholas I I This elusive heretic who
“
continued throughout his life to bend but not to
and taught without being interfered with by his eccles i ast i cal
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1
Gregor VI I ,
sei n
Leéen and
Wi rken
,
by W M art
.
e ns
.
Vo l I
.
.
THE LI F E AND TI ME S OF GREG O RY VI I
24
uperiors greatly to the scandal Of the zealots o f the day in whose
”
eyes B ere ngariu s was that apostle of Satan and the Academy o f
”
Tours the Babylon of o u r time
Hildebrand in September of the year 1 0 5 9 rece iv e d d eac o n s
orders and shortly afterwards became Archdeacon — according to
B o ni th o during the po nti fi c ate o f Stephen IX according to Paul o f
Bernried under Leo IX while the cardinal bishops the eyes
Of the Pope and Cardinal Humbert in particular were entrusted with
the direction o f ecclesiastical matters Hildebrand s sphere was the
political relations o f the Holy See The alliance with the Normans
now in almost undisputed possession Of the whole o f Southern Italy
1
—was his work
Nicholas I I ratified the grant Of Leo 1X to
The sympathy
R obert Guiscard and confirmed the title o f Count
o f Hildebrand f o r the Normans — both for William the Conqueror
and for the Norman princes in Southern Italy — is a marked feature
of
his policy Benzo Hildebrand s bitterest enemy writes o f
P rand ellu s ( a contemptuous diminutive o f Hildebrand) as a partisan
of
the Nu llini a nni
Hildebrand little suspected the d ifli cu ltie s
which would arise later when he himself was Pope between the
Holy See and its new vassal
Nicholas I I made a progress partly o f a spiritual partly Of a
secular character in the south H e hel d a synod at M elfi where
the Norman Richard was invested in the principality o f Capua
and Robert Guiscard in the Dukedom o f Apu le ia o f Calabria and
The Pope
o f Sicily which he was to recover from the Saracens
o n returning to Rome was followed by his new allies who were
to undertake the grateful task of humiliating the Roman barons
They trod underfoot the pride of the Counts o f Tusculum
”
Pr aeneste and Nomentana
writes B o nith o they crossed the
Tiber and attacked the Count o f Galeria whose robber castle
commanded the road to Rome and wh o plundered all the pilgrims
o n their way to the Eternal City
This bandit whom Nicholas
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B
R
C
,
G
After th e
rec ei v e d fro m Leo IX th e
attl e Of
ivi tel la,
o b e rt
u i sc ard
i nvesti tu re O f all p rese nt and fu tu re c o nq u ests i n al ab ri a and Sic ily , wh ic h h e agre e d
t o h o ld as fi e f s o f th e
o ly Se e
1
H
.
C
EARLY LI F E OF HILDEBRAND
2
5
had excommunicated for r o bbing the English primat e Stigand
and an English count O f one thousand pounds had b e e n anath e
His c astle and others
matiz e d by the preceding P o pes in vain
as far as Sutri the invincible N o rmans sacked and b u rnt
The synodal decree Of 1 0 5 9 relative to the el e ction o f the
Pope and this close alliance with the only race who could hope to
make a stand against the Germans wer e the causes Of a rift between
the Holy See and German Regency and the Imp e rialists in Italy
and all Germany anxiously watched f o r the death o f Nicholas — who
felt his approaching end in Florence and died July 2 7 1 0 6 1
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CHAPTER I I
T H E P O N T I FI C ATE
Th e
A L E X A N DE R
0F
—
6
1
1 07 3
0
1
I I,
—
n
l
I
I
P
p
A
d
C
l
B
h
p
ti n
d
i
f
(
)
— C d l
n
i
I
t
h
P m
i
P
p
H
I
b
y
G
m
n
n
cy
R
t
t
(
g
)
p
nti n f G d f y D k
ny— Th
f T
R m — Th i nt
tt k
l
ti n i
G m ny Ap il 6 — B h d B i h p f H lb t d t C mmi
l
e ec
ar
o
of
as an
e
se
a, se
ac
a
o
f An l m B i h p
.
o
s
n
o
u
,
o
-
o
a
,
Lu c
E m i re , i n
th e
f
2
u a,
us e
co
s
o
e xa
e
or us
er
re
ar
u
,
a
e
a
o
s o
e
O
a a us
u sc a
e o
s o
,
a a u s,
er
e
o
u rc
2
O
o e
c
re vo u
e
e rs a
o
s
o
c
ce
,
e
es
s
as
,
,
e
e e
o
e
O
e
o
e
,
co
u
0
c
u
e
e
o
o
o
e
s
o
o
e
o
s
o
u es
es
o
u
e
e
e
e
c
e
,
o
O
ve
,
o
a,
e
e
,
o
o
e
o
2
e
u
,
s o
,
es c o
s
o
s
e
v se s o
e
co u
s
’
o
c
,
a
u
o
a
e
s o
,
ce
u es
e
e
u
e e
e e e ve
e
e
e
v
o ve
s
o
O
c
o
o
e,
o
ce
,
e
o
e
s
co
es
e
c
u
e
o
o
O
u e s
o
e
ea
e
e
e
e
o
v
o
e
o
o o
c
e
s
o
e
e
ua
o
e
o es
e
u
o
o
c e
e
e
e
e
u c
a
e
s O
e
e
s
ce
ue e
e
c
th e
i nto
e
u
ce ,
u i re s
,
s
o e
q
,
cl aim f th tw P p — Sy n d f
M ant M ay 9 I O 6 4— A l xand r I I d cl ar d th l gi ti mat P p and
x
C ad al
mm ni at d— Th C h r h f M i l an and th P atari n — H rl m
b al d — Ri i ng again t th m rri d l rgy i n C r m na P ia nza and P a i a
At Fl r n
rd
nd rg
l f fi r t pr
P t r Bi h p
a m nk
th
f Fl r n
a i m ni a — Th
l nth nt ry
a t i i ty
f th N rman i n th
Ri h ard P ri n f C ap — R b rt G is ard— Th c nq t f Si ily
1 0 6 0 —1 0 7 2 — Th
tabl i h m nt
f L at i n C h ri ti ani ty i n th
ntri
n
n
E
f
n
n
am
d
by
N
l
by
W
ll
i
D
k
r
h
r
m
an — Th
t
d
i
t
f
g
q
q
N rmandy ( 1 0 6 6) — K ing H nry IV f G rm ny attain h i maj ri ty
M arch 3 1 1 0 6 5 — Th r l r d ri ng H nry IV min ri ty H ann
f
C l gn and Ad alb rt f B r m n— G i b rt app i nt d Ar hb i h p f Ra nn
1 0 7 3 — Th
x
mm ni ati n f th ad i r f th K i ng f G rmany at th
L nt Sy n d 1 7 3 — D ath f Al xand r II Ap ri l 1 1 0 7 3 — Th i nfl n
f H i l d b rand d ri ng th i p ntifi at
si o ne r o
p
as
o
o
IO
r
ca
o
erve
e
e
er
s
ue
ce
.
U P O N Nicholas II S death an opportunity was given f o r testing
the operation o f the Lateran decree of 1 0 5 9 which had bee n made
public to serve as a rul e f o r f uture elections
Un f ortunately
—
many in Rome itsel f were dissatisfied with the decree the in f erio r
cardinals were j ealous of the power O f the cardinal bishops while
the lower clergy and the people were disco ntented at the diminution
consent after the election to the
o f their rights to a meaningless
Papacy had ta k en place SO enraged was the German Court at
the decree that the legate who notified it did no t receive an audience
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26
THE P O NTI F I CATE OF ALEXANDER I I
Th e ri f t beween
2
7
Papacy and the C o urt was s e nsibly widene d
by th e Norman alliance until during the early part Of 1 0 6 1 the
Regency thr e w aside all obedience to Nicholas I I and f orbade
the clergy o f Germany to mention his name in the Can o n when
celebrating Mass
Whil e the R o man Imperialists were f o r asking the young King
O f Germany Henry IV to nominate the successor to Nicholas I I
the party i n Rome which was anxious to pres e rve the freedom o f
the electi o n f rom German influe nce had every reason to Obey the
decree o f 1 0 5 9 As a matter Of fact in spite o f the anath e ma
d irected against disobedi e nce to the decree the d e cree its e lf was
entirely disregarded i n the election of 1 0 6 1 as B o nith o indire ctly
1
lets us kn o w
This was re ndered more possible by th e death in
the May o f 1 0 6 1 o f Cardinal Humbert in whom the cardinal
bishops lost th e ir mainstay and stro ngest personality
After the d eath o f Nich o las I I Hildebrand proceeded to Lucca
persuaded Bishop Anselm to accept the papal dignity ; and with
an escort Of his allies the Normans carried his candidate to Rom e
The vacancy in the Papacy had continued f o r three m o nths and it
was o n September 3 0 that Anselm was elected in great haste by
an assembly of t h e clergy and laity opposed to the Imperial inter e sts
The new Pope was a Lombard Anselm Of B ad ag io but a Lombard
with peculiar claims and marked opinions wh o brought with him a
—
strong and increasing party in Northern It aly that o f the Patarin e s
As
H e was th e declared enem y of the marriage o f t he clergy
Bishop o f Lucca Anselm without losing the favour o f the German
Court became the friend of Godfrey o f Tuscany and his wi f e the
Duchess Beatrice He had lived previously i n Normandy where
at Bec he had b e en taught by the f amous Lanfranc The new
Pope wh o to o k the nam e o f Alexander I I was enthron e d in th e
C hurch O f San Pietro in Vincoli ; and the Prince O f Capua who
uitted
Rom
e shortly a f terwards took an oath o f fidelity to him
q
as h e had done to the Pope Nicholas I I at M elfi
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1
P ost
i tunz
oo
eolaz
N
i
(
)
Anselmunz Lueensenz
pi p
e
’
seeunau in
sco ant
.
nzaj oru nz d ecreta
L
i
b
r
e
(
ad
Amie
.
p
.
e/erus
et
o ular
pp
Romanus
egi t
el
2
THE LI F E AND TI M ES OF GREG O RY VI I
8
The e lection o f Alexande r was f o llow e d by the nomination o f
an anti Pope by the Regency O ctober 2 7 and Bishop C ad alu s o f
Parma was sel e cted f o r the position Peter Damiani is very severe
i n his strictures upon the character O f C ad alu s whom h e calls an
”
”
arrow f rom the quiver o f Satan
a son o f Belial
the sink o f
”
”
”
all vices
the abomination o f heaven
f ood for hell fi re
etc
and writing to the Archbish o p o f Ravenna wh o seems to have
doubted which sid e to take he represents him as with o ut C haract e r
“
o r learning :
If he can explain a single verse I will no t say o f a
psalm but o f a homily I will at once submit to him and own him
”
no t m e rely as the successor o f the Apostl e but as an apostle
Unfortunately f o r himself Damiani no t cont e nt with stern denun
c iat i o ns o f C ad alu s s character foret o ld that the usurper should not
—
live a year from the p e riod o f his elevation a prophecy that
remained unfulfilled and had afterwards to be sophistically explained
away by its author
Guibert the C hancellor O f the Empire for Italy had caus e d a
council to be summoned at Basle composed o f Germa n and
—
Lombard prelates at which C ad alu s was chosen Pope taking
—
n
the ame o f H onorius I I and the election o f Alexander I I was
annulled Winter had suspended hostile o perations f o r the passes
o f the Alps wer e closed but in the spri ng C ad alu s though u nsu
p
ported by any troops from the Regency assembled an army to
descend upon Italy where he was welcomed by the Lombard
prelates
O n March 2 5 1 0 6 2 C ad alu s pitched his camp at Sutri and
in the month Of April he appeared at the gates o f Rome near the
Tiber in the p lain which to this day bears the name Of P rata
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Neronis
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Neither Pope nor anti Pop e was the most prominent man o f his
party Supporting C ad alu s was Benzo Bishop o f Albi a strong
I mperialist unscrupulous with a ready to ngue and coars e satur
nalian humour eminently pleasing to an Italian e ar His account o f
the a ff airs in which he was personally engaged is very characteristic
o f the man but so bitter and biassed as to be almost valueless as
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TH E LI F E AND TI ME S O F GREG O RY VI I
0
3
entirely under the control of w omen and not taught the use O f
arms and manly studies A conspiracy o f the princes o f the Empire
was formed with a prominent Churchman Hanno Archbishop O f
Cologne at their head to remove Henry IV from the guardianship
Among this league were Siegfried Archbishop o f
O f his mother
Mayence O tto o f N o rdheim and the Count E kb e rt o f Brunswick
They paid the Empress a visit at Kai serwerth o n the Rhine and
after a banquet Hann o invited the young King to embark on a gay
and richly decorated barge AS soon as he was o n board the
crew rose to their oars and the barge went rapidly against the
stream
The boy terrified and thinking the princes plotted his
death sprang overb o ard and would have been drowned had not
Count E kb e rt j umped overboard after him and rescued him at the
peril of his own life
The Empress Agnes made but a feeble
protest against the abduction o f her son and from this time
onward although appearing several times at Court she abandoned
herself to piety and rigorous asceticism in which she persevered
until her death
Under the new reg i me the policy o f Germany as to the Papacy
veered suddenly round
C ad alu s was the candidate nominated
by the Empress Agnes and as such was to be discredited As
C ad alu s had been hostile to the reforming party in the Church
enthusiasts like Peter Damiani hailed the success o f the new reg i me
in Germany Damiani writes a letter to H anno urging him to fulfil
”
his design o f routing the scaly monster Of Parma
Hanno s act
“
is that o f the good priest J e h o id a rescuing the pious youth o f
”
f
f
rom
the
influence
the
wicked
ueen
Athalia
But
he
o
u
s
!
o
Q
J
has done nothing u ntil he stamps o u t the smouldering bra nd the
limb o f the devil the anti Pope
A Diet at Augsburg ( O ctober
28
1 0 6 2 decided to send Burchard Bishop o f Halberstadt nephew
)
o f the Archbishop o f Cologne to Rome to examine into the claims
o f the t wo Popes
Burchard in the name o f the King decided in
f avour o f Alexander I I a decision which though f avourable to
the personal claims o f the late Bishop O f Lucca was profoundly
humiliating to the ne wly elected Pope and his electors By the
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TH E P O NTI F I CATE O F ALEXANDER I I
3
1
decree o f 1 0 5 9 a meaningless Iz onor d ebi tu s was the o nly privilege
left to the King in papal elections ; no w Hanno and his reg ime
assumed th e right to j udge the enthroned Pope The Government
o f Germany however took no steps to force C ad alu s to abandon
his pretensions ; a large part o f the Italian clergy still adh e red to
his cause with the barons o f his f action in and ab o ut R o me and
hence Alexander I I s position grew daily more and more d ifli cu lt
C ad alu s who had meantime gathered recruits in the north Of
Italy arrived before Rome with his forces towards th e end o f May
His faction commanded the gates o f the Leonine city and
1 06 3
he there f ore entered with all his f orces ; and here in the castle
St Angelo he was able f o r a long time to hold out against
of
Alexander I I and to render powerless all attempts to subdue him
Hanno o f Cologne had before espoused the cause o f Alexander I I
and was desirous as a Churchman to put a term to this dangero us
and disgraceful schism To him Peter Damiani appe aled in his
sincere but over hasty zeal to summ o n a synod to proclaim th e
definitive and exclusive recognition o f Alexander I I
Damiani s
measure was taken without the knowledge o f Alexander I I and
Hildebrand and must have been a bitter blow to the latter Such
an appeal was very welcome to the Archbishop s pride who now had
an opportunity O f deciding the question himself in the name of the
King The F east o f Pentecost May 2 9 1 0 6 4 was the date C hosen
f o r the council and at that time a large number o f bishops and o f
the Italian nobility the Duke Godfrey o f Tuscany and his wi fe the
Duchess Beatrice assembled at Mantua Hanno himsel f as repre
King Henry IV presided and Alexander 11 and
se ntativ e o f
C ad alu s refused to do so
Cad alu s were both i nvited to appear
but Alexander I I forced himself though with a heavy heart to
1
submit to this humiliation
Hanno naturally pressed his advantage at the Synod of
Mantua and though decided himself in favour o f Alexander he
f Al x nd r s i n n th r l igh t ;
H ild b rand wh n P p
ti n
th i
t
Al x nd r h wri t w n b ri ll i nt i c t ry Q ant nn re Q anti g e tri mp/Ii n
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1
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e
a
e
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e
o
e
es,
o
a
e,
s ac
se s
a
v
o
o
,
’
a
r
li ea nostr p oZeeri t
exerei tati one i lli us certanzi nis res uo
p
/
e a
o
u
’
o
u
o o
I
I
I
R
V
(
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e
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a o
s u
e
u
s i
3
T H E LI F E AND TI ME S O F GREG O RY VII
2
obliged that Pope to give an account o f his election In his ju stifi
cation Alexander admits that he was chose n by the Clergy and the
people according to the Old Roman custom and not accordi ng to
the provisions o f th e decree of 1 0 5 9 The synod decided in f avour
and excommunicated C ad alu s Han no who had
o f Alexander
played such an important role at Mantua soon afterwards lost his
influence but he had shown that the German Court would no t be
content with the formality o f the lzonor aeoi tus but was decided in
its claim to a voice in the papal elections
C ad alu s who had refused to appear at Mantua had left Rome
having emerged from the castle o f St Angelo before the synod
and contrived to reach the north o f Italy
During the synod
C ad alu s remai ned at Aqua Nigra not f ar f rom Bardi and Mantua
and hardly had the synod declared Alexander I I the legitimate
Pope when the city was disturbed by a sudde n irruption o f the
soldiers o f C ad alu s swarming through the streets hurling abuse
upon Alexander But Godfrey Duke O f Tuscany had guaranteed
the safety of the P ope and drove the insurgents in flight from the
town The Lombard bishops threw themselves at the feet O f
Alexa nde r and begged his forgiveness C ad alu s never acknow
ledged the j ustice o f the sentence o f the Council o f M antua and
never renounced the title o f Pope His friends however fell away
from him and he retired into Obscurity and the rest o f Alexander s
o nti fi c ate though troubled by the disputes concerning the married
p
clergy and the consequent strife in Lomb ardy and in other parts of
Northern Italy was free from actual warfare
Alexander in his first address as a M ilanese to the clergy and
people of Italy had declared the enforcement o f celibacy on the
C lergy the great Obj ect o f his po ntifi cal ambition The measures
o f Peter Damiani and his o wn success in the spring Of 1 0 5 9 in
combating the married C lergy in Milan had had no lasting e ff ect
the smouldering fire broke o u t again and in 1 0 6 6 a crisis more
serious than the former o ne began to threaten the city Peter
”
“
Damiani complained that the Simoniac and Nicolaitan heresie s
which he thought he had stamped out had broken out again and he
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THE P O NTI F ICATE OF ALEXANDER I I
33
indited an invective against the married Clergy even m o re furious
and grotesque than before
Landulph o ne o f the triumvirate o f reformers had died 1 but
his place was taken by his brother the knight H e rle mb ald a stern
warlike C haracter The hist o rian o f the Church o f Milan Landulph
though a determined f o e to the Patarines draws a fine portrait o f
H erle mb ald
Descendant of an illustrious rac e of warriors him
s elf a so ldier o f consummate bravery in appearance he was like
a hero o f antiquity red bearded eagle eyed and lion hearted
Indomitably brave his fiery eloquence stirred the hearts o f all and
2
in the fight he was unflinching as a C aesar
Wh e n Ariald after
the death Of Landulph begge d H e rle mb ald to take his brother s
place he consented the more willingly by reason o f a pers o nal
grudge against an unworthy pr i est O n his return from a pilgrim
age to Jerusalem his o fle r of marriage was accepted by a young
maiden whom he soon after had to give up all thought o f marrying
having learned from a sure source that illicit relations existed
between his betrothed and a priest Thus in defending the honour
and discipline o f the Church H e rle mb ald was at the same tim e
avenging his o wn outraged honour and forfeited happiness Fo r
s everal years and until he himself fell i n the struggle his standard
—
Rome s gift which he always carried himself when haranguing
the people o r leading his troops — was the terror o f incontinent o r
s imoniacal clergy
H e rle mb ald ruled in M ilan by espousing the cause O f th e
people against the nobles and by the help o f the p o pulace h e
attacked the married pri e sts dragged them from the altar and con
I nfected with Patarinism the
s igned them to shame and insult
lowest rabble poor artisans and ass drivers secretly placed it is said
f emale attire and ornaments in the houses o f priests and then
attacked them and plundered their property Th e argument o f the
Patarines was fo rce They did no t admit the auth o rity o f Arch
bishop Guido doubtless because he was considered guilty O f simony
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pr c i
1
Th e
2
Land u lfi , H ist
e
se
d
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3
no t g i v e n
M ed i ol , I i i i
ate
we
is
.
.
1
4
kn w
o
l
.
e
.
p
.
ly th at i t t k pl a b f r
on
82
oo
.
ce
e o e
1 06 6
.
34
TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F GRE GO RY VII
Guid o at length after nine years o f strife determined to thr o w
the yoke Of the reformers
The married C lergy had been
O ff
and there were none to take their place A synod at
e xpelled
Novara ( 1 0 6 5 ) summoned H erle mb ald and Ariald to answer for
their pro ceedings and they were excommunicated as refractory
He returned armed with
Ariald how e ver app e al e d to Rome
full p o wers and with the ban o f the Church pronounced against the
O ff ending Guido But Ariald proceeded to carry his power furthe r
than his popularity warranted He had been supported by the
people in the campaign against simony and marriage of the clergy
for the clergy belo nged to a large extent to the aristocratic families
of M ilan He lost his popularity with H erle mb ald when he pro
c e e d e d to treat as heathen a peculiarity in the rite o f the Church o f
St Ambrose Disturbances began at the end of May 1 0 6 6
An Ambro sian traditi o n was that the Church o f Milan should
devote three days during the octave of the Ascension to solemn
prayer with fasting Ariald and H e rle mb ald in accordance wit h
the Roman liturgy maintained that this fast was contrary to the
usual practice Of the Catholic Church and should be discontinued
Many o f the Milan e se were most indignant any attack u pon the
use o f the Church Of St Ambrose seeming to them to menace the
independence o f their city
The factions o f the di ff erent parties met in open conflict and
the Archbish o p Guido headed the insurrection M ilan was the
scene of th e most dreadful disturbances ; H e rle mb ald and Ariald
w e re attacked in the Church of St Ambrose and at night the
palace o f the Archbish o p was pillaged and the aged Guido him
Se l
maltreated
in
the
struggle
F
inally
the
nobles
and
the
more
f
d i stinguished citizens revolted at these h o rrors and could endure
t 1e tyranny o f faction no longer The C ity was laid under an
i fi te rd ic t till Ariald was driven o u t
He fled to Legnano w here he
f ell into the hands o f O liva a niece o f Archbishop Guido wh o
conveyed him to an island o n Lake Maggiore where he was
“
( u bj ected to frightful t o rtures
Yes
j
ail
bird
exclaimed
the
s
”
“
?
s oldiers
is not our master the true and worthy Archbishop
,
,
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”
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,
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-
,
TH E
“
NO ,
OF
P O NTI F ICATE
”
ALEXANDER
II
35
“
replied Ariald
his conduct is not and never has been
”
that o f an Archbishop
Up o n this they c u t o ff his ears Th e n
Ariald raising his eyes to heaven cried o u t in a l o ud voice
Thanks be to Th e e O Christ f o r this day Thou hast deigned to
admit me among Thy martyrs
Q uestioned a second time h e
”
“
replied as firmly
No
Then they c u t O ff his nose and upper
lip and blinded his eyes After that they c u t O ff his right hand
“
saying This is the hand that wro te the letters sent to Rom e !
Then followed other sha meful and hideo us mutilations accompanied
by cruel taunts His t o ngu e was finally to rn o u t Ariald soon found
and still holds his plac e as a martyr in the annals o f the Church
The strife was not allayed by the death O f Ariald no r by the
appearance o f two Roman legates Mainard Cardinal Bishop of
Silva Candida and the cardinal priest John Minuto
They
renewed the prohibitions against simony and clerical incontinence
adding however this important C lause that any layman having
any authority whatsoever in temporal matters o ver a cleric and
knowing with certainty that the said cleric was not a celibate
should denounce him pro mptly to the Archbishop and to the
O rdinary Should the cleric be punished by his superiors the
layman would see to it that the penalty was e nforced in all that
c o ncerned temporal things If the Archbishop and the O rdinary
allowed such a case to drop neglecting their duty the layman
might still deprive the delinquent o f his tem poral b e ne fi ce restoring
it however later o n together with the revenues fallen due mean
while either to the said cleric after performance of a su ffi cient
penance o r to his rightful successor
The measures O f the legates were marked by great moderation
and the violence Of the Patarines is blamed W e read in the
“
O fficial report O f their mission : AS to those persons wheth e r
clerics o r laymen who have formed an association against the
simoniacal and incontinent clergy binding themselves by oath to
make these discontinue their evil course and wh o to gain th e i r
end have shrunk neither from fire no r plunder nor blo o dshed
i
o
t
d
nor other acts O f violence we formally comman them
des st
,
,
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,
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”
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”
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GRE GO RY V I I
6
3
the f uture f rom such conduct Let them see to their O wn
duties denouncing delinquents either to the Archbishop and his
O rdinary o r to the Su ff ragan Bishops This is the canonical mode
”
Of procedure
The report then gives the measures sanctioned
all penalties being proporti o ned to the p o sition o f the transgressor
a hundred pounds fine f o r an archbisho p ; t wenty pounds f o r a
priest ; f o r a layman holding the ran k Of commander twenty
pounds for a vassal ten pounds f o r a tradesman five
H e rle mb ald wh o had fled to Pavia returned and openly sup
ported by the Pope s power became again the dominant personality
in Milan Guido who had been Archbishop twenty seven years
the last ten o f civil war decided to vacate his see According to
Arnulf H ildebrand believed that the resignation O f Guido was the
best means o f restoring religi o us peace in Lombardy and it is
probable that the legates urged the aged Archbishop to resign I n
d oing so however he burthened the see with a fixed pension to
himself then made it over to a certai n Godfrey with the Crozier
and Ring of i nvestiture G o dfrey ingratiated himself with Henry IV
b y promising to destroy the Patarines and he was appointed and
consecrated at Novara Rome excommunicated him without delay
H erle mb ald refused to acknowledge him expelled him f rom the
city and besi e ged him i n Castiglione Upon the death o f Guido
August 2 3 1 0 7 1 Cardinal Bernard was sent as legate to Milan
with instructions to avail himsel f o f H erle mb ald s support i n the
choice o f an archbishop f o r the Church o f St Ambr o se Their
C hoice f ell upon Atto a youth j ust entered into holy orders
Scarcely had the consecration taken place when an excited throng
They seized Atto dragged
b urst into the archiepisc o pal palace
him by the legs and arms into the church and there compelled him
to renounce his dignity It was with di ffi culty that the Roma n
legat e escaped with his robes torn to ribbons
When Alexander learned what had taken place he declared this
promise extorted by terror to be null and void Nevertheless Atto s
position remained as di ff i cult and precar i ous as before O n several
occasions he was obliged to seek refuge in Rome from the attacks
for
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THE LI F E AND TI M ES OF GREG O RY VI I
8
3
St Salvi and to put all its inmates to death They hoped to
find St John among them but he had left the day befo re
“
The Community was reciting the night o ffi ce when the
Drawing their swords
s oldiers forced their way into the church
these cruel butchers began to slay the sheep o f Christ O ne had
his skull cleft another s face was savagely cut open so that nos e
teeth and upper lip w e re t o rn from their place and hung d o wn
over the beard Several were stabbed through the body These
murderous invaders then robb e d the altars took all they had a
f ancy for o u t o f the house set the plac e o n fire and made o ff
with th e ir sacrilegious sp o ils The monks who were in the church
reciting the Seven Penitential Psalms and the Litanies when this
They
s cene t o ok place O ff ered neither resistance no r remonstrance
were left naked and half dead
“
The next day men and women ran in crowds from F lorence
all eager to help the brethren in any way It
t o the monastery
was esteemed a privilege to set eyes o n o ne O f these monks and a
s tone a piece o f w o o d o r some drops o f their blood taken away
by those who flocked to the scene were prized ever afterwards as
precious relics
The Blessed John was at this time at Vallombrosa Having
heard what had passed and longing for martyrd o m he hastened
back to St Salvi When h e beheld the Abbot and the brethren
s courged wounded and stripped he exclaimed
Now i naeed y ou are
t
m
onks ;
i
l
w
r
l
i
i
/
z out
H
e
tru l
o
t
w
n
e
o
s
u
é
e
a
a
l
t
h
s
w
m
e
?
u
u
y
y
fi
y
was grieved no t to have been present at the moment o f danger and
yet is no t the palm o f victory his who inspired his brethren with
1
?
s uch zeal for martyrdom
.
.
,
,
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,
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’
,
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,
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,
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,
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,
,
,
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,
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,
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,
,
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,
.
’
,
,
’
,
,
hat B i h p P t r wa th i n tigat r f th i b rb ar u atta k
n th
m na t ry f St Sal i wh i ch m t h a tak en pl ac b f r th y ar 1 0 6 7 3
w ll p r d nd n t ri a th b i graph r f St J h n
I f h i gu i l t h ad b n
G lb rt l ad
pp
P p w l d n t h a d d r d h i m i n l g i ti
t
th
1
t rm i n a l t t r
f M y
1 67
M
i
n
P
a
t
L
t
V
6
l
r
a
( g
4
Th r gh t th wh l f N rth rn I taly th c nt t f r and agai n t im ny wa
s ffi i ntly
i l nt t all w
pp th at i n id nt f th i k ind w r m r
t
fr q
ntly p ntan
th n p r m d i tat d
I s i t q u i te
1
o
e
o
c e rtai n t
s e
s
ua
e
e
s
ou
u
e
e
c e
ue
s us
e
ou
e
e
v o e
s o
s
o
.
ee
so
o
v
su
a
o
o
e
o
us
o
eou s
a
e
o
0
2 2,
o e o
o
a
o ve
e
o o
e
ou
o
ou s
s
o
ve a
e
o se
e
.
es
c
e
e
e
.
,
s
s
c
e
O
.
eu o
o
O
s
o
e sse
.
s
a
e o e
o
e
.
o
s
o
e
e,
.
su
s
e
ve
us
e
o se ,
s
e e
,
-
e
o
co
s
o
s
c
.
o
e e
s
o e
TH E
OF
P O NTI F I CATE
ALEXANDER
Ii
39
“
The m o nks w e nt to R o me at the tim e o f the synod and
declared publicly and persistently that Pet e r was a S imoni ac and
a heretic They O ff ered even to g o through the o rdeal o f fi re to
o f th e ir ass e rti o n
rove
the
truth
Alexander
was
then
s
ated
on
e
p
the Chair o f St P e ter He w o uld neither depos e th e accused no r
allow the ordeal o f fire The maj ority O f the bish o ps w e re in fact
favourable to Peter while nearly all the m o nks were against him
but the Archdeacon Hildebrand never ceas e d to uphold and def end
the m o nks
Appeals to Rome w e re in vain Alexander I I inclined to more
conciliatory measures The m o nks th e re f ore determined to app e al
to G o d hims e lf and d emand e d the o rd e al o f fi re
Many o f the
C lergy had f allen o ff f rom the Bishop P e ter and declared they
would not Obey a S im o niac The civil authorities were called in to
deal with the re f ractory priests and to impris o n them The clerics
who had taken refuge in the oratory o f St Peter were called upon
either to submit without delay o r to be driv e n from the city O n
the evening Of the Saturday preceding the fast [o f Lent! whil e the
clergy were reciting the Less o ns and Responses O f the f o llowing
Sunday in the same Church of Blessed Peter they W e re exp e ll e d
by o rder o f the municipal government because out o f respect for
this same Ap o stle Peter they had refused Obedi e nce to a heretic
and S im o niac What an insult to the Blessed Peter Prince Of the
Apostles l
At the news o f this brutal conduct a number o f good Cath o lics
men and women hurried to the place ; the w o men casting aside
their veils appeared with hair dishevelled weeping loudly
These cri e s and S igns of distress rous e d us at last into action
and we clerics who had hitherto supported Peter o f Pavia being
treated as heretics for not deserting him now hastened to close o u r
churches and to S h o w o u r sympathy with those who had b ee n
driven away we would neither ring o u r bells no r chant th e Ps alms
nor say Mass in presence Of the faithful No w when we were all
together G o d put a wise thought into o u r hearts Some o f our
number were chosen unanimously to go to Settim o and e ntr e at
,
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THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY V I I
0
4
the monks of St Salvi to tell us the truth O f this a ff air We
promised as soon as that were known to embrace the good ca u s e at
onc e and f o r ever
“
We were told in reply that if we would profess and defend
the Catholic faith with all o u r strength and endeavour to destroy
heresy and S imony the power o f the Saviour would c e rtainly dispel
all doubt i n this a ff air and cure the blindness by which we had been
attacked We promised again to do what they would ask if things
were as they said and as they underto o k to prove
The day was fixed for that ordeal so l o ng desired which
according to the monks was to make manifest to us the truth It
was the Wednesday in the first week o f Lent O n the Monday
and Tuesday we O ff ered fervent prayers to God begging Him who
is truth itself to discover to us the truth
I n the early morning o f Wednesday o ne O f us went to Peter o f
Pavia and spoke to him as follows
My Lord if what the monks
say o f you is true I entreat you f o r love O f Go d and for the sake
o f your o wn soul not to allow the clergy and people to make so
long a j ourney Do no t tempt G o d by this ordeal but return to
the Saviour by a full confession o f your guilt If o n the other
hand you are conscious of your innocence come with us
He
replied : I W ill not go and you will not go either if you have
any a ff ection for me
The C leric made answer : I go with the
others to be witness o f God s j udgment By the sentence of His
j ustice shall my conduct be guided Be no t o ff e nded with me f o r
going to witness this ordeal This day will God make known to
us your true C haracter Y o u will then either be dearer to us than
ever o r y o u will become the obj ect Of o u r contempt
Without awaiting the return of this C leric we went our way as
by an inspiration Of God accompanied by other clerics laymen and
even women bound for Setti mo
The people immediat e ly
prepared two long piles of wo o d placed lengthwise side by side
Each pile measured ten feet long by four feet and a half wide ; a
passage an arm s length in width was left between the piles
This passage was also strewed w ith dry wood easily ignited
.
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’
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’
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’
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’
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TH E P O NTI F ICATE O F ALEXANDER I I
4
1
Meanwhile the Litanies Psalms and Prayers were sung The
monk chosen to pass through the fire went up to the altar by
order o f Abbot John to cel e brate Holy Mass The Mass was
sung in the midst of devout and even eager supplications All
—
shed tears monks clerics and laymen alike At the flgnu s Dei
four monks went o u t to set fire to th e two piles O ne of th e se
carried a crucifix another holy water a third twelve bless e d candl e s
ready lighted a fourth a censer full of incense A great clamo ur
arose o n all sides whe n they appeared The Ky ri e E lei son was sung
in a loud voice The people entreated Jesus Christ to rise and take
His own cause i n hand men and especially women invoked Mary
His Mother begging her to intercede with her Divine Son
The priest having commu nicated and finish e d the Mass and
put O ff his chasuble but still wearing the o ther sacerdotal vestments
t o ok th e Cross o f Christ i n his hands and proce e ded to the burning
piles accompanied by the Abbots and monks saying the Litanies
It would be impossible to say o r to imagine W ith what earn e stness
all present prayed
We w ere at last warned to keep profound sile nce in order to
hear and understand under what conditions the impending trial was
The two piles being no w in full blaze as well
to take place
as the passage between them the monk priest by order Of the
Abbot pronounced in a loud and clear voice a prayer Then
bearing the crucifix with fearless heart and cheerful countenance
undaunted by the flames which burst fo rth o n all sides he walked
through the fire with the utmost composure miracul o usly preserved
by the power o f Jesus Christ from even the slightest inj ury to
himself o r harm to the garments he wore
The flames played around him and within the very folds o f his
linen alb but as if their nature had been change d they did not burn
it The same with maniple and stole The fringes of these waved
to and f ro as in a breeze but the fire was powerless to hurt them
—
Th o se feet that trod o n gl o wing coals O marvell o us power of
—
praised be the C lemency of Christ
r e mained unhurt H i s
Go d
hair was tossed up and down by the flam e s that leaped about his head
,
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4
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F G REG O RY VII
2
and face but not o ne hair was so much as singed All rushed round
him and kissed his feet and the folds o f his garments The Bish o p
”
Peter yi e lded to the storm and withdr e w from Florence
Whil e Northern Italy was thus agitated by religious discord
the Normans were gradually extending th e ir c o nquests i n the s o uth
The pr o digi o us activity o f the Normans during
o f the Peninsula
the eleventh century is o ne o f the strangest phenomena Of the
Middle Ag e s At o ne and the same time th e y established their rul e
ov e r Southern Italy with Sicily they extended their fam e through
the Eastern Empire by supplying the Empress o f Constantinople
with troops and generals ; and under the leadership o f William
Duke o f N o rmandy they conquered England Richard o f Aversa
took p o ssessi o n ( M ay 1 0 6 2 ) o f Capua and no l o nger limited by
the narrow boundaries o f a small city Richard s authority was no w
recognized in the vall e y O f the lower Vo ltu rnio and o n the banks
—
f
the Garigliano He now governed i n the south west o f Italy
o
from Naples to Latium
Among the followers o f Richard was a certain knight William
o f Montreuil to whom Richard had given his daughter in marriage
William h o wever m o re than once sided with the Lombard n o bles
—
f
o
the Campagna and e ndeavoured to overthr o w his father in law
He e v e n w e nt so f ar as to repudiate his wife and o ff er marriage to
M a y wid o w o f the fo rmer Duke o f Gaeta and r e gent o f the
Duchy during the min o rity o f her young so n Ad e nu lf William
f e aring the veng e ance o f Richard now O ff ered his services to Pope
Alexander I I who accepted them although William was a declared
enemy o f Prince Richard William however proved as fickle in
his allegiance to the Pope as he had been to Prince Richard and
iving
as
a
pretext
for
his
C
hange
o f front that his services had not
g
been generously requited at Rome he deserted the Pope and made
his peace with Prince Richard
I n 1 0 6 6 Richard marched through th e Campagna and besi e ge d
and captured C e pe rano and advanced against Rome M eanwhile
Godfrey Duke o f Tuscany took upon himself to march against
the N o r mans and drive them from the dominions o f th e Holy See
.
,
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THE P O NTI F I CATE OF ALEXANDER
II
43
collected an army o f Teutons and L o mbards and led them to
R o me acc o mpanied by his wife Beatrice and her daught e r the
o untess Matilda
e
oung
C
The
Pop
and
the
Cardinals
j
ined
o
th e
y
t roops which left Rom e at the beginning o f May 1 0 6
march
t
o
7
against the Normans o f the Campagna
Godfr e y att e mpt e d to take
the city o f Aquino but was repulsed by William o f M o ntr e uil ;
and this success Of the Normans c o mbined with a scarcity o f
pro visions i n his o wn camp d e cided Godfrey to conclude peac e
with the Prince o f Capua The terms o f peace are no t kn o wn but
the inter e sts o f the Holy See must have been safeguarded for
during the summer o f the same year ( 1 0 6 7 ) th e Pope acc o mpani e d
by Hildebrand made a j ourney through So u thern Italy and visited
several Norman towns In August 1 0 6 7 Alexander I I held a
synod at M elfi at which owing to the complaints o f Alfan o Arch
bishop o f Salern o he excommunicated William so n o f Tancred
f o r having taken possession o f certain g o o ds b e longing to the
church o f Salern o William who was pr esent at the syn o d ch o se
rather to be excommunicated than to make restituti o n F rom
M elfi Alexander proceeded to Salerno where the Norman and
Lombard nobles and several bishops o f Southern Italy cam e to pay
him h o mage ; and there William son o f Tancr e d at last decided
to make satisfaction to Alfano and restored the pr o p e rty he had
c arried o ff
Sh o rtly afterwards in the month Of O ctober another
N o rman Tro y ti u s de Rota who in concert with William had taken
g o ods from the church o f Salerno came to Capua pres e nted
himself to the P o pe and made his submission The presenc e o f
Alexander in the capital o f the Prince of Capua was a sure indicati o n
t hat he and the Prince were o n friendly terms
This peace h o we ver
was o f short duration It was again broken by William o f
M o ntreuil who revolted against Richard a second time and turned
again to R o me where h e was favourably received and accept e d fro m
the Pope the investiture of the property which Richard had r e stored
Immediately afterwards he left Rome to march against Richard
”
“
During this campaign
William s onward passage says Aime
”
could be trac e d by the glare o f incendiary fires
A f ter Wi lliam
He
,
,
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,
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'
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’
,
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,
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
44
had conquered Jord an son of Richard o f Capua the latter appealed
f o r help to his brother i n law th e great R o bert Guiscard
but the
sudden d eath o f William o f M o ntreuil i n Rome removed all ne ce s
sit
for
u i sc ard s intervention
The
death
of
William
Montreuil
f
G
o
y
restored peace to the Campagna and for the moment suspende d
hostilities between the Holy See and the Normans o f Capua
The Normans in taking in March 1 04 1 the strong town o f
M e lfi key to the whole o f Apu le ia laid the foundations in th e
south east o f Italy of that second Norman power which became
at the end o f a few years much larger and m o re important
than the principality o f Aversa and Capua At the elevation o f
Alexander I I this state was governed by Robert Guiscard The
b o undaries o f his Duchy spreading further and further quickly
extended to the S hores o f the Adriatic o n the east and to the
Ionian Sea o n the south The conquest o f Reggio in Calabria and
Scilla by G uiscard and his brother Roger in 1 0 6 0 showe d
of
clearly that the Normans would pursue their southward course to
the confines o f Italy D uring the po ntifi cate O f Alexander I I from
1 0 6 0 to 1 0 7 2 ; the two brothers added nearly the whole o f Sicily to
their already vast possessions thus putting an end to the rule o f
the Saracens in that land
Though in crossing the Taro and fighting the Saracens in
Sicily the Normans were certainly actuated by their love of
adventure and their insatiable desire f o r booty and vast territorial
p o ssessions the religious character o f the campaign between thes e
Christians and the Saracens was emphasized by the Norman
”
“
“
leaders
R o ger says M alate rra had two aims in view o ne
spiritual the other temp o ral He wished to restore the worship of
—
the true God to a land now possessed by idolaters that is h e
W ished to accomplish a work conducive to his own salvation — and at
”
the same time to enrich himself with the spoils o f the infidel
Again M alaterra concludes his account o f the battle between
the Saracens and the army of Count Roger which took place on
the banks o f the little river Cerami near Traina in 1 0 6 3
Roger kno w ing that he owed this great victory to God and
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THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY
6
4
VI I
the farthest coasts o f Western Sicily from Reggio in Calabria and
Taranto to Latium
Among th e changes which marked the Norman occupati o n
was that the Greek populations o f Calabria Apu le ia Campagna
and Sicily as well as the Saracens o f Sicily all embraced Roman
Catholicism whereas befo re the advent o f the Normans nearly th e
whole o f Magna Grae c ia fo llo wed th e customs o f the Church o f
Constantinople while i n Sicily the Moslem Saracens had formed
the bulk o f the populati o n After their vict o ries the Normans
willingly turned their attention to the restoration Of churches and
h o ly places which were either falling into ruin o r had b e en
converted into m o sques They gave to the Church a portion
together with a certain number
O f the lands o f the conquered
of these who became slaves ; indeed the generosity o f the
N o rmans to the Church is a marked feature o f that singular
race Thus before the end of the eleventh century a Latin
hierarchy had been established throughout the whole o f Sicily ;
Traina Messina Calabria and Syracuse became bishoprics and
their bishops were nearly always either Normans or o f N o rman
extraction relatives and friends o f the conquerors With regard
to Palermo the Archiepisc o pal See had been maintained there
during the wh o l e period o f the Saracen domination but it is to
be supposed under conditions of great d ifli c u lty The Normans
to increase its authority and prestige enriched it with gene
do nations
I n Southern Italy there was no necessity to create
bishoprics The sees existed already and had their titulars
Many o f these followed the Greek rite but as they died their
places were filled by Latin bishops
It is easy to understand that these political and the consequent
religious C hanges i n Southern Italy w e re of deep interest to the
H o ly See and Pope Alexander I I made many j ourneys into that
part of Italy I n the autumn of 1 0 7 1 at t h e petit ion of Abb o t
Didier he consecrated the new church of the abbey o f Monte
Cassino which tha nks to the energy of the Abbot had been built
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THE P O NTI F ICATE OF ALEXANDER I I
47
in less than five years The Pop e was acc o mpani e d by Hilde brand
and several cardinals ; and fi f ty o ne archbishops and bishops of
Southern Italy arrived o n the appointed day to swell his train ;
while various princes from the Norman and Lombard lands w e re
—
also present among them Richard Princ e o f Capua and his son
J o rdan A multitude from all the surr o unding count ry c o ntinued
during eight days to gather on the summit o f the holy m o untain
N o bl e s and serfs clergy and laity monks and s o ldiers Lombards
and Normans representatives o f th e ancient populati o ns o f Latium
Campania Apu le ia and Calabria all vied with each other in their
eagerness to pray at the t o mb of St Benedict and there receive
with th e Pope s blessi ng th e remission O f their sins
As the banner of St Peter was given to the No rmans by way
o f sanction to their conquest o f Sicily
a direct sancti o n to the
Norman conquest Of England was likewise given by another b anner
o f St Peter which floated over the van o f the Bastard at Hasting s
in 1 0 6 6 William was grateful f o r the banner and after his victory
returned a s tandard taken from the conquered Sax o ns to the P o pe
together with rich presents
V
Hildebrand had been strongly in favour O f V illiam s enterpris e
though he was severely criticized for his attitude in favouring an
1
attempt which necessitated the loss Of so ma ny lives and so many
deeds o f violence and rapine He may have fe lt s o me admiration
for and even awe of the C o nqueror Milman speaks o f their minds
as congenial whil e V oigt asserts that William I was the only ruler
whom Hildebrand regarded with reverence no t with o ut an admixture
o f fear
F r o m an undated letter o f William I s to Hildebrand (then
Pop e Gregory V I I ) we gather that to the de mand O f fealty
—
e
based perhaps up o n the above mentioned exchang of flags th e
“
Conqueror returned an answer o f haughty brevity : I have not
sworn no r will I swear fealty which was never sworn by any o f
”
my predecessors to yours
Gregory received this energetic answer
1
nti o
n
n
l
i
l
n
n
n
r
t
n
i
a
r
n
i
n
m
p
r
r
r
i
n
t
i
o
o
d
f
p
g
fi
Q p
g
n ( R VI I
r n i m nd i
n
p
re n
t
n
t
d
d
t
n
a
m
t
n
t
n
i
i
r
i
r
e
p
f
g
p p
.
-
,
,
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’
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’
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”
,
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’
-
,
,
,
,
,
.
ua
uo
a
a
e a
o
o
u
’
e a a
us a z
e
a
’
a aa
us
a
o
a
a
/o
ar
a
’
e
t a z
zea z o e a t
e
e
u
,
su
sser
zu r zu ra
.
.
2
us,
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GRE GO RY VI I
8
4
in silence In spite o f this rebu ff Gregory s language to the
Conqueror is throughout courteous ; and in a letter to Lanfranc
A rchbishop o f Canterbury William is designated Uni ous fi li us
’
.
,
,
,
R omanee
A cause f o r the especial favour with which William I was
regarded by Gregory VI I is to be found in the king s dying
utterance that he was free from the guilt Of simony and had
always preferred ecclesiastics o f good character to bish o prics
”
“
Such freedom from the plague o f simony was rare among
rulers o f that period and thus William retained the favour o f
Gregory though the Conqueror maintained his independence
created bishops and abbots at his will and was absolute lord over
his ecclesiastical as over his feudal liegemen William s temper in
s uch matters
was well known An Abbot o f Evreux went to
“
complain at Rome William said : I have a great respect for the
—
Pope s legate in things which concern religion M ais aj outa t i l
si u n moi ne ao mes terres osai t p orter p lai nte contre moi
e le
r
ai
e
j
f
”
’
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
’
.
.
.
’
-
-
,
,
’
’
enare
p
md
a l arore lo plus u
’
,
la foret
‘
e
.
I n Germany the young King Henry IV attained his maj ority
1 06
Hanno
Archbishop
of
Cologne
who
had
o n March 3 1
5
ruled when Agnes had been forced to resign the regency at Easter
1 0 6 2 by the cou o f K aise rwe rth was a harsh despotic Churchman and
p
had excited Henry s hatred by the sternness Of his discipline while
A dalbert Archbishop o f Bremen gay magnificent sociable and
good humoured was an influential rival as he had gained Henry s
aff ections ; and he became the King s sole guardian Henry I V had
grown up entirely undisciplined for the Churchmen who surro unded
h i m had been only indulge nt to his amusements
According to
Lambert O f Hersfeld the first use Hen ry IV wish e ql to make of his
liber ty o n attaining his maj ority was to march against Hanno
and lay waste his diocese and he was only with d i
ff i cu lty deterred
by his mother from carrying out this proj ect
Fo r two years Adalbert retained his i nflu en
but Henry s
1
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’
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'
,
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’
1
B
o rn
M ar h
c
3
1 , 1 050
.
THE P O NTI F ICATE OF ALEXANDER I I
49
a ff ection for him was unable to prevent the Archbish o p s fall from
power Adalbert had aroused the j ealousy of the German princes
by his wealth and magnificence and by his opposition to their
usurped powers The pr e lates and secular princes combined against
him and Hann o o f Cologne Siegfried o f Mayence Rudolph
Duke o f Su ab ia and O tto of Nordh e im Duke o f Bavaria Obtained
the help of Duke Godfrey of Tuscany and at a diet held at Ti e b u r
they laid befo re the King this alternative— the abandonment o f
Adalbert o r the loss o f his crown Adalbert was compelled in
I n danger of his life under a strong
1 0 6 6 to return to his diocese
guard he reached his bishopric There still further humiliati o ns
were in store f o r him Duke O rd u lf o f Saxony his so n Magnus
and his brother Hermann Count of Salm broke into the territories
o f the See and threatened with death the Archbishop who sought
refuge in a distant estate F inally he was compelled to grant
away o ne third o f his estates as a fi ef o f the archiepiscopate to
Magnus o f Saxony and other estates to other secular princes
Adalbert the Magnificent no w su ff ered poverty and alms co nse
quently ceased to be distributed in his church o f Bremen
In order to replace Adalbert the nobles made the arrangement
that the bishop o f the diocese in which the young King happened
to be should have c o ntrol over him and should manag e the aff airs
This really meant that the n o bles were returning
o f the kingdom
to p o wer and intended to do minate Henry I V as they had done
af ter the events o f K aiserwerth They succeeded f o r a time and
a historian o f the period describes Henry IV as silent and inert
compelled to appro v e the decisions and measures o f Hanno of
Cologne and his party
Hanno had caused the King in June 1 0 6 6 to marry Bertha
daughter o f the Margrave of Susa to whom he had been betroth e d
when a boy of five years of age At first he regarded her W i th
some aversion as the woman who had been forced upon him by the
tyranny Of the nobles and attempted to bribe Siegfri e d Archb i sh o p
o f Mayence to sanction a div o rce by promising his aid in despoiling
the Abbots o f F ulda and Hersfeld o f the tithes o f Thuringia but
’
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r
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,
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,
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,
,
m
D a iani to
P et e :
mee k c
“
sz
.
in
G
\L
‘
i ras and
afi e e te
h is
h
h
IO i d
.
e
to
Th e ge t ter o t t he Ki ng in ltxlr h ad b een
d
fl ie to send an embex y
i n can e erzee i t was
‘
‘
‘
.
See, h o rd e r to re fi ve
d
i
e erio
e i m fi ele: of t n
p
‘
lu
M
g
m
w W
‘
tne
W
Afi c
c z ar
m
na e th e i nfinezzee Of
méou s detail
re l
at es a c
mm
,
A
é
I
I
m
m
t
l
e
m
a
u
n
o
p
j g
i nfine aee o f Gerrm y in th e e ffsi rs of
a
t e
to the
m
e,
H oly
Germany
A
th at, in o rd er
.
.
ui
kfigfi
tfie
v iz
h
the
H oly See had
m
ée z zh
fim
o
m
f fi i al
'
bert di d his
u
m
to o ba i n
TH E L IF E AND T I M ES O F GRE G O RY VI I
2
5
p
Pa
m ri te
a
rolo sed te
Tu f aeis n
u ns
p
D mi n n
’
rostratus aaoro
.
a t , te
o
f
i lle
aci t
D
eu
m
.
This influence o f Hildebrand has perhaps been over estimated f o r
it is certain that o n many occasions Alexander I I went his o wn
1
way unheeding or not hearing the protests o f the Archdeacon
-
,
2
,
1
.
D
ch an ll
ce
u ri ng
W i ll i m
V III p
a
or
.
M ed i ol Se r
.
.
n
t
i
fi
c ate o f
o
p
th e
.
H i l d e b rand
.
Al
d
e xan
e r,
H i l d b nd b c
X p 4 7 4) nd
e
M al m b ry (S r
8 3 ) p ak
f th i
h an ll
Of
es
s e
e
u
o
s
.
.
c
ce
ra
a
.
hip
o rs
me
e a
,
c
h
ance
ll
o r o r arc
Land u lf (H ist
and Si e
i
e
r
o
f
g
.
f d
h
Arcn
iep
M ay
.
e nc e
A ren
i eaneellari us
’
2
reg o r VI I s
e gi ste r
P ri vi leg i u m, guod oona memorim
E g su c re e re nc es i n
atru m statute , ali na
re d ecessor noster A lexand er contra sanetoru m
suo
r
epti one e el
g
’
’
aeee ti one i nau t tus f eci t ( R VII 2 4 ,
p
re f e rs to
p
.
.
as
.
G
h f
.
y
.
p
.
R
’
p
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O R Y VI I
54
three days o f fasting prayer and almsgiving as a prelude to a
deliberation as to what method were best to be adopted in electing
the new Pope That deliberation never took place
The clergy were assembled in the Lateran church to celebrate
the obsequies o f Alexander I I o n April 2 2 and Hildebrand as
Archdeacon was o ffi ciating at the service Before it was ended all at
once fro m the whol e multitude arose a simultaneous cry Hilde
brand i s Pope
The choice was a popular o ne there is no hint
The
o f an electi o n by the cardinals o r by the voice o f the C lergy
enthronement was hurriedly carried o u t i n the church o f San Pietro
in Vincoli
B o nith o wh o appears to have been an eye witness o f the tumult
At the noise o f the
u o u s scen e tells it in the f o ll o wing manner
disturbance the Archdeac o n rushed t o wards the pulpit to allay th e
tumult but the cardinal—priest Hugh Candid u s a man yet und e r
the accusation o f simony and excommunicated by Alexand e r I I
”
came fo rward and spoke to the excited crowd
Well know ye h e
said bel o ved brethren that since the days o f the blessed L e o this
tried and prudent Archdeacon has exalted the Roman See and
delivered this city from many perils Wh e refore since we cannot
find any o ne better qualified f o r the government of the Church
o r the protection o f the city we the bishops and cardinals elect
”
him as the pastor and bishop of your souls
The vo ice o f Hugh
“
was drowned in universal cries o f
It is the will o f St Peter !
”
Hildebrand is Pope !
Hildebrand was led to the papal throne
“
and presented to the peo ple as a man o f profound theological
knowledge as a man o f prudence a lover o f equity and j ustic e
firm in adversity temp e rate in prosperity according to th e
Apostolic words Of good conversation ; blamel e ss m o dest s o ber
chaste hospitable— one that ruleth his o wn h o use ; a man well
brought up in the bosom o f his mother the Church and advanced
already f o r his distinguished merits to the dignity o f Archdeacon
This o u r Archdeacon then we choose to be called henceforth and
f o r ever by the name o f Gregory for o u r Ponti ff as the success o r
”
Of the Apostle
He was hastily arrayed in the scarlet robes
,
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”
.
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,
,
TH E
OF
ACCESSI O N
GREGO RY
VI I
55
cro wned with the tiara and reluctant and in t e ars enthro ned in
the chai r o f St Peter
B o nith o s account is interesting as it states that the cle r y took
g
part in th e tumultu o us e lecti o n while Gregory VI I hims e lf do es
Th e Cardinal Priest Hugh C and id u s s initiative
no t mention this
is no t menti o ned in any other authority but it is pro bable that as
Hugh became one o f the bitterest e nemies o f Gr ego ry V I I
Gregorian writers naturally did not wish to emphasi z e the
promin e nt part he had played in Grego ry s el e cti o n B o nitho
adds that th e enthr o nement took place in the church o f San Pietro
in Vinco li where there was an ancient Cathed ra P etri AS he Often
gives details o f the e nthronement o f o ther P o pes and here says
nothing of the details o f Grego ry s enthr o n e m e nt we may assum e
that it was o f an informal nature NO doubt he was hurriedly
seated by laymen on the oat/z ed ra which was regarded at that peri o d
as the main point Gr e go ry hims e lf says n o thing ab o ut his
enthronement He appears m o st d e eply impressed by the sudden
ness and the vi o lence o f th e p o pular m o ve ment and at his o wn
unpreparedness and unworthiness again and again he ass e rts that
1
he had n e ver desired no r striven to obtain the papal dignity
Being chosen he comforted himself with th e th o ught that it was
2
the Divine will the hidden dispensation o f Go d
The tumultu o us character of Gregory s e levati o n was reco gniz e d
both by the P o p e himself and by th e Ab b o t Didier o f M o nte
Cassino wh o after Gregory s death opined that the ele ction t o o k
place tumu ltuari e In spite o f this Didier rec o gnized Grego ry as
Pope and he introduces him with words of c o mmendation in o ne
o f his dial o gues
D o i d ideri n n m n ng m d nn r m i t n nnl ra gn it (R I
,
.
,
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’
,
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’
-
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,
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’
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,
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’
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,
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”
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,
’
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’
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,
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1
T
estis
u z
es
u
eus
consci enti a
est
z/ eri m R
i
p
(
eonsu
I
.
ua
a
uanta
so
u
zeu
nzea,
q
llici tud i ne
i nv i ti
aseend i
mus — Romana
E
c
t
R
I
(
2
Guns i m
aud eoam recusare ( R I
z
osi tun
p
O cculta Dei d i spensati o ad suranz mi nisteri i sub
consti tu i t ( R
II
non
.
.
to
nom
en apostolieee
ov
.
.
wtare
d igni tatzs
e
esi a,
eerl
licet i nd igni
eu i
nolentes
et
.
.
.
ee
.
Nae/ em ( erelesiee)
r
zus
ee si d en
p
s u z a
o o e
.
.
obed ientza
rznapatus nos ord
o
p
mawt
o
et
THE LI F E AND TI M ES O F G REG O RY VI I
6
5
The name o f Gr egory was given to Hildebrand in memo ry of
”
Gregory I the Great who had left a profound impression upon his
contemporaries and his immediate successors Martens has shown
that in the eleventh century the Popes did not choose their O ffi cial
name o n their e levation but received it from another person o r
persons such as the prince who had a hand in the election or the
assembled electors
O f the personal characteristics of Gregory I th e most remark
able are beyo nd all question the singular strength and energy of his
C haracter F irmly and intensely convinced o f the divineness of
the Christian doctrine and life as these presented themselves to his
mind and heart he su ff ered no Obstacle and no discouragement to
triumph over his determination to give them all the currency and
prevalence that were possibl e in his day The refinements alike o f
literature and of art were not for him the uniformity of the Roman
ritual the prevalence o f Catholic dogma— these were not merely
th e highest they were the o nly ideals he ever caught sight of
Such was the man in whose spirit Hildebrand was expected to
rule and upon Hildebrand truly the spirit o f Gregory I rested
as Paul of Bernried his biographer writes I n the same way
Hildebrand s patron Bruno was given the name o f Leo in order
that he should act in the spirit of the great Pope Leo
The the o ry that Hildebrand chose the name of Gregory VI I
as a slight to the memory o f the Emperor Henry I I I who had
deposed Hildebrand s earliest patron Pope Gregory VI is without
any foundation Anti Gregorian writers were not sl o w to seize the
opportunity o f contrasting the hated Gregory VI I with the sainted
3
first Gregory to the disadvantage o f the fo rmer
B ni th
n
t
m
l
t
i
t
t
wri t
p
p
r rd t g
r
d
i
i
i
n
l
e
g
Q
rd i ni
l ri i n l n
nt
n éi e t
Gr g ri mp p m an t P tr el gi t
,
,
.
,
,
,
1
.
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
”
,
,
,
,
.
’
,
,
,
,
’
,
,
-
.
.
,
1
o
o
s ee
o
e
es :
co e a zasse
ca
uu
,
a
o
s
a es
s :
e
e o
sco
,
sa e
a a
u
ee/
o es ue
s
e us
G
e
us
e
a’
e
se ue
es
.
Archb i sh o p Si egfri e d o f M ay e nc e w ri te s to
re go ry VI I i n 1 0 7 4 :
Reo erend issi mo atre nor/ o Gregori o
amb p
Be rno ld Apo lo ge ti c u s (Li oelli ,
I p 6 1 ) say s o f
rego ry VII : Sanetus
a a G re ori us
uem noste
r
a ostoli eus
I
g
(
p
p
g
nomi ne et aeti one nostri s re resentat tem ori ous
p
p
‘
3
rassu s, i n th e De ensi o o f H e ni
s
Si
n
V
P e tru s
p
2
w
r
i
e
e
I
o
l
I
t
:
Li
l
i
e
,
y
44 )
v (
artu non
ri s
zen 5 eati Gre ori i
e
g
g
2
SO
th e
p
.
.
B
G
.
.
p
.
C
.
.
.
THE ACCESSI O N OF GREG O RY
V11
57
Two days after his electi o n o n April 2 4 Grego ry VI I imparted
to Didier o f Monte Cassino afterwards his successor the struggle
o f mind with which he underto o k the inevitable o ffi ce
and h o w
deeply he was stirred by the responsibilities o f his ne w positio n
“
Gregory R o man Ponti ff e lect to Didier Abbot o f the
Monastery o f St Benedict at Monte Cassino greeting in Christ
J e sus
O ur Lord the P o pe Alexander I I is dead and his decease has
fallen upon me shaking my very bowels and causing me deep
distress
Contrary to their custom the Roman populac e remained calm
o n the announcement o f the d eath and all o wed themselves to b e
governed by us they manifesting such complete do cility that every
o ne has perceived it to be the operation o f G o d s m e rcy
Aft e r
mature deliberati o n we had therefore o rdered a fast o f three days
to be observed litanies and prayers to be publicly recited with alms
giving proposing to make known afterwards with th e h e lp o f God
whatever seemed to us the wisest course concern i ng the election of
the Roman Ponti ff But suddenly during the fun e ral ceremonies
o f o u r Lord the Pope in the church o f the Savi o ur a great noise
and tumult arose the people seized hold o f me like madmen
without giving me time to speak o r take advi ce It was by forc e
that they raised me to this Apostolic government a burden to o
heavy for my S h o uld e rs to bear I can no w say with the Pro phet
I am come into the depths of the sea and a tempest has over
whelmed me ; or My heart is troubled within me : and the fear
But as I am confined to my bed
o f death is fallen up o n me
with fatigue I cannot dictate l o ng therefo re I
o verwhelmed
p o stpone the relation o f my troubles to y o u In the nam e of
Almighty G o d I beg o f y o u to ask the br e thren and the sons
whom you are bringing up in th e Lord to pray to Go d for me
so that the prayer which should have spared me such tr i als as th i s
”
may at least uph o ld me in my struggles with th e m
In a l e tter o f the same date s e nt to Gisulfo Prince o f Sal e rn
o
Hildebrand relates in the same way his election and his perplex i t i es,
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T H E LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
8
5
and asks him to come to R o me as soon as possible Similar letters
were sent to Guibert Archbishop o f Ravenna to the Duchess
Beatrice to Hugh Abbot o f Cluny to M arane s Archbishop o f
Rheims to Svind E strith so n King o f Denmark and to Bernard
Abbot o f St Vict o r at Mars e illes ; but o ne seeks in va i n in the
Pop e s e xtant corresp o ndence f o r a single letter from him to the
King of Germany announcing his elevati o n That the collection
however is not complete may be assumed as there are no extant
l e tters addressed to any prelates o f Germany who must have
received notificati o n o f the election It is unlikely that Gregory
would have writt e n to the King o f D e nmark and have passe d o ver
the King o f Germany the future Emperor whom he calls the
“
head o f the laity
Even if Gregory to o k no thought o f the
decree o f 1 0 5 9 the h onor d eoi tu s was a factor to be reck o ned with
and B o nith o expr e ssly says that Gregory at once sent a l e tter to
Henry IV announcing the death O f Alexander I I and his o wn
el e vation to the Papacy It is possible but by no means probable
that th e new P o pe ask e d the R o yal consent to his elevation B y
his enthronement he was already P o pe and the possible refusal o f
the Ro y al consent could make no di ff erence to his positi o n
Henry IV was occupied at the time with his o wn d ifli cu lti e s with
the Saxon n o bility and as no Imperialist movement agitated Rome
he was obliged to accept the situation
Gregory who was only a deacon at the time o f his elevation
received priest s orders o n May 2 2 (i nj ej u ni o P entecostes) Some six
weeks later he was consecrated Pope according to B o nith o o n the
F east o f the Ap o stles Peter and Paul June 2 9 though the Chroni ca
S B ened i eti speaks o f the thirtieth o f June
B o nith o s date receives
c o nfirmation from the P o pe s well kn o wn venerati o n for St Peter
and Grego ry would d o ubtl e ss hav e chosen to receive priest s orders
upon the feast day o f the Apostle It is probable that Gregory
delayed his consecrati o n i n o rder to give Henry IV an o pportunity
to send a r e presentative to that ceremony Until his consecrati o n
Gregory had contented himself with the title o f Roman Ponti ff
elect We find him however acting and deciding authoritatively as
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’
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’
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’
-
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’
-
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,
,
,
'
TH E ACCESSI O N
OF
GREG O RY
VII
59
Pope from April 2 9 seve n days after his electi o n in a l e tter addressed
to Rainier Bishop o f F lorence
O n May 6 he writ e s to God f re y
1
Duke o f Lorraine the husband o f the C o unt e ss Matilda a letter
which defines his future attitude towards th e yo ung King Grego ry
will no t shrink from r e m o nstrating with Henry I V with the aff e c
tion and vigilance Of a father ; b u t if the King r e fuses to liste n
the sentence cursed be he that withhold e th his sword from bl o od
he
writes
will
not
fall
upon
us
thanks
be
to
o
G
d
)
(
What was th e attitude o f th e K ing o f Germany at this unctur e P
F rom various q uarters he was advised to o ppose Grego ry VI I and
The bish o ps o f Lombardy and som e
to refuse his royal consens us
Gregory
o f the German prelates were h o stile t o the ne w Pontiff
Bish o p o f Vercelli and Chancello r of Henry IV for the Kingdom o f
Italy made himself the intermediary o f th e Lo mbardian bishops
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”
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,
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,
I lle d i aoolus Vereellensi s cu m su i s
d ebeas eonfi rmari , writes Walo
mp li ei ous ela aorat
co
,
u t tu
,
s ed e non
in
f
Metz to P o pe Gregory ; and
some o f the German bishops made similar attempts to influ e nc e
the King But thes e intrigues had no result and th e chancell o r
was obliged to g o to R o me to represent the King at th e co nsecra
tion o f Grego ry It is certain that Gregory was acknowledge d as
Pope by Henry IV ; and not long afterwards in a letter Henry
uses memorable and unmistakable expressi o ns of recogniti o n o f
2
Gregory s position as the legitimate Pope
According to Hugh of F lavigny the new P o p e was co nse
crated by the Cardinal Bishops o f Albano and Porto and the
representative o f the Cardinal Bishop o f O stia then absent from
Rome The Empress Agnes and the Duchess Beatrice were als o
present
Surrounded by th e Clergy and th e Roman people Gregory
o
,
.
.
,
,
,
’
.
,
-
,
-
,
.
.
,
C ll d
1
“
a e
G df y
M
re
o
argrav e
“
th e
B
G df y
B dd
o
e ar e
f
o ni ace o
f
,
H nchb k
th e
re
”
T
u
ac
”
to
wh o h ad marri e d
y
u sc an
.
th e
pp
D ch
Vigi lantissi mo et d esi d erati ssi nzo d om
i nsignito, H enri eus Romanorurn Dei g ratia rex, d ebi ti
R
2
I
a
(
9 )
2
.
i no
.
.
h
d isti ngu i s
u
ess
B
h im
fr m h i f th r
w i d w f th
e atri c e ,
a
s
o
o
o
e
,
e
t
ate t ee /i tus
n
d
i
i
g
p
am exfii oi ti onenz
us fi d e/i ssi m
m
ul
t
a
a
f
a a’ IGregori o
a ostoli ea
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF G RE GO RY VI I
60
proceeded to the Basilica of St Peter and entered the sacristy where
he assumed the po nti fi cal vestments He then immediately pros
trate d himself before the confession o f St Peter whilst the choir
chanted the introit E leg i t te D omi nus Rising he ascended the altar
steps where he again prostrated himself in prayer all the Clerg y
accompanying him The bishops came forward to raise him and
plac e him between the throne and the altar holding over his head th e
bo o k o f the Gospels Another bishop then approached and recited
a prayer a s e cond did th e same and a third consecrated him After
having received the pallium from the hands o f the archdeacon
Gregory ascended the throne and standing between the archdeacon
and the deacon intoned the Glori a i n exeelsi s D eo The P ax having
been given the choir chanted the Litanies The Pope then cele
b rate d Mass and gave Holy Communion to his assistants
After
lVI ass Gregory VI I left the altar and advanced between two lines
of
soldiers followed by all the clergy and surrounded by the
customary ecclesiastical pomp ; the students from the Roman
scho o ls asked his blessing I n the sacristy the Pope seated him
self upon the apostolic chair and then descended the steps of the
church The rulers o f the choir then approach e d and three times
o ne Of th e m sang D om
i nus Greg ori us the C h o rus responding Q u em
Sanctus P etru s E leg i t i n s u a sed e mu ltis annis sed ere
The maj o r
domo then placed o n the head of the Pope the crown made of
a white fabric in the form of a helmet and Gregory then advanced
o n horseback
surrounded by the Roman j udges the immense
cro wds that filled the streets greeting him with loud acclamations
F rom the Diet o f Worms ( 1 0 7 6 ) Henrician writers began to
spread many false reports concerning Gregory s elevation At the
Diet the Pope was accused ( and rightly) o f being elected with
o u t an
consideration
of
the
decree
At
the
Synod
of
10 9
of
y
5
Brixen
when the strife between Henry IV and the Holy
See had broken o u t afresh Gregory was falsely accused o f having
garrisoned the Lateran with his soldiers and threatened with death
the clergy who did not wish to elect him Pope Lambert o f
Hersfeld fabricates a story by which Gregory absolutely submitted
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
62
ti o n of the Church and that for him at this j uncture to submit the
validity o f his election to the King o f Germany and acknowledge
the King s p o wer to cancel his pr o motion would have been to betray
the int e rests o f the Church The tendency to transfer incidents in
the life o f Gregory the Great to his succ e ss o r and namesake is shown
in the story related by B erno ld and Berthold that Gregory VI I hid
himself in the church o f San Pietro in Vinc o li when he became
aware o f the intention o f the Roman people to elect him to the
Papacy
O ne o f Gregory VI I s first aims was the rest o ration of the
temporal power o f the Holy See W id o Of F errara writes that he
at onc e o rder e d the towns and villages b e longing to th e Church
and also the castles and municipal buildings to be occupied and
garrisoned and set himself to recover what had been lost or
forcibly wrested from the Holy See
Hearing that Guibert Archbishop o f Ravenna was in the
habit o f exacting from the inhabitants of Imola an oath o f fidelity
apart from that which bound them to the temporal authority of the
—
Roman Church a rumour that afterwards proved unfounded
Gregory complained bitterly to Guido Count o f I mola concluding
his letter with these strong words
“
We earnestly desire to live in peace if possible with all the
w o rld but we shall not hesitate to oppose the e ff orts o f those who
f o r the sake o f self aggrandizement work agai nst the interests of
”
St Peter whose servant we are
Another Churchman who afterwards proved a determined enemy
o f Gregory VII was Cardinal Hugh Candidus who was sent o n a
mission to Spain (April 3 0
To two other legates of the
Roman See in F rance Gerald Bishop of O stia and the Subdeacon
R ai mb ald Gregory writes u rging them to reconcile Hugh Candidus
with the congregation o f Cluny and cause the cardinal s past to be
forgotten Hugh is designated a dear son
and the accusations
brought against him during the lifetime o f Alexander I I are attri
buted to the faults o f others rather than o f Hugh himself
Un f ortunately Gregory showed more optimism than j udgment i n
,
’
,
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’
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'
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TH E ACCESSI O N O F GREG O RY VI I
63
proclaiming the good q ualities o f the ne w legate Hugh Candidus
o r B lanc u s had b e en appointed cardinal by P o pe Leo IX
and
;
“
according to B o nith o his deeds were as obli q ue as his e ye s
O n the death o f Nicolas I I H u gh was instrumental in the s e ttin
“
up o f the anti Pope C ad alu s Afterwards
constant only in
”
inconstancy he submitted to the legitimate Pope and was s e nt by
him o n a missi o n to Spain where he us e d his opportunities to
extort money I n 1 0 7 2 he was entrusted with an o ther missi o n to
F ranc e but his conduct on this occasion was so reprehensibl e that
the Diocese o f Cluny and the Roman synod of 1 0 7 3 bitterly
complained o f him sh o rtly before Alexander s death
His
pr o minent share in Gregory s elevati o n to the Papacy no doubt
influenced the P o pe in his favour but shortly afterwards Hugh
again compromised himself and brok e with Gregory finally It
is certain that from 1 0 74 onwards he worked in concert with
Guibert to oppose the Pope and undermine his p o wer Later
as we shall see he came forward o penly at the Diet O f W o rms as
the avowed opponent o f the Pope whose election he had been
instrumental in bringing about
Hugh Candidus was sent by Grego ry to F rance as spiritual
chief o f a crusade against the Saracens o f Spain which several
F rench nobles had promised to undertake under the leadership of
i
o ne E b le s de R o nc
n
l
aw o f Robert Guiscard
son
E
bl
e s had
y
appeared in Rome during the lifetime o f Alexander I I when he
laid before the P o pe his scheme for a crusade against the Saracens
o f Spain
The support o f the Holy See was promised to him o n
condition that the lands wrested from th e i nfi d e ls should becom e
fi e f o f the Holy See
E ble s agreed to this and it was this agree
ment which Gregory no w wished to see carried o u t To the
kings o f Spain in o ne of his early letters Gregory boldly asserts
the whole realm o f Spain was not only within the spiritual j uris
diction o f the Holy See but her property Whatever may b e
conquer e d from the i nfi d e ls may be granted by the P o pe o r held
by the conquerors as his vassals He reminds the kings of Spain
— Alphonso of Castile and Sancho of Aragon — o f the ancient
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THE LI F E AND TIMES OF GREG O RY VI I
64
Obedience due to the Apostolic See and exhorts th e m not to
recognize the Liturgy o f Toledo but that o f Rome H e appeals
to a legend relating that St Paul sent seven bishops fr o m Rome
1
NO part of Latin Christend o m was so remote
to convert Spain
o r so barbarous as to escape his vigilant determination to bring it
”
under his vast ecclesiastical unity
Though som e o f Gregory s letters do not belong to the first
year Of his po ntifi cate it is c o nvenient to consider t o gether his
relati o ns with for e ign powers exclusive o f the kingd o m of Germany
He writes ,as we have seen to the King of Denmark In a letter
to O laf King o f Norway he dissuades him from assisting the
2
rebellious brothers o f the Danish king
He mediates between
the Duke Of Poland and the King o f the Russians for the Duke
o f Poland had come to Rome to receive his kingdom from the
3
hands o f St Peter
H e treats the kingdom o f Hungary as a fi e f
4
for daring to h o ld
o f the Papacy and reproach e s King Solomon
5
it as a b e ne fi ce o f the King o f Germany His legates in Bohemia
take under their care the estates o f the Church ; in Africa the
clergy and people o f Carthage are exhorted to adhere to their
6
Archbishop and no t to dread the arms of the Saracens
He
occupied himself with Sardi nia which he considered to be o ne
o f the islands which had been ceded to the H o ly See
During his
7
stay in Capua he consecrated Constantine o f Castra as Archbish o p
o f Torres in Sardinia and told the new prelate o f his intention to
assert the claim o f the Church to the island
The steadily increasing power o f the Normans in Southern
Italy was now more than ever a factor to be reckoned with in
Italy
Richard Prince of Capua as master o f the Campagna
coveted the south west portion o f the po nti fi cal States Ceprano
and V elletri ; while Robert Guiscard sovereign o f Apu le ia and
Calabria sought to acquire the papal territory in the East in the
,
.
,
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.
’
,
.
,
.
,
,
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‘
.
,
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.
,
.
,
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,
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,
,
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,
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,
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,
,
,
,
-
,
,
,
,
1
.
3
5
7
p l
R
I
A
r
i
0
(
7) (
3 ,
R
11
7 3 , 7 4 ) (A ri
(
I
(
u gu st t o th e e nd o f
R
A
.
.
.
.
.
2
V
R
I
(
R
II
(
( I
.
p l
4
2 0,
6
N
o ve
mb er
1 07 3
.
R
.
.
.
.
.
THE ACCESSI O N OF GREG O RY V I I
marches
f
F ermo and
f
65
Chieti Hi s neph e w C o unt R o bert o f
L o ritello subj ugat e d the dynasties o ne after another which had
until then pres e rved their independence in that region Gr egory V I I
f o resaw that Rome was in imminent danger o f b e coming— what
B e nev e ntu m Naples and Salerno already were— a mere town
surrounded by Norman possessions whose politic al independenc e
must sooner o r later succumb
Shortly after Gregory s election a rumour was spread abroad
that the great Robert Guiscard had died at Bari after a sh o rt
illness and the Pope hastened to condole with G u iscard s wife the
Duchess Sik elg ai ta The letter is interesting as showing Gregory s
s entiments at the time of his e levati o n towards the Normans in
general and Robert Guiscard in particular
The report was false Guiscard after having tak e n Cannes
and conquered th e Norman barons who had risen against him fell
ill it is true at Trani and was moved to Bari where h i s health
became worse Sik e lgai ta herself believing the report o f her
husband s death hastily assembled the Norman nobles and caused
them to elect as their chief and as successor to R o bert Guiscard
her son Roger to the exclusion of B o émo nd G u iscard s eld e st so n
by his repudiated wife Alb e rad a The Duke s strong constitution
however triumphed and he recovered by the time the bearer o f
G regory VI I S letter to Sik elg ai ta arriv e d at Bari
Upon this
n ews Gregory sent a messenger to the Duke to invite him to an
i nterview at San Germano which lies at the f o ot o f Monte C assin o
The Duke did not respond to this invitation but encamped at the
head o f his army at Rap o lla in the south a short distance fro m
M elfi
In July 1 0 7 3 Gregory w e nt to M o nte Cassino and not
finding Guiscard awaiting him at San Germano continued his j ourney
as far as B e nev e ntu m accompanied by the Bishops o f Porto Tus
Th e
c u lu m and P rm
neste and by the Abbot o f Monte Cassino
latter he instructed to push forward as far as Rap o lla and p e rsuade
the Duke to com e to B e ne v e ntu m Didi e r succeeded in bringing
R o bert Guiscard to the walls o f B e ne v e ntu m but th e N o rman
leader refused to enter the town without his army and e nc amp e d
o
o
.
,
,
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,
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’
,
,
’
,
,
' '
’
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,
.
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,
,
,
,
,
,
' '
.
,
’
,
,
,
,
’
,
,
’
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,
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’
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,
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,
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,
,
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,
,
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,
,
THE LI F E AND TIMES OF GREG O RY VI I
64
Obedience due to the Ap o stolic See and exhorts them not to
recognize the Liturgy o f Toledo but that o f Rome H e appeals
to a legend relating that St Paul sent seven bishops fr o m Rome
1
No part of Latin Christendo m was so remote
to convert Spain
o r so barbarous as to escape his vigilant determination to bring it
”
under his vast ecclesiastical unity
Though som e o f Gregory s letters do not bel o ng to the first
year o f his po ntifi cate it is c o nvenient to consider together his
relati o ns with for e ign powers exclusive o f the kingdom of Germany
He writes ,as we have seen to the King of Denmark In a letter
he dissuades him from assisting the
to O laf King o f Norway
2
rebellious brothers o f the Danish king
H e mediates between
the Duke o f Poland and the King o f the Russians for the Duke
o f Poland had come to Rome to receive his kingdom from the
3
hands o f St Peter
He treats the kingdom o f Hungary as a fi e f
1
for daring to h o ld
o f the Papacy and reproaches King Solomon
5
it as a b e ne fi ce o f the K ing o f Germany His legates in Bohemia
take under their care the estates o f the Church ; in Africa the
clergy and people o f Carthage are exhorted to adhere to their
6
Archbishop and not to dread the arms o f the Saracens
He
occupied himself with Sardinia which he considered to be o ne
During his
o f the islands which had been ceded to the Holy See
7
stay in Capua he consecrated Constantine o f Castra as Archbish o p
o f Torres in Sardinia and told the new prelate o f his intention to
assert the claim o f the Church to the island
The stead ily increasing power o f the Normans in Southern
It aly was now m o re than ever a factor to be reckoned with i n
Italy
Richard Prince of Capua as master o f the Campagna
coveted the south west portion o f the po nti fi cal States Cepran o
and V elletri ; while R obert Guiscard sovereign o f Apu le ia and
Calabria sought to acquire the papal territory in the East in the
,
.
,
.
.
’
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
‘
.
,
.
.
‘
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.
THE ACCESSI O N OF GREG O RY V I I
marches
f
F ermo and
f
65
Chieti His n e phew C o unt Robert o f
L o ri tello subj ugat e d the dynasties o ne after another which had
until then pres e rved their independence in that region Gre gory V I I
f o resaw that Rome was in imminent danger o f bec o ming— what
B e nev e ntu m Naples and Salerno already were— a mere t o wn
s urrounded by Norman possessions
whose political indep e ndenc e
must sooner o r later succumb
Shortly after Gregory s election a rumour was spread abroad
that the great Robert Guiscard had died at Bari after a Sh o rt
illness and the Pope hastened to condole with G u i scard s wife the
Duchess Sik e lg ai ta The letter is interesting as showing Gregory s
s entiments at the time o f his e levati o n towards the Normans in
general and Robert Guiscard in particular
The report was false Guiscard after having tak e n Cannes
and conquered the Norman barons who had risen against him fell
ill it is true at Trani and was m o ved to Bari where h is health
became worse Si k e lg ai ta herself believing the report o f her
husband s death hastily assembled the Norman nobl e s and caused
them to elect as their chief and as successor to Ro bert Guiscard
h e r son Roger to the exclusion of B o emo nd G u isc ard s eld e st son
by his repudiated wife Alb e rad a The Duke s strong constitution
however triumphed and he recovered by the time the bearer o f
G regory VI I s letter to Si k elg ai ta arrived at Bari
Up o n this
news Gregory sent a messenger to the Duke to invite him to an
i nterview at San Germano which lies at th e foot of Monte C assin o
The Duke did not respond to this invitation but encamped at the
head o f his army at Rapolla in the south a short distance fro m
M elfi
In July 1 0 7 3 Gregory w e nt to M o nte Cassino and no t
finding Guiscard awaiting him at San G e rman o c o ntinued his j ourney
as far as B e ne v e ntu m accompanied by the Bishops o f Port o Tus
cu lu m and Pr a
The
e neste and by the Abbot o f Monte Cassino
latter he instructed to push forward as far as Rapolla and persuade
the Duke to come to B e nev e ntu m Didier succeeded in bringing
Rob e rt Guiscard to the walls Of B e nev e ntu m but th e N o rman
leader refused to enter the town without his army and encamped
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VII
THE LI F E AND TI M ES O F GREG O RY
66
outside the town so no understanding was arrived at between him
and the Pope Robert Guiscard probably deliberately avoided a
meeting as he did not wish to become a liegeman o f the Pope
whom he knew to be intimately allied with Gisulfo Prince o f
Salerno upon whose principality Duke Robert had designs I n
becoming also a vassal o f the Holy See R o bert would have been
obliged to cease his continual encr o achments upon Central Italy
Before leaving B e ne v e ntu m Grego ry VI I concluded a treaty
o n August 1 2 with L and u lf Princ e o f B e ne v e ntu m a ffi rming the
rights o f the Papacy over the town and the principality and threat
the
Lombard
Prince
with
deposition
if
he
betrayed
the
e ni n
g
interests o f the Holy See particularly if he consented to an alliance
with Robert Guiscard Immediately aft e r this the Pope went to
meet Prince Richard at Capua where he arrived on September 1
and remained there nearly three months
This j ourney to and the soj ourn at Capua were significant
Richard who was then at war with Robert Guiscard had fomented
the last revolt o f the Norman barons against the Duke in which he
had himself taken an active part After the defeat o f his enemies
Robert Guiscard if his illness at Bari had no t interfered with his
plans would have marched upo n Capua to punish Richard in his
The Pope was thus engaged in rallying his forces to
o wn capital
the standard o f the enemies of Robert Guiscard and in forming a
league between Gisulfo of Salerno and Richard o f Capua With
these allies with the forces already organized in R o me and in
Latium the troops o f the Duchess Beatrice and the Countess
Matilda he hoped to overcome Robert Guiscard and rest o re the
temporal power O n September 1 4 Richard o f Capua f o rm ally
acknowledged G regory VI I as his suzerain and underto o k to assist
h im to the fullest extent o f his power to recover and defend the
possessions o f the Roman See The terms o f Richard s oath are
almost identical with those Of the oath sworn in 1 0 5 9 at M elfi in
the presence of Pope Nicholas I I
“
I Richard by the grace o f God and St Peter Prince of
Capua from this day forth promise fidelity to the Holy Roman
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68
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GRE GO RY VI I
Pope in the autumn o f 1 0 7 3 was the direct outcome o f his di ffi culties
with the Saxons His chi e f anxieties had begun in conse q uence o f
O tto O f Nordheim Duke o f Bavaria being charged with an intention
O tt o was declared to have forfeited his titles
o f m u rdering him
and his lands were taken from him and overrun Duke Magnus
o f Saxony came to O tto s support but both princes were quic kly
subdued This high handed de aling with these two princes spread
di saff ecti o n in Saxony The great barons saw themselves excluded
i
from State aflairs and they feared the resentm e nt of the King who
could not pardon them f o r having kept him so long in a humiliating
O tto Of Nordheim s Duchy o f Bavaria was given
s tate o f tutelage
Magnus heir to the crown o f Saxony was imprisoned
to Welf
f o r making common cause with O tto of Nordheim and i n spite o f
the protests o f the Saxons Henry IV refused to set him at liberty
In 1 0 7 3 a pretext was given f o r the rising discontent o f Henry s
enemies
The King had app o inted f o r August 2 2 a levy o f
troops who were to march against the Poles wh o had attacked
Bohemia an ally o f Germany The Saxons on the pretext o f
fearing that this army was intended f o r the subj ugation o f Saxony
rose as one man headed by Wezel Archbishop o f Magdeburg
a nd Burchard Bishop Of Halberstadt nephew of Hanno Archbishop
They marched
o f Cologne and other prelates and secular princ e s
towards Goslar and encamped before the city but the King had
already fled to the strong castle of Harzburg carrying with him the
royal insignia The Saxons did not attempt an assau lt upon this
stro nghold but contented themselves with o ccupying all the roads
leading to it in force The King however escaped o n August 9
acc o mpanied by a few followers and adherents At Spieskappel
near Ziegenhain h e was forced on August I 3 to meet his enemies
wh o had taken advantage o f the strength of their position to press
their advantage
Gregory V I I was still in the south o f Italy when Robert
Guiscard commenced hostilities against Richard o f Capua The
Duke had appealed for help to his brother Count Roger o f Sicily
—
h
f
w o immediately responded by the capture o Venafro to the sout h
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TH E
ACCESSI O N
OF
GREG O RY
VI I
69
f
and not far distant from Monte Cassino There h e fo rm e d an
alliance with the sons o f B o re l counts o f Sangro s e parat e d them
fr o m the party of the Princ e o f Capua and incorp o rated them in his
All the castles in th e neighbourh o od w e re taken and
o wn army
burnt and the allies then march e d o n Capua Ev e rywh e r e th e ir
passage was marked by fire and pillage and once again the Cam
pagna as far as Tagliacozzo was laid des o late Unabl e to e ff e ct an
entrance into Capua R o bert Guiscard and Rog e r dre w o ff their
army to the banks o f the Garigliano The terrifi e d inhabitants
capitulated without r e sistance the towns of Iraje tto and Sac o
spontaneously acknowledge d Roger of Sicily as th e ir sovereign and
abandoned Richard In th e midst o f thes e disturbances the Abb o t
Didier was politic enough to preserve the prop e rty o f M o nt e
Cassino and even received a present o f five hundre d gold pieces
from Robert Guiscard
After Robert Guiscard had made a fruitless attempt to besiege
Aquino the property o f the house o f Lombardy under th e
suzerainty Of Richard o f Capua he retired to Apu le ia wh e re he
was j oined by his brother Count Roger
Gregory V I I did no t leave Capua until the latter part o f
November O n the 2 o th o f that month he was at Monte Cassino
whence he returned to Rome by way of Argentia Terracina Pipern o
and Legge and reached the Lateran a f e w days b e fore Christm as
At the end of the year 1 0 7 3 Gregory s attention was occupied
by the kingdom o f F rance He had taken the measure o f the
weakness of that monarchy— the first kings o f the House of Cap e t
w ere rather the heads o f a coequal feudal f e d e ralty than kings
and as Philip I ( 1 0 6 0 — 1 1 0 8 ) was guilty of simony he addressed
the King in the haughtiest and most energetic terms : No king
has reached such a height O f detestable guilt in oppressing the
”
Churches o f his k ingdom as the King of F rance
He puts the
King to the test by the immediate admission of a Bish o p o f Mac o n
elected by the clergy and people without payment or r e fe rence to
the Crown If the King persisted in his obstinacy Gregory pro
posed to lay the whole realm o f F rance under an interd i ct so that
o
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7
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
”
the people unless they were apostates from Christian ity should
refuse to Obey the King
Upon his return to Rome Gregory began his preparations for a
1 0 74
Almost all his letters
s yn o d to be held in the March o f
writt e n at this peri o d have been lost but those addressed to the
su ff ragans of Milan and to Sig h ard Patriarch o f Aquileia are still
e xtant and the latter is an arraignment o f Christian society in the
eleventh century and almost an indictment O f the wh o le o f the
”
“
The rulers and princes o f this world h e
c lergy of that epoch :
complains o ppress the Church as if she were a vile slave They
d o no t blush to cover h e r with confusion if only they can satisfy their
cupidity The priests and th o se who are charged with the guidance
o f the Church completely neglect the law o f God are neglectful o f
their Obligations towards Him and towards their fl o cks I n aim
ing at ecclesiastical dignities they seek only worldly glory and they
waste in their o wn presumptuous pomp and foolish expenses that
The people like sheep
which should serve to save and aid many
without a shepherd are unguided and fall into err o r and sin and
”
Christianity is a mere name to them
To remedy these evils
“
Grego ry decided to hold a council in the first week in Lent in
order to find by the help o f Go d and with the aid o f o u r brothers
some help and remedy f o r this grave situation that we may not see
”
irreparable ruin and destruction fall upon the Church in our days
This is a prelude to the strong measures c o ndemning simony and
the marriage o f the clergy o f the synod o f March 9 1 0 7 4
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CHAPTER IV
T H E F I R ST S TR U G G LE S M ARC H
9,
,
L
F EB RU A R Y
24,
1 07
5
n
i
m
n
M
y
f
c
a
r
agai n t
d
f
f
r
t
t
n
r
th
4
l i b acy f th cl rgy r f rm f th R man l rgy— Gr g y r l ti n wi th
H nry IV f G rmany H nry IV nd th Sax n r l t— H nry IV r c i
b l ti n M ay 1 7 4— Th c amp ign ag in t th marri d l rgy i n G rmany
—Sy n d f E rf rt O c t b r 1 0 7 4— H gh B i h p f Di l g t t Fr n
M ar h 1 0 7 4— P h il i p I f Fran — Th M z rab i Li t rgy in Sp in— Gr g ry
V II xp d iti n ag in t R b rt G i ard pring 1 7 4— H i fi a at M nt
C i mi an — I ll n
f G r g ry VI I— A bb t D i d i r f M nt C i n att mp t
Ri h ard Princ f C p and R b rt G i rd— Syn d f N m
t r c nc i l
b r 3 0 1 0 7 4— G r g ry VI I th fath r f th C r d
Th e
yn d
—
1 074
S
e nt
ce
of
o
o
1 07
e
e su e s
:
e
e o
s
o
e
o
a
o
s
e
c e
s
o
e
o
e
’
or
o
e
o
s
e a
s
e
'
e
o
a so u
o
o
u
o
,
S
e
e
c
e
e
,
e
e
o
e
e
a e
o
e
e
o
ass
o
e
o
o
ove
u sc a
e
o
e
sco
s
o
a ce ,
o
a
u
0
e
e e ve s
c e
e,
c
s
u sa es
e
o
o
s
o
a u a,
e
e
o
a
o
o
e o
,
,
e
s
o
u sc
e
s
,
e
ce
o
s
e ss o
e o
e
a
o
O
o
u
evo
o
a
e
o
e
e
a
e
c
’
a
e
0
,
o
-
e
.
T H R O U G H O UT Latin Christendom there had been long a doubt
as to the authority o f the pr o hibitions against the marriage of the
clergy and in many places there was either a public resistance to
the law which had in point Of fact
o r a tacit infringement o f
become a dead letter The wh o le clergy o f the kingdom o f Naples
under Nich o las I I from the highest to the lowest were o p e nly
married and living with their wives Leo IX protested against this
undisguised licence which prevailed even in Rom e itself Th e
—
—
Lombard cities M ilan especially were the strongholds o f the
married clergy and the married clergy were sti ll the most powerful
I n Germany the influence o f the married clergy
f action in Italy
o
was to make itself f elt as a bond of alliance between the Emper r
and the Lo mbard clergy and Adalbert Archbishop of Bremen
almost conceded the legality o f clerical marriage in order to avoid
worse evils
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1
b
e sto
Th e
w
e
d
wi
on
b i h p and pri
C th d ral C h u rch
ves o f
th e
s
a
e
o
s
ests
of
“
w
th e
7
I
e re
d
l
d
wh il
ec are
Lateran,
to
e
be
all
l
b i h p th r
e ns ave
s o
d,
s
and
ou
w
gh
e re
ou t
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
2
7
Gregory was not as has o f ten been mai ntained the first to declare
the duty Of celibacy f o r the clergy but he was certainly custos i nte
erri mu s canonu m though not the su sci tator canonu m for besides the
g
earlier development of the principle his immediate predec essors in
the Papacy Leo IX Nicholas I I and Alexander I I had had the
cause at heart But Grego ry s zeal was kindled to en f orce clerical
celibacy and he brands the marriage together with the immorality
”
plague like Simony
o f the priests as a
O n March 9 1 0 7 4 a synod was held in Rome which co n
d e mne d the simony that had grown so prevalent throughout Chris
te nd o m and also enacted the old stringent laws o f the celibacy o f
the clergy which had become a dead letter in Northern Italy and in
Germany as e lsewhere All those priests q ui i n crimi ne f ornicati oni s
were
to
be
excluded
from
celebrating
Mass
if
they
remained
n
t
a
c
e
j
obstinate in their sin and careless o f the statutes o f the Holy
F athers the laity were to refuse to attend their services We learn
incidentally that Duke Robert Guiscard and all his followers were
excommunicated at this synod at which were present the Marquis
Azzo Prince G isulfo o f Salerno and the Countess Matilda These
stringent measures against the abuses in the Church were to a great
extent popular among the multitude Floto has shown that the
peasants held that an accusati on o f simo ny o r o f marriage exempted
them from payment of tithes and there were some fearful insta nces
o f the ill usage o f the clergy by the rabble
The decrees of the synod caused strife and rebellion in the
countries where both simony and a married C lergy had become the
rule rather than the exception
The resistance o f the clergy to
these decrees was utterly in vain They were enforced for the
first time by a very strong hand papal legates visited every cou ntry
and supported by the popular voice compelled submission
While ad v o cati ng stro ng measures for the reform o f the clergy
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d m w r d i r d t apply th r l t th i r wn d i
and t
i z th
”
D ami ani Op
Di ii 7
x ii i
nd i ng w m n f r th b n fi t f t h ir h rch
Th ird d iti n p
1
H i t ry f Sa erd tal C eli ha y by H C L a L L D
ri ste n o
o ff e
e e
o
s o
o
Se e
illi ams and
W
e
es
e
o
c
e
e
e
e
o
c
o
No rg af e
o
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e
,
u e
c
o c e ses
o
es
u
.
e
o
usc
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e
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o
v
e
e
se
ss
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o
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e
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22
.
.
TH E F IRST
STRUGGLES
73
throughout Christendom Gregory V I I was careful not to forget to
apply them especially i n Rome itself Immediately after his acces
sion he ordered the Roman priests to live in community and to
Observ e celibacy o r else to return to the life o f laymen and abandon
the service o f the altar Many adopted the alternative and retired
from the priesthood The Basilica o f St Peter was served by m o re
than sixty lay clerks most o f whom led evil lives and abused their
position Gregory go t rid o f these men and confided St P e ter s
to the care o f priests specially recommended for their virtue
Already in the month o f December 1 0 7 3 Gregory had expressed
a desire to mediate between the King o f G ermany and the Saxons
He had wished both parties to lay down their arms and the causes
at issue to be examined by papal legates Nothing however came
o f this scheme
An imp o rtant event in the year 1 0 74 was the absoluti o n o f
Henry IV by the papal legates in Germany In the first month s
o nti fi c ate Gregory VI I does not touch upon this question
o f his
p
and it was Anselm Bishop of Lucca wh o reminded him that the
King had still to do penance for his interc o urse with his e xco m
mu nicate d advisers Count Eberhard of Nelle nb u rg Leopold Of
M o ersb u rg and Ulrich o f C o she im The Empress Agnes was
anxious for her son to be freed from the enemies o f the Church
and it was owing to her e ff orts that Henry IV forsook his e xco m
mu nicate d friends and paved the way f o r a reconciliation Gregory
thanks the Empress for her good work in a letter still extant
The legates the Cardinal Bishops Humbert o f Pr ae neste and
Gerald o f O stia proceeded to Germany to give the King absolution
and were accompanied by the Empress Agnes and her advis e rs
Rainald Bishop o f Como and Henry Bishop o f Coire The
mission reached Nuremb e rg in F ra nconia about Easter 1 0 7 4 where
the King hastened to meet them
Hen IV S position at the time of the arri val o f the legates
was still ull o f diffi culty In spite of the concessions f o rced f ro m
him after his flight to Harzburg in August 1 0 7 3 by the pr i nc e s
at Spi e skappel n e ar Ziegenhain there was widespread disc o nten t
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THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O R Y VI I
74
am o ng the Sax o ns Befo re th e assembly at Spieskappel (August I 3 )
Rudolph Duke o f Su ab ia had written to the Pope a letter full o f
c omplaints against Henry IV which has unfortunately been l o st
Henry I V had also s o ught to enlist Gregory V I I upon his side
a nd addressed to him a l e tter which is included in the first book
1
2
o f Gregory s Register
The address is an additi o nal proof that
at this time Henry I V regarded Gregory as the legitimate Pope
The King s o mewhat na i vely admits that the pressure of e xternal
circumstances pr o mpted th e letter and con f esses — not to i mmo r
ality no r to dish o nourable actions but to lack o f respect to the
Ap o stolic Se e to simony and to the nomination Of unw o rthy
persons to bishoprics
Gregory received this communication which has been described
”
“
as a masterpiece o f hypocrisy in the mid dle o f September and
“
was no t unnaturally delighted with the words full of sweetness
and Obedience such as neither Henry IV nor his predecessors had
”
ever be f ore sent to Roman ponti ff s
He declared his intention of
helping the King if his heart omi ssi s p uerili hus stu d iis would turn
to Go d As far as we know he made no answ e r to t h e King s
letter and his attempt to mediate between him and the Sax o ns
proved fruitless He had wished the Saxons to lay down their
3
a rms and allow papal legat e s to investigate the causes at issue
NO such investigation however took place
A further breach
between the King and the princes had been made by one R eg ing er
formerly a confidant o f the King who declared to the Dukes Rudolf
o f Su abi a and to Berth o ld of Carinthia that the King had C harged
him to assassinate them Henry IV protested with the utmost
vehemence that R eging er s story was false but the a ff air made a
bad impression upon the princes Hen ry took refuge in his faithful
c ity o f W orms and after a fruitless invasion of Saxony in midwinter
10 4
January
he
concluded
peace
with
his
enemies
at
Gerstungen
7 )
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N
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2
SO
3
R
.
2
.
9
a
.
also th e
I 39
.
(D
p
ex ressi o ns
ec e
mb er 2 0 ,
D min
o
e
mi
et
p
mantissi me
ater a
Vestra i nd ulgenti ssi ma
TH E F I RST
F e bruary
STRUGGLES
75
Am o ng t h e conditi o ns of this p e ace was the de
m o liti o n o f his fortresses The pe o ple at once b e gan to demolish
th e m ; the p e asants scaled the walls Of Harz burg and destro yed
everything within it including the church with the fo rtr e ss c o ntain
ing the relics o f th e saints and the bodies o f some o f his r elativ e s
buried there which w e re scattered to the four winds Henry s
anger at this o utrageous pi e ce o f sacrilege knew no b o unds ; and
since h e was un abl e to avenge it he begged the Church to take
acti o n agai nst its perpetrat o rs
It was at this j uncture that the
Empress Agnes and the legates o f the H o ly Se e arrived in Germany
Af ter a penance Henry I V received abs o lution in May 1 0 7 4 at
the hands o f the legates
Attempts w e re no w with the King s consent made to r o ot o u t
A c o uncil was ordered to
s imony am o ng the cl e rgy o f Germany
be summoned But the bishops were by no means anxious f o r an
investigation into their titl e s Some headed by L i e mar Archbish o p o f
Br e men sto o d upon the privil eges o f the German C hu rc h and declared
that the Pope al o ne c o uld h o ld such a c o uncil in th e ir s e es Siegfri e d
Archbishop o f May e nce a man o f weak character and little personal
courage in fear alike o f the Pope and o f the King was ill fitt e d to
s ummon this council and to carry o u t the decre e s o f Gregory and
o f the council which he had held at Rome f o r the suppression o f
These decrees had met with sullen resistance
t h e married clergy
in L o mbardy ; and Siegfried knew the disp osition of the German
c lergy so well that it was not till he was formally threatened with
1
the Papal censure that he consented to promulgate the decrees
He did no t summ o n the clergy at once to S ho w the ir Obedience
b u t allowed them six months for consideration
2
A synod met at Erfurt
The maj ority o f the ass e mbl e d cl e rgy
”
“
The Pop e they
were o penly in favo ur o f clerical marriage
must be a heretic or a madman He would compel all men
s aid
They would rather abandon their priestho o d
t o liv e like angels
“
then let the Pope who thought men to o
t han their wives and
o
n
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M ar h
c
1 074
2
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O c to
b
er 1 0 7
4
THE LI F E AND TI M ES OF GREG O RY VI I
6
7
”
grovelling f o r him see if h e can find angels to govern his Church
Siegfried who openly admitted his sympathy with their opini o ns
co uld no t command their obedience and his arguments had littl e
e ff ect When the clergy withdrew to deliberate the more viol e nt
among them threatened to depose the Archbishop and even to put
him to death as a warning to his success o rs not to publish such
statutes Siegfried in terror o f his life O ff ered to appeal to Rome
and attempt to win some mitigation o f the law Perhaps to distract
the angry clergy from the subj ect under discussion Siegfried
suddenly revived an Old question o f his claim o n the tithes o f
Thuringia which had been settled at Gerstungen The Thuringians
and the Archbishop was glad
o n this broke into open violence
to escape out of the town surrounded by his own soldiers So
ignominiously closed the Council of Erfurt
In December of this year Gregory begins his correspondence
—
w ith H enry IV a correspondence which closed exactly a year later
o n December 8
1 07
I
n
this
Gregory
expresses
himself
rej
oiced
5
at Henry s determinati o n to extirpate simony in his kingdom and
to further the cause of celibacy among the clergy I n July 1 0 7 5
Gregory gives the King praise f o r his firm stand against simony
In F rance the two plagues were also deeply rooted and at
the close o f the Lent Synod Gregory VI I appointed as his legate
the fiery and zealous Hugh Bishop o f Die to reform the clergy o f
that country H ugh had been elected Bish o p of Die by the clergy
and people o f that diocese
the Count of Die made no opposition
to this election at first but subsequently he organized a popular
rising against the Bishop elect Hugh we nt to Rome to demand
j ustice and Gregory himself consecrated him i n March 1 0 7 4
Gregory gave him letters for his diocesans and for the Count o f
Die threatening the latter with excommunication unless he entirely
changed his unworthy attitude towards his Bishop O ther letters
accredited Hugh as legate o f the Holy See to the whole of F rance
and were addressed to all abbots and prelates commanding them to
pay to Hugh the tax called Peter s Pe nce
The crimes o f the King of F rance occupy Gregory s attentio n
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
8
7
he wrote to Sanchez R u mu e z King o f Aragon to c o ngratu
late him O u accomplishing this reform ; the day before he had
written to Alphons o VI King o f Leon and Sanchez I I Ki ng o f
Castile a j oint letter begging them to introduce the same refo rm
in their dominions But a Liturgy does not disappear at once
especially when it fo rms a part o f the religious conscience o f the
people and is identifi e d with it The Mozarabic Liturgy gave way
very gradually to the Roman rite and at the present day it is with
the approbation of Rome that this Mozarabic Liturgy with its beau
tiful prayers cerem o nies and ancient melodies is still used in the
Cathedral o f Toledo
The relations between Gregory and the King of England are at
Gr e gory advances a
th e beginning of his po nti fi cate very cordial
claim f o r the tribute of Peter s Pence in England which William I
admits In a letter to the famous Lanfranc Archbishop o f Canter
bury G regory reminds him O f their o ld friendship and draws a
melancholy picture o f the state o f the Church e xhorting him to
o ppose with the utmost energy a custom of the Scotch who the
Pope writes no t only readily abandon their wives but even put
them up f o r sale
During the spring o f 1 0 7 4 the Pope co ntinued his military
preparations against Robert Guiscard Aimé s is the only account
“
He writes : Th e
o f this campaign that has come down to us
Pope came to Rome ( after his stay at Capua) and continued that
which he had begun Men not having responded to his appeal
Gregory called upon Beatrice and her daughter Matilda to c o me
and consult with him at Rome and explained to them the reason
Their perfect faith in St Peter and the love
f o r the interview
which they bore towards the Vicar o f God decided Beatrice and
Matilda to accept this invitation They hastened to Rome prepared
to do all that the Pope might require o f them They promised to
bring to him thirty thousand knights among them five hu ndred
Teuto ns to render the victory more certain The Pope replied :
As for those vile little Normans with twenty thousand men if it
pleases God we can attack and vanquish them for we have on our
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TH E F I RST STRUGGLES
79
side Prince Richard and all the inhabitants o f his lands and the
protection o f G o d and the Apostles which wi ll be with us
Th e n
the two noble ladies replied : If the knights we have pro mis e d
sh o uld fly before the enemy it w o uld be a great Shame f o r us All
the world would say th ese women occupy themselves wi th what i s not
at a ll th ei r afi a i r a nd i t i s j u st th at they sh ou ld
hear the blame si nce
We must
th ey pretend to assu me the rdle a lway s reserv ed f or p ri nces
act like men there f ore vanquish and confo und the Normans
Therefore may your h o liness permit us to bring as many men as
may be required we shall thus have the honour o f the victory and
oblige the enemy to restore what he has stolen f rom the prince o f
the Apostles
The P ope admired the wisdom o f the two ladies
”
and allowed them to act as they wished
This account o f Aimé s
though anecdotal is not impr o bable f o r Gregory VI I was inclin e d
1
Gisulfo o f Salern o was
o f his enemies
to underrate th e powers
summoned to tak e his share in the preparations and an army to o k
the field and assembled June 1 2 1 0 7 4 at Monte Cimiano But
when the Pisans saw Gisulfo h ome d o loq uel i l a voi ent receu d amag e
e ath to Gisulfo
D
i
r
son cl tra i i son as Aimé writes they cried o u t
p
—
he was without pity he c o ndemned us and o u r f ello w citizens to
perish by sea o r in prison he has stolen o u r go o ds Death to all
who would de fend him to all who are favourable to him and his
The Pope hearing these outcries and accusations was greatly
surprised and finally to save Gisulfo caused him to leave secr e tly
The departure o f Gisulfo did no t appease the anger o f
f o r Rome
the Pisans who no w refused to Obey the Pop e o r to fo llow him
Gregory pr o ceeded to the castle to ask for more troops from the
Duchess Beatrice and her daughter Beatrice and Matilda at thi s
j uncture however were recalled by a revolt that had broken out
among their subj ects in Lombardy and departed in haste to the
n o rth o f Italy Gregory returned to Rome where saddened by
the defeat of his cherished plans he fell seriously ill
Before the expedition o f Monte Cimiano which thus ended
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C ontra
sunt ( R I
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.
eos
Normannos gui
F
r
r
e
b
y
u
a
(
ci unt
i
fi
nohi s rehelles sunt sati s su
mi lites
i sti , gui
nohtscum
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
80
in a fiasco Gregory VI I had reopened negotiations with R o bert
Guiscard and the legates o f the Holy See invited the Duke to
The Duke assumed a conciliatory atti tude
c ome to B e ne v e nt u m
in the face o f the possibility of a coalition O f his enemies in the
northern the central and the south western portions o f Italy and
expressed his willingness to meet the Pope O n the appointed day
he arrived at B e nev e ntu m accompanied by many o f his knights
—
and his wife with his sons and daughters the treasures h e most
prized o f whom he was accustomed to say Q u i me lev era ma moilli er
” 1
f
o r the
u e ai sont ti en
After
waiting
three
days
et mi fi ll ce
g
arrival o f Gregory VI I wh o did not appear probably on account
the Duke quitted B e nev e ntu m taking the road to
o f his illness
Naples
Gregory s ill health lasted more than two months During this
time fr o m June 1 5 to August 2 8 his pen usually so busy is
completely silent there is no trace in the R e gist e r o f the d i ctatu s
t hat is to say the notes which the Pope dictated when his health
often feeble did no t permit him to write letters himsel f It
”
was with regret as he himsel f says that he entered upon
c onvalescence
Aimé writes that when he was at B e nev e ntu m in June 1 0 7 4
Robert Guiscard wishing to c o ntinue the war against Richard o f
Capua desired to have the Duke of Naples as an ally He there
f ore encamped with his army not far from this city in a fertile
“
plain watered by stre ams which came from beneath the earth
and sent word to the Duke o f Naples that he wished to speak with
him Sergius V the reigning Duke accepted the invitation and
f ormed an alliance with Rob e rt Guiscard
All was ready f o r a ne w
campaign against Richard o f Capua when the politic Abb o t o f
M o nte Cassino appeared o n the scene as mediator to reconcile the
t wo Normans
Since the autumn o f 1 0 74 the Abbot Didier had actively
e mployed himself i n the
ac ifi cati o n o f Southern Italy but his first
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Ai mé , VI I
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1
4
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY V I I
82
travel to R o me authorized him sh o uld it be necessary to s e nd
delegates to repres e nt him He commanded Siegfri e d to in f o rm
him concerning the private life o f the six su ff ragans wh o were
required to appear at the Lent Synod and to state how they had
been appointed to the episcopate Grave charges had been brought
against some o f these bishops O tto o f C o nstance and Hermann O f
Bamberg were the most severely c o mpromised To O tt o the
synopsis o f the decrees o f the synod o f 1 0 7 4 relating to simony and
incontinence o f the clergy had been sent but the bishop had taken
no notice o f this and had no t even deigned to promulgate the
decrees in his diocese We kno w Of only three Italian bish o ps wh o
were invited by name to the Lent Synod o f 1 0 7 5 O ne o f these
was C u nib ert o f Turin who had been summoned to the Nove mber
synod and who in spite of the protest Of the Abbot and the
command o f the Holy See had insisted o n retaining possession o f
the monastery of St Michael at Chiusi in Tuscany
It has been questioned whether Gregory VI I was the father
o f the Crusades
Some limit the meaning o f th e Crusades to an
attempt to recover the Holy Sepulchre but a scheme for recovering
the whole o f the Holy Land floated before Gregory s e yes and
he must be considered as the originator of the movement
At the close O f the tenth and the beginning Of the eleventh
centuries the strong religious movement which arose from the
hope or fear o f an imminent millennium wrought with no less
intensity o n the pilgrimages to the Holy Land than on other
—
forms o f religious service Men crowded to Jerusalem so so o n
they expected to be the scene Of the great assize The wars which
followed the fall o f the Caliphate had towards this time made
Syria less secure and in 1 0 1 0 there was a fierce persecution of
the Christians by Hakim the fanatical Sultan o f Egypt Hakim
however himself grew weary o f persecution and the pilgrims were
permitted to resume their travels ; they had to undergo no
persecution nothing but the payment o f a toll on the entrance
to Jerusalem
Through the earlier half of the eleventh century men of all
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TH E F IRST
STRUGGLES
s3
ranks the princ e ly bishops o f G e rmany and princes lik e R o be rt
of
Normandy h e ad e d pilgrim ag e s Monks and p e asants even
found their way to th e Holy Land
When h o wever th e Turks b e came mast e rs o f Jerusalem the
Christians o f Palestine from tributary subj ects b e cam e despis e d
slaves ; the pilgrims from r e spected guests hat e d and pers e cut e d
intrud e rs But th e s e di ffi culties did no t deter th e flo o d o f pilgrims
Lambert a monk o f Hersfeld wh o se biass e d and partial history has
been such a source o f error to historians made a furtive pilgrimage
and was much alarm e d lest his abbot should die with o ut having
forgiven him He speaks o f having incurred great peril and o f
having returned to his m onastery q u asi ex impi is red i vi vus ( 1 0
“
A leagu e o f th e wh o le Christian world against the M o h am
me d ans had expanded b e fo re G e rb e rt P o p e Silve ster I I Th e
C aesar o f the West his master O tho I I I was to add at least
” 1
Palestine to the great Christian realm
It was no w among th e
bold visions that floated befo re the mind o f Grego ry VI I
Gregory in his enthusiasm as a dreamer o f dreams was desiro us
which
o f summoning an army from the wh o le o f Christ e nd o m
under his l e adership should c o nquer Byzantium unite the
Eastern and Western Churches under o ne head and then march
against the Sarac e ns and drive them from the lands which they
“
had con q uered and possessed
A w o rthy d omain was to be
secured f o r the papal monarchy by the rest o ration o f th e Old
limits o f Christendo m and th e glories o f the brightest age of
the Church wer e to be brought back o nce more It was a splendid
dream— fruitful like all Grego ry did f o r later times ; but with
a sigh Gregory renounced his dream f o r the harsh realities o f his
”
actual p o sition
Grego ry s f o rmer appeal to the F rench nobles f o r aid in a
crusade in th e East had failed ; he no w resolve d to try to enlist
the King o f G e rmany s inte rest in the cause in December 1 0 7 4
It is curious to Observe that Henry is no t asked to l e ad the
crusade in person— that is to be th e P o p e s o wn privilege whil e
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Lati n C hri stiani ty ,
M il man
,
Vo l I V
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.
THE LI F E AND TIMES O F GREG O RY VI I
84
”
“
Henry IV is to be left ( after G o d ) the care of the Roman
1
Church
This military inclination Of the Pope did no t meet with
universal approval and Godfrey o f Ve nd Ome writes P op u lu s a
N
ontifi ce d ocend u s non d i scend us
o notice
apparently
was
taken
p
by Henry IV o f this remarkable letter o f Gregory s
A few days later ( December I 6 ) Gr e gory addressed a letter to all
”
t h e faithful o f St Peter and especially those beyond the Alps
i n which he seeks to arouse their interest in the defe nce o f the
A contemporary letter to the Countess Matilda
G reek Empire
confesses that his desire to cross the sea in his crusading ent e r
prise appeared to many people as worldly ambition No t content
with expressing a wish to be general and leader o f the crusade he
wishes for the company and support o f the Empress Agnes and
“
I n company o f such sisters I w o uld most gladly
o f Matilda !
cross the sea to lay down my life if need be with you for
”
Christ
It is probable that the subj ecti o n o f Robert Guiscard was
considered as the preliminary to this expediti o n in aid o f the
E mpire o f Constantinople since Bari Brindisi O tranto Tarentum
Reggio and Messina all the best ports from which to embark for
“
the Greek Empire were in the hands o f the Duk e
But th e
deliverance o f the decrepit unrespected often hostile empire o f
the East would have awakened no powerful movement in Latin
Christendom The fall o f Constantinople would have startled to o
”
late the tardy fears and sympathies o f the West
I n the last days
of
January 1 0 7 5 Gregory acknowledged the impossibility o f his
great proj ect and from this month onwards the suggestion o f
an expedition to the East no longer figures in Gregory VI I s
corresp o ndence
to
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I am ultra gui nguagi nta mi li a ad hoc se praparent et, si me possunt i n exped iti one pro
d uce ac pontifice hahere, armata manu contra i ni mi cos Dei o olu nt i nsurgere et usgue ad
—
c
n
s
i
l
i
o
t
o
o
n
d
i
t
e
s
d
c
n
u
i
m
m
a
o
i
e
r
i
n
r
s
n
se ulchru m
om
i
n
i
o
u
n
t
e
r
s
a
a
a
i
e
e
e
d
e
e
e
,
g
g
g
p
g
p
magnoru mauxili o si hoc eus me permiseri t i ncipere a te oud so consi li um et, at ti hi lacet,
1
’
D
auxi li u
m et
ea
m
p
u i a si
g
D
D
m ti hi Romanam ecclesi am reli nguo
ej us honorem d e
fend as ( R II
i lluc f ar/ ente Deo i aero,
m matrem custod i as et
si cat sancta
p
p
ost
eu
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ut
THE LI F E AND TIM ES O F GREG O RY V I I
86
without regard to the charact e r o f th e ir nominees NO lay prince
however assumed that by his nominati o n o r by his investitur e
with any insignia he could lay claim to any spiritual o r ecclesiastical
p o wer over the bish o p
Strictly speaking the war of i nv e stitu re s if by this we mean
the dispute about the mod us o f investiture by the prince and the
—
use o f the Ring and Cr o zier began after the death o f Grego ry VI I
and came to an e nd in the compromise between Calixtus I I and
Henry V
In Gregory VI I S po nti fi cate the question Of i nv e s
t i tu re was restricted to the nominati o n o f ecclesiastics to bishoprics
etc by laymen
Very characteristic was the attitude of the Emperor H e nry I I
towards the bishoprics o f his dominions His personal piety
excludes any thought o f sim o ny but nevertheless he disposed o f
bishoprics as it seemed good to him The diocesans o f th e ArCh
bishopric o f C o logne had already chosen their archbishop but Henry
simply set their candidate aside and gave the archbish o pric in
1 0 2 1 to Pilgrim
Again b e n o minated his chancellor Eberhard
Bishop of Bamberg and his n o minee was immediately consecrat e d by
W illeg is Archbishop o f Mayence Henry Il s successor C o nrad I I
was stained with the all prevalent S i mony o f the time and demanded
large gifts o f m o ney from the Churchm e n he app o inted to bishop
rics Henry I II a man O f high personal character in whose life
time the medi aeval empire touched its highest point followed in the
footsteps o f Henry I I The Emperor wh o had four times nominated
the P o pe naturally held himself j ustified in appointing whom he
would to the bishoprics o f his do minions without considering the
electoral right o f the di o cesans in allowing the Po p e any vo ice in
the matter Consequently H e rmannu s Contractus (o f R eichenau )
assumes that th e right to appoint to bishoprics and to duchies
is an attribute o f the German kingdom
As Henry I I I was a
stern opp o nent o f simony Peter Damiani greeted his interventi o n
with j oy and spoke of it as a Divine dispensation that the ord i nati o
sed i s a ostoli cm was entrusted to the Emperor as a reward o f his
p
piety Under these circumstances Damiani saw nothing against
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HENRY IV OF GERMANY AND GREG O RY V II
87
Emp e r o r s appo inting and dep o sing bishops W h e n the Arch
bishopric of Ravenna became vacant he app e aled to the Empero r
directly to app o int an o ther archbish o p
appoint a pastor so that
”
the Ch u rch may rej oice After the death o f Henry I I I the Empre ss
R e gent continued th e practice and in 1 0 5 7 sh e appointed Gu nd e char
to the Bishopric o f E ich stéid t
Th e German Popes appointed by the powerful Empero r c o uld
hardly h o pe to oppose the Imperi al nominati o n o f bish o ps Le o IX
however made the first and t e ntative attempt to oppose the O ld
custom and to bring forward the still older Laws o f the Church
This refo rm was indeed restricted to F rance and was pro mu l
gated in a F rench council that o f Rh e ims (O ctober
Where
it decreed that ne gu is si ne electi one cleri et populi ad reg i men
’
the
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ecclesi asti cu
m p rov ehetu r
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This synod was the prelude to an attempt to return to th e Laws
o f th e Church
Cardinal Humbert vo iced the growing discontent
at the influence o f lay princes in ecclesiastical el e ctions The
1
appointment o f a bishop by a lay princ e is he writes the greate st
o f crimes and he laments the widespread nature o f the e vil
The question of the n o minati o n to bishop rics by lay princ e s was
no t laid befo re the synods of the year 1 0 7 4
this was reserved f o r
the Lent Syn o d o f the year 1 0 7 5 Unfortunately the text o f this
decree has no t be e n pres e rved and the R eg i strum throws no light
upon the matter But we are enabled from a l e tter o f Gregory s
dated December 8 1 0 7
to gather what were th e aims o f the
decree Gregory describes the reform as a return to t h e de crees
consonant with the teaching o f Christ and the
o f the h o ly fathers
Apostles He does no t state what were the provisi o ns o f the
decree but certain fi d eles o f King Henry who wer e pre sent at the
synod were commissioned on their return to Germany to info rm
him that Gregory was willing to make concessi o ns to softe n the
sav m
categorical prohibitions o f the decree if it c o uld b e done
g
”
the honour o f the eternal King and without peril to o u r souls
It
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1
Ad z/ ersus Si moniacos
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R II I
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10
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THE LI F E AND TI M ES O F G REG O RY V I I
88
is probably for this reason that he did not at once give the decree
1
any wide publicity
The synod o f F ebruary 1 0 7 5 is also remarkable for the numb e r
L i e mar Archbishop o f B rem e n
o f censures which it fulminated
was suspended from all episcopal functions and lost the right to
celebrate Mass Bish o p Dionysius o f Piacenza was deposed and
Bishop C u nib e rt o f Turin was suspended Robert Guiscard already
under anathema was again exc o mmunicated as was Rob e rt o f
”
“
for having invaded the territory O f St Pete r
Philip I
L o ri te llo
o f F rance was threatened with the ban unless he gave satisfaction
to the Pope in a certain matter ; and also it is related o f fi v e
“
supporters o f the King o f Germany
whose counsel had led to
making profit from the sale o f Church property that unless these
supporters sh o uld have reached Rome by the kalends o f June and
there made f ull and proper satisfaction they were to be regarded as
”
e xcommunicate
The condemnation o f the five f avourites o f
Henry IV was somewhat ill timed as Henry had j ust succe e ded
in re establishing his authority in Germany and was preparing to
take revenge upon the Saxons so that he was not likely to attend
to the papal censure
It was to this synod o f F ebruary that the English bishops and
abbots were invited as early as August 1 0 7 4 though in his letter
Gregory writes that the synod was to be held during the second
week o f Lent ( March 1 to
whereas this synod was actually hel d
f rom F ebruary 2 4 to 2 8 the first week o f Lent
O ne o f Gregory s chief anxieties had been the re establishment
o f order in the Church o f Milan
agitated by the disputes of rival
factions The numerous letters which he wrote in 1 0 7 3 and 1 0 7 4
to the su ff ragan bishops o f M ilan and to the Knight H e rle mb ald
manifest his constant anxiety in this direction His e ff orts to bring
about the tri u mph o f the Patarines were to some extent successful
as he was strongly supported by Beatrice and Matilda who
G r g ry VI I wri t i n th b gi nni ng f th y r 1 7 8 t B i h p H z m nn f
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p
S i res,
non
o
h
t at secund u
/ i sti
or
n
g
co
es,
.
mlegati
e
e
tu i o erha d ecretu
o
e
ea
m nostrum (o f
0
1 07 5
,
)
o
ante
s
o
u
a
i nvesti turampro
o
certo
0
9
TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY V I I
the high handed and fo rcible meth o ds o f the Milanese knight
His enemies wo u ld scarcely allow H erle mb ald decent burial A
s o lemn pro cessi o n pass e d to the Church o f St Ambrose with
hymns of thanksgiving f o r the deliverance o f the Church o f M ilan
fro m her Oppressor Yet he to o is placed as a martyr in the
calendar o f Christian saints The death O f this violent Churchman
who whatever his aims governed by popular
o r demagogu e
insurrection by violence and by plunder closes a melancholy
chapter in Church history The married priests continued to
exercise their functions in Milan though with greater cautio n A
syn o d h e ld in 1 0 9 8 condemns as an abuse a practice adopt e d by
the C l e rgy o f handing down their b e ne fi c e s to their children by a
kind o f hereditary succession
Robert Guiscard had continued his hostilities against Richard
o f Capua but this dissensi o n between the two Norman princes in
no way weakened G u iscard s strong position in Southern Italy
So powerful indeed was he that about this time the Emperor o f
the East M ichael V I I asked f o r the hand o f o ne o f G u iscard s
daught e rs for his son Constantine The East e rn Empire had be e n
“
go verned since 1 0 7 1 by M ichael
whose character was degraded
rather than ennobled by the virtues of a monk and the learning of
a sophist and who was by no means fitted f o r his p o sition His
auth o rity was menaced at this time by a twofold danger
The
Turks who in 1 0 7 3 had again invaded the e astern frontiers of the
Empire and had advanced as far as Chalcedon and Chrysopolis
and taken Damascus and M ab o g after a siege lasting eight years
were pushing their conquests still further into Asia Min o r while
within his d o minions two Greek generals Isaac C o mne niu s and
Ni ce ph o ru s B o to niatis were plotting against him
Michael f o r
getting that R o bert Guiscard had don e more than any man to
e xpel the Greeks
from Italy propos e d this alliance and after
very protracted negotiations G u i scard s daughter was taken to
Constantinople where S h e changed her name to H e len and was
betrothed to Constantine Aimé gives a very complete account of
this marriage
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HENRY IV OF GERMANY AND GREG O RY V I I
9
1
I n G e rmany meanwhil e th e action O f the peasants wh o had
destroye d and vi o lat e d th e chapel o f the Harzburg fo rtr e ss had
i ndirectly strengthened Henry I V s hands Th e princes both
spiritual and secular w e re so alarmed that th e y rallied to H e nry s
side and in 1 0 7 5 he was abl e to advanc e a large army into Saxo ny
In vain had the great Saxon nobl e s propos e d to the King that they
should rebuild at their o wn expens e the Church o f Harzburg In
the early days o f June o f that year the royal army marched against
th e Saxon f o rces
gained a decisive victo ry at H o henburg and
re established the auth o rity o f the Crown
Henry continued his
triumphal march as far as Halberstadt and then the army was
brought back to Eschwege and disbanded Befo re giving leave
however to his vassals and their tro ops to return home Henry
ordered them to reassemble in the fo llowing O ct o ber at Gerstungen
h o ping by embarking up o n a winter campaign to complet e th e
subj ugation o f Saxony
O n the appointed day the army re
assembled at Gerstungen but with o ut the tro o ps Of the greate r
nobles Rudo lph Duke of Su ab ia ; Welf Duke o f Bavaria ; and
Berthold Duke o f Carinthia afterwards the bitterest e nemies o f
the yo ung King and even now the leaders o f disa ff e cti o n
The Saxons were how e ver in a d i ffi cult p o siti o n and in spit e o f
the defection o f the three great n o bles fro m th e King were o blige d
to surrender unconditionally
Upon O ctober 2 5 th e n o bl e s o f
Thuringia and Saxony came before his army o ne aft e r an o ther to
surrender The King gave these hostages into the custo dy o f his
friends to be closely guarded s o me in F ranco nia others in Bavaria
Am o ng the prison e rs
Su abia and even in Italy and Burgundy
were O tt o o f Nordheim Magnus o f Saxony F red e rick C o unt
Palatine and Wezel Archbish o p o f Magdeburg
Sax o ny thus shorn o f its strength was no l o nger abl e to make
head against Henry IV and the King proceeded in triumph to his
faithful C ity o f W o rms to celebrate the F east o f St Martin
F rom this time onwards the relations between Henry and the
Pope rapidly developed Henry had expressed a wish to receive
the Imperial dignity and the Pope no t averse from this step was
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GRE GO RY VI I
2
9
anxious to receive C ertain guarantees and promises from Henry
before his coronation
F rom the spring o f the year 1 0 7 5 Gregory
spent his energies in attempting to reform the Church in tha t
country He writes f o r o nce tempering the sternness of h is
denunciations to the Bishop o f Li ege a very o ld man who was
accused of simony and who died shortly after the receipt o f the
Pope s letter Again he addresses three German prelates Hanno
Archbishop o f Cologne ; Wezel Archbishop of Magdeburg ; and
Burchard Bishop o f Halberstadt in March 1 0 7 5 urging them to
promote the cause of clerical celibacy and to exclude all simoniacs
from the service o f the Church To Hanno he writes very C har
that
the
celibacy
ac te ri sti c all
o f the clergy and the condemnation
y
o f simony rest o n the authority o f the early F athers Of the Church
but
the Church o f Rome now as much as in times past possesses
the right to o ppose new decrees and new remedies to new abuses
No t c o ntent with exhortations Grego ry took care that the
sentence o f deposition which he had pronounced against Hermann
Bishop o f Bamberg who had been guilty o f simony was promptly
executed A f e w days after the condemnation o f Hermann Gregory
signified by letter to the clergy and laity Of Bamberg ( April 2 0
1 07
that
their
bishop
had
forfeited
for
ever
his
C
harge
and
his
5)
dignities and he commanded that no o ne should venture to lay
“
hands upon any o f the property of the bishopric until Almighty
God should through the representative of St Peter send them a
”
good and worthy pastor
Hermann returned to Germany and though he did not dare to
attempt to act as a bishop or as a priest he persisted in attemptin g
to retain the temporal possessions o f his forfeited b e ne fi ce To
remedy this state o f aff airs in the Diocese of Bamberg Gregory
wrote to the clergy and people o f Bamberg to Siegfried Archbishop
The first letter pronounced can o ni
o f Mayence and to Henry IV
cal penalties against all those who took part with Hermann i n
despoiling the goods o f the Church and forbade all intercourse with
the excommunicated bishop To Siegfried o f Mayence the Metro
politan o f Bamberg he writes in the most pressing terms urging
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TH E LI F E AND T I ME S O F GREG O R Y V I
94
referred to ambassadors wh o were to be sent to Rome at t b cc lo se
These ambassadors never arrived O nly
o f the Saxon expedition
a messenger was sent who left afte r having declared that theKi ng
still intended to arrange matters with the Holy See i nd e pe ne ntly
the princes o f the Empire and that the first envoys wre to
of
remain in Rome to awai t f urther orders At the end of Aug st o r
the begi nning o f September G regory sent an answer to H e ry by
the returning messenger i n which he declared himself may to
c row n H e nry if only the K ing would hear k en to advice c o ne rn
ing his salvation and no t re f use to render to G o d the trib re of
glory and honour which he owed H im
At the close o f th e ette r
the K ing i s again reminded of the d ifli c u lty about the B ish o pi c of
Bamberg I n ans w er to thi s H enry now d eclared that he no Inger
”
“
wished to negotiate secretly with the Pa pacy but O pe nl, i e
with the conse nt and knowle d ge o f the pri nces o f his kingo m
F oreseeing rightly that th e Pope woul d be dissatis fi ed wit lt his
cha nge o f policy H enry begged his cousins the Duchess B etrice
and the C ou ntess M atilda to intercede with G regory and i nli ne
him to entertain the K ing s further prO po sals G regory n h is
1
answer to them expresses his dismay at the K i ng s cha nge of pticy
and a fear that he is not a nxious for peace he dreads it is e v ic nt
“
the interve ntion of the princes
who would rej oice more a to u r
”
”
“
discor d than at o u r u nion
Let the K i ng know the i tte r
“
continues
that W e shall not c onsent to his demands bec u se
though co nve nient i n his own i nterests they d o little b onou to
St P e te r o r to Us I f he comes bac k to hi s fi rst i dea well nd
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g
ood
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’
D uring the autum n of 1 0 7 5 the relatio ns bet wee n H enry nd
G regory became st ill more strained At the end o f O c to b ero r
at the latest the beginning of November H e nry had sent t he e
messe ngers with a letter to Rome i n which no do ubt h e impra
”
“
t iv e ly o r d ered the Pope to ta k e
steps abo ut c rowning lm
Emperor
M ea nwhile the K ing s e nem ies an d the su bd e d
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Se p te mbe r
1 1.
HE N RY
O F GER M ANY AND GREG O RY V I I
IV
xons ,
a
Kfing of
95
sought to influence the Pope against him accusing the
every k ind o f vice and crime At the same time H enry s
H e had
etion in ecclesiastical matters was not above reproach
t is true appointed a successor to Hermann Bishop o f Bamberg
who d e serted by all became a mon k i n the Monastery o f
Schwarzach and had advanced two poor and humble monks to
be abbots o f the great M onastery of F ulda and the Abbey o f
Lorsch f o r which many rich abbots and monks were competing
But the deeds and words o f the K ing s envoy Eberhard o f
Nelle nb u rg in Lombardy were at variance with these excellent
appointments and with his expressed re lations to Pope Gregory
Eberhard when i n Lombardy congratulated the people upon
H erle mb ald s death and suggested their sending an embassy across
the Alps to his master wh o he promised them would give them
any bishop they C hose All the Patari nes were declared to be the
King s enemies those in Piacenza were tur ned o u t Of their town
and some were made priso ners though they were shortly af ter
wards set f ree owing to the intervention o f the Duchess Beatrice
By order o f the King the capi tani o f Milan made choice o f a priest
named Te d ald o and the K ing though he had already invested
Godf rey granted the investiture o f the Bishopric o f M ilan to
Te d ald o despite the f act that G od f rey was still living
On
December 8 1 0 7 5 G reg ory wrote to all the su ff ragans o f the
Diocese o f Milan co llectively and also se nt separate letters to
various Italian bishops forbidding them to confer Holy O rders
on Te d ald o o r to consecrate o r recognize him as Archbishop o f
Milan To Te d ald o himsel f G regory writes commanding him to
retire and f orbidding him to receive consecration Henry IV s
action in this matter merits the sharpest censure and Gregory
reproach es him bitterly f o r the breach o f his promises Te d ald o
was summoned before the Lent Synod o f 1 0 7 6 to j usti f y himsel f
i f possible
he did no t however appear but j oined the dissatisfied
G erma n and Italian prelates who met at the Diet o f Worms and
was suspended and excommunicated in company with them Later
he was de fi nitely deposed
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THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VI I
94
refe rre d to ambassad o rs wh o were to be sent to Rome at the C los e
O f the Saxon expedition
Th e se ambassadors never arrived O nly
a messenger was sent who left afte r having declared that the King
still intend e d to arrange matt e rs with the Holy See inde pendently
of
the princes o f the Empir e and that the first envo ys were to
remain in R o me to awai t f urther orders At the end of August o r
the beginning o f September Gregory sent an answer to Henry by
the r e turning messenger i n which he declared hims elf ready to
“
cro wn Henry if only the King would hearken to advice conc e rn
ing his salvati o n and no t r e f use to rende r to Go d the tribute o f
”
glory and h o n o ur which he owed Him
At th e close o f the lette r
the King i s again reminde d o f the d ifli cu lty about the Bish o pric o f
Bamberg I n answer to this H e nry no w declared that he no longe r
”
“
wished to ne go tiate secretly with the Papacy but openly i e
with the consent and kn o wledge o f the prince s o f his kingdom
F oreseeing rightly that the P o pe w o uld be dissatisfied with thi s
change o f policy Henry begged his cousins the Duchess B e atrice
and the Countess Matilda to intercede with Gregory and inclin e
him to entertain the King s further proposals Gregory in h i s
1
answer to them expresses his dismay at the King s change o f policy
and a fear that he is not anxious for peac e h e dreads it is evident
“
the intervention o f the princes
wh o would rej o ice more at o u r
”
”
“
discord than at our u nion
Let the King know the letter
“
continues
that We shall not consent to his demands because
though co nvenient i n his own i nterests they do little honour to
St P e te r o r to Us I f h e com e s back to his first idea well and
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g
ood f
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’
During the autumn o f 1 0 7 5 the relations between Henry and
Gregory became still more strained At the end o f O ctober o r
at the latest the beginning of November Henry had sent three
messengers with a letter to R ome i n which no d o ubt h e impera
”
“
steps about crowning him
t iv e ly ordered the Pope to take
Emperor
Meanwhile the King s enemies and the subdue d
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p
b
Se te m
er I I
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY V I I
6
9
At this j uncture also Henry IV presented two o f his clergy
1
to the Bish o prics o f F ermo and Spoleto in the very heart o f Italy
without even in f orming the Pope o f his C h o ice These nominees
the King were altogether unknown to the Pope Gregory
of
hesitated no l o nger and dispatched to Henry a letter which if
not a direct declaration o f war was the sullen rumbling o f the
thunder befor e a storm The letter is dated 6 I d us J anuari i but
this is an oversight as it is C losely linked with the events o f th e
2
early part o f December
It is important to Observe the ground
which he took i n that warlike mani f esto The lette r begins with
a cond iti onal blessing and continues
Deeply and anxiously weigh
ing the responsibilities o f th e trust committe d to us by St Peter
we have with great hesitation granted o u r apostolic benediction f o r
it is reported that thou still holdest communion with exco mmu ni
I f this be true the grace o f that benediction avails
c ate d persons
”
thee nothing Seek ghostly counsel o f s o me holy bishop
He
proceeds to reproach the King f o r the contrast between his su b mis
sive letters and the deferential language o f his ambassadors and
his disobedient conduct The grant o f the Archbishopric of Milan
without waiting f o r the decision o f the Ap o stolic See the investiture
o f the Bishoprics o f F ermo and Sp o leto made to persons unknown
to the Pope were acts of irreverence to St Peter and to his suc
cessor who re presents him F inally the synod of F ebruary 1 0 7 5 is
“
mentioned which thought fi t in th e decay o f the Christian religion
to reve rt to the ancient discipline of the Church that discipline on
which depends the salvati o n o f man This decre e (however some
may presume to call it an insupportable burden o r intolerable
we
est
e e m a nec e ssary law ;
all
Christian
kings
and
O ppr e ssion
)
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1
Bi h p
G
Th e
s o
ri c
of
y
Fe rmo h ad
b
e en
d
c th
wh m
vac ant si n e
e
d
en
of
th e
c
y
e ar 1 0 7 4
w
e re to
II
h ad sent an a mi ni strato r,
o
th e d i o e sans
reg o r
d onec, d i ni na proo i d ente clementi a, cu m nostra solli ci tud i ne tum regi s consi li o et
O e
d ispensati one i d onea ad regend am ecclesiam et episcopalem d ignitatem ersona reperi atur
e i ste r, t h e ne w
i
s o
c o rd i ng t o th e re o rt o f th e s no
o f 1 0 7 , i n th e
g
9
”
ate o f
of
Fe rmo ,
o f th e
G ri sf o ri anu s, was exc o mmu ni c ated
b u t no t i ng i s sai
the
i o e se o f S o e to
2
II I 1 0
R
(
.
by
.
Ac
D c
R
.
p
p l
.
.
.
y d
R
h
p
.
d
B hp
f
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O R Y VI I
8
9
to the K ing in G e rmany by the three envoys— Gregory gives the ir
1
names as R abb o d i Ad e lpre th and U o d e scalk i
In the meantim e Gregory s strained relations with Germany
were not without their e ff ect upon his Italian allies Gisulfo
Prince of Salerno and Richard Prince o f Capua had laid aside
th e ir private di ff erences and bec o me alli e s since both were menaced
by the ambition o f Robert Guiscard Guiscard who had designs
upon Salerno now determined to detach the Prince of Capua from
Gisulfo Such an alliance would be invaluable to him in the case
Gregory VI I o r a desce nt
o f a fresh int e rvention o n the part o f
Richard also wished for peace ;
o n S o uthern Italy by Henry IV
the alliance with Gisulfo had not procured for him the advantages
he exp e cted from it and he reflected that G isu lf o s f all seemed
imminent ; there f ore like a true Norman he j oined the winning
side The alliance with Rob e rt Guiscard was o f especial moment
to the Prince o f Capua as he wished to annex Naples and its
t e rritory and to d o this a fleet was indispensable ; with Rober t
Guiscard the sovereign o f Palermo Messina Reggio and Bari
as an ally the capture o f Naple s was render e d possible Robert
Guiscard and Richard o f Capua had an interview and laissere nt la
co m ai ni e de li amis non p o l e ns e t u re re nt d e l un trai ti e r la utilité
p g
j
”
Th e wording o f
de l autre e t e stre en damage de t o uz los ane mis
the o ld chronicler i s most happy and accurately describes this ne w
alliance The Prince and the Duke mutually gave back the co n
quests they had made at each other s expense and promised to help
each other the o ne to take Naples and the other Salerno While
Richard and Robert Guiscard were preparing to fall upon Salerno and
Naples Robert o f L o ri tello who had been e xc o mmunicated at the
syn o d o f 1 0 7 5 continued to push his conquests at his neighb o urs
e xp e ns e e sp e cially to t h e d e triment of Trasmo nd
Count o f Chieti
Trasmo nd a f te r a long s e ries o f hostilities
see ing the will o f God
”
to b e against him
surr e ndere d unconditi o nally to Robert o f
L o ri te llo paid him sums o f money acknowledged his suzerainty
a nd received again f rom him part of th e lands he had lost
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1
O d esch alc hi ?
IV O F
HENRY
AND
GERMANY
GREG O RY
vi i
99
A f ew weeks after Count Eberhard had been sent into Italy
by the King o f Germa ny died Hanno the great Archbish o p o f
C o logne wh o had been responsible f o r much o f Henry s early
education in the gloomy palace in Cologne Hanno was a rigid
Churchman o f imposing personality dead to the world and austere
but full o f single eyed devotion to his o fli ce Lambert writes o f
him as a man endowed with every virtue and renowned for his
”
j ustice in civil as well as in ecclesiastical causes ; but he admits
”
“
that he was liable to transp o rts o f ungovernable anger
After
th e death o f Hanno , Henry knowing too we ll the danger from
that princely See in able hands had forced a monk named H ild o rf
o f Obscure birth and feeble mind to take the bishopric
While the d ifli cu ltie s between Henry IV and Gregory were
growing to a head Gregory s person was not safe from assault at
R o me th o ugh he c o u ld still count upon the fidelity o f the people
at large
There was living at Rome a certain Cenci son Of
Stephen a pow e rful prefect o f Rome Cenci had been the master
Of the Castle o f St Angelo and the master o f that stronghold was
an important personage in Rome Paul o f Bernried writes that
Cenci spent the whole o f the year 1 0 7 5 in recruiting enemies
against the P o pe
We kn o w nothing o f the motives o r the
acc o mplices o f Cenci nor whether the act was due to political
motives o r to privat e animosity
Cenci C h o se Christmas Day f o r the execution o f his proj ect
The rain poured do wn in torrents and very few R o mans were
abro ad but the Pope with a few ecclesiastics went to celebrate
the midnight Mass in the remote Church o f Santa Maria
Maggior e O nly a small number o f people attended ; the P o pe
and his assistant clergy had just receive d the Holy Communi o n
and w e re in the act o f administering it to the people when Cenci s
soldi e rs burst into the church swept along the nave dashed do wn
the rails rush e d to the chapel o f the Presepe and seized the
Ponti ff He was w o unded o n the forehead and bleeding stripp e d
o f the pallium
chasubl e and alb the Pop e made no resistance
They dragged him o u t o f the church mounted him behind o ne o f
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
1 00
the soldiers wh o galloped o ff and imprisoned him in a strong
t o wer The priests hurried to Rome to rep o rt the outrage and
"
the clergy in the di ff e rent churches broke o fl their servic e s and
rushed into the str e e ts inciting the pe o ple to rescue and revenge
All night trumpets p e al e d and b e lls toll e d The city gates
were imm e diately shut and guarded so as to prevent Cenci
from taking his victim o u t of the city At daybreak a m e eting
was h e ld in the Capitol and on learning that the Pop e was no t
dead but a prisoner in a tower near the Panth e o n b e longing to
Cenci the Romans rushed to his rescu e Engines were br o ught
to th e siege and th e walls began to give way Cenci aw o ke to the
consciousness o f his danger and the inadequacy o f his o utrage
O ne faithful friend and one n o ble matr o n had fo ll o w e d th e P o pe
into his dungeon The man had c o vered his shivering b o dy with
furs and was cherishing his chill e d feet in his o wn b o s o m ; the
woman had staunched the bl o o d and bound up the wound in his
”
head and sat weeping beside him
As s o o n as Cenci realized his dang e r h e threw himself at the
Pope s feet and implored him to save his life Grego ry it is said
contrived to save him fro m th e mo b wh o o n breaking int o the
fortress w o uld have torn him to pi e ces Paul o f Bernried in his
biography o f Grego ry VI I improv e s the o ccasi o n by putting a
l o ng and tasteless discourse into the mouth o f the captive P o pe
which deserves no furth e r n o tice Gregory VI I was br o ught fr o m
his prison and the p o pulac e br o ke down th e walls The P o pe still
stain e d with bl o o d was carried back to Santa Maria Maggi o re
surrounded by a great crowd there to c o mplete the interrupted
Mass befo re returning to the Lateran
The di ff e rent acc o unts
unite in ascribing great courage self command and gener o sity to
Greg o ry VI I which must have won the sympathi e s o f the pe o ple
Such popularity was not to be underrat e d when a breach between
the Pop e and the King o f Germany was in prospect
The King was in the royal palace o f Goslar in Sax o ny in
January when the thre e envoys return e d from Rome bringing
with them the Pope s letter and secre t instructions I n th e face o f
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TH E LI F E A N D TIMES O F GREG O RY VI I
1 02
was a zealous partisa n of Henry I V changed front suddenly and in
the f o llowing year became an ardent Ru d o lphian the latter though
he withdrew his assent later from the Decree Of Worms re tained his
fidelity to his King and would have nothing to d o with the R u d o lph ian
party Gregory VI I had a deep respect for th e indepen d e nt and
staunch Churchman and loyal subj ect as we gather from his
letters
No secular partisans o f Henry IV attended the diet with the
exception o f Godfrey o f Lorraine Hugh Candidus who must
have suspected the o utbreak o f the storm between Henry I V
and the Pope came in the hope o f opposing Gregory VI I
Acc o rding to B o nith o the Cardinal delivered his accusations against
Gregory in a speech while Paul o f Bernried states that he came
with letters fr o m R o me Lamb e rt o f Hersfeld is doubtless correct
in his statement that the Cardinal was provided with a formal
d o cument containing the accusations against Gregory VII It has
been assumed that these are the same as those charges which were
brought fo rward four years later at the Synod Of Brixen but this
is unlikely o r the bishops would have made use o f the Brixen
C harges in the letter from Worms This document which was
signed by six and twenty prelates declared the accused had forfeit e d
the power Of binding and loosing and was no longe r Pope The
renunciation o f allegiance was drawn up in the strictest form
“
I
Bishop o f
disclaim from this h o ur all allegiance to
”
Hildebrand and will neither esteem nor call him Pope
O nly two
bishops Ad alb ero o f W ii rz b u rg and Hermann o f Metz hesitated
1
to Sign the document
They argued that it was unj ust and
b m nti n d b id th tw r h b i h p w r th
Th
ign t ri
B i h p f U tr h t L utti h V rd n T l Sp ir H lb r t d t Str b rg B l
C n t nc R g n b rg F i ing E i h tad t M un t r M ind n H ild h im O n
b rg N mb rg Z itz P d rb rn B r nd nb rg L nn nd V r n Th l t
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1
s o
o
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ec
s o
s a
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a o
s
e,
au
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s u
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a ove
es
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e
a e
o
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re s
,
,
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u
ou
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c
a
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es
es
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o
e
‘
s e
,
e
u
,
e s a
a
e s,
,
a c
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e
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au sa
e
a
s o
e e
s,
as u
,
,
e o
as e ,
,
es e
s
,
a
e
.
e
a
as
me d was th e o nly I tal i an b i sho p p re se nt at th e d i e t Th e D ec re e o f th e D ie t
o f W o rms was c o nfi rme d by th e Sy no d o f P i ac e nz a at wh i c h th e L o mb ard b i sh o p s
w ere p resent We d o no t k no w why Liemar A rc hb isho p o f B re men wh o c ame
na
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,
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G
i nto c o nfli c t w i th
late r, at th e Sy no d
y VI I h
reg o r
Of
B
ri xe n
s
ly
o rt
,
af te r th e
was
no t
latte r s
’
pr
l
,
e e vati o n, and
ese nt at
th e
Di
et of
wh o
W
pp
a
ms
or
.
e are
d
,
HENRY IV OF GERMANY AND GREG O RY VII
10
3
uncan o nical to condemn a bishop without a general c o uncil without
accusers and defe nders and without warning the accus e d o f the
charges made against him h o w much more a Pop e William o f
Utrecht the boldest partisan o f Henry O ff ered them the choice o f
disclaiming their allegiance to the King o r signing the document
To this force they yielded The C hr o nicle o f Hildesheim states
that the bishop o f that C ity wh o had been a leader in the Saxon
insurrection signed only from fear o f death sed q u od scripserat ohelo
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pp
su
osi to
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d amnav i t
The bishops letter accuses Gregory o f having seized the Papacy
”
“
by force in defiance o f right and all j ustice ; Of taking away
from the bishops as far as he possibly c o uld the p o wers that the
grace o f the H o ly Spirit confers upon th e m o f withdrawing from
bishops the right o f condemning o r absolving any o ne wh o has
committ e d a crime in their di o ces e s o f the scandal he had given to
the Church by his unb e coming familiarity with a married wo man
whose name is not mentioned by the bishops but wh o we learn from
Lambert o f Hersfeld was intended for the Countess Matilda o f
Tuscany and the undue influence o f w o men upon the j udgment s
and decre es o f the Holy See This last accusation is based up o n
Grego ry s sympathy with three women the Empress Agnes
Beatric e and Matilda and there is no doubt that he appealed to
them f o r advice and sympathy I n o ne letter he says
We
desire your counsel in o u r a ff airs as o u r sisters and daughters o f
”
St P e ter and it is o n the advice o f lVI atild a and o f the Empress
Agnes that Gregory wrote in 1 0 7 4 his first letter to Henry IV
F inally in a remarkable lette r to Matilda Greg o ry wishes to lead a
”
“
crusade accompanied by both Agnes and Matilda his sisters
These utterances o f Gregory and his close relati o ns with these
three women would naturally have aroused unfav o urable comment
” 1
at the time and suggested the charge of undue familiarity
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Ap
f ro m th e a t t at su c c o nd u c t o u d b e strangel at v arianc e i t h i s
o u ntess
arac te r, t at th e c arge o f u n u e ami i ari t
et
een
reg o r VI I and th e
e xtant, a d resse
ati
a was u n o u n e
i s su gge ste d
th e to ne o f th e e tte rs, sti
of
ac
e
rego r to h er
u nc
t
h
at i
o f re
a h ad marri e
in 1 0 7 1
)
(
1
h
M ld
by G
c
fc h
art
h
y
f
.
h
d d
M ld
h
d f
by
w l
yb w
l
d
G
l
y
Gd y
y
w h
ll
C
H
d
d
hb k
THE LI FE AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VI I
1 04
With the bishops letter was sent o ne written by the King
”
i n his o wn name to Hildebrand beginning
Henry not
by usurpati o n but by God s ordinance King to Hild e brand no
”
l o nger Pope but a false monk
The letter accus e s him o f the pride
with which he had tyrannized o ver all o rders o f the Church and
—
e
trampl e d them underfoot like slav s archbishops bish o ps and the
wh o le clergy o f a pret e nce to universal knowledge o r to universal
power ( Taking the King s humility f o r fear Hildebrand had
threatened to ro b the King of his royal power
as though royalty
and Empire were in thy hands and no t in the hands o f
By
craft th o u hast Obtained m o ney by mon e y influence by influence
the power o f the sword by the sword thou hast m o unted the
thr o ne o f peace and from the throne o f peace d e str o yed peace
arming subj ects against th e ir rulers bringing bishops appointed by
G o d into c o ntempt and exposing them to the j udgment o f the
laity Us too consecrat e d o f G o d am e nable to no j udge but
G o d who can be deposed f o r no crime but absolute apostacy th o u
hast ventured to assail despising the words o f that true P o pe St
Peter F ear God honour th e King
Thou that h o nour e st not
the King fearest no t G o d
St Paul held accursed even an angel
from h e aven who should preach another gospel ; this curse falls
”
upon thee who teachest this new d o ctrine
Thus accursed then
thus condemned by the sentence Of all our bishops and by o u r o wn
come do wn
Leave the apostolic thr o ne which thou hast usurp e d
Let another take the chair o f St Peter o ne who preaches no t vi o l e nce
and war but the sacred doctrine o f the Holy Apostle I Henry
by the grace Of Go d King with all the bish o ps o f my realm say
unto thee D o wn down
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h yw
h
ly l
d
G
y
h
p
d
L o rrai ne , agai nst c ano n law, f o r t e
rego r so u g t to
e rsu a e
e re ne ar
re ate
“
ati
a o f th e u n a
u ne ss o f t i s u ni o n, and i n R
I 4 7 me nti o ns h er
re e n t
anc e
P one fi nem i n u o/untate precand i et ex cord e contri to et hu mili ato lacry mas
e
ame s
ati d a, to e t e r
H
h
m
o t er
e atri e ,
e au se t e
ave
i
t nd e
i
t
e
r
efl
g
e rman
u
o
t a e n ri so ne r a
ro m Ro me ( R I 7 7
d
i s o o n h i s re tu rn jo u rne
) Q
cistis i n eam
uam i nhonestu m aohi s,
ih
u erecund u m uam ue heato P etro et
u
a
m
m
i
e
,
f
g
g
g
g
a ostolicce sed i contu m
s u estris re utate
eli osu m sit,
ua n
o, cu m ani m
i
p
g
M ld
k
.
p
l wf l
bl
M l
G
b h p
h
.
w h
.
.
h B
yf
p
c b c
hyh
.
.
p
.
THE LI F E AND TIMES OF GREG O RY VI I
1 06
which he as King O f Germany claimed the here d itary right and
had attempted to alienate the kingdom Of Italy— pr o bably by
Gregory s alliance with the Normans a rising menace to the King s
power in Italy I n the letter h anc talem the Pope is reproached
with having g o ne beyond the limits o f his pr o per province and
o f having denied the ap o st o lic doctrine o f
the independenc e of
Kingship
The Bishops o f Spires and Basle were charged with the pro
mp lg atio n o f the D e cre e o f the C o uncil o f W o rms in Italy and in
R o m e and th e y started o n their mission accompanied by the o ld
C o unt Eberhard who undertook to protect them o n their errand
Henry s plan was to have the depositi o n o f Gregory VI I pro claimed
at the R o man Synod and h e h o ped that the Romans w o uld s e nd
him an embassy begging him to appoint the future Ponti ff whom
G o dfrey Duke o f Lorrain e o ff ered to conduct to Rome to be there
consecrated and enthroned The two bishops were welcomed with
enthusiasm by the Lombard clergy the old party o f C ad alu s and
the m arried Clergy and a synod held at Piacenza ratified the Decree
o f Worms
When it came to the point Of carrying the decree to
the Pope himself the Bishops o f Spires and Basl e refused to proceed
any further and finally a priest named Roland o f the Diocese o f
Parma consented to bear the communication to Rome
Even contemporary writers recognized the importance of the
Decr e e o f Worms and the action o f Henry IV Gebhard o f
Salzburg and Hugh o f Flavi ny lay stress upon the fact that
”
“
W o rm s was the beginning 0 gall the c alamities
Some lines in
th e Cod ex Ud a lri ci complain that the Pope is seeking to unseat the
King and the King the Pope ; and express the wish that some
third power w o uld restrain the opp o nents and c o nfine them to their
respective provinces u t rex reg nu mpapatu mpap a teneret
Modern critics emphasize the hasty impolitic and unconsidered
nature o f the Decree o f Worms and the v olte fa ce o f H e nry IV in
attempting to invalidate the electio n of the Pope whom he had
more than once recognized as the legitimate head of the Church
His wiser course would have bee n to answer G regory s accusatio ns
to
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HENRY IV OF GERMA NY AND GREG O RY V I I
1 07
and to pro test against the Pope s novel assumption o f a right to
d e pose him Gregory too in sending his ultimatum in such
extreme and mortifying language is not beyond blame
However the blame may be apportioned it is clear that both
men w e r e fighting f o r an idea Gregory s principle was that it was
1
his right as Pope as successor to St Peter to depose kings while
Henry withstood such an assumption as an unheard o f novelty in
Christ e nd o m with all his en e rgy He himself was permeated with
the idea that in temporal matters he was independent Of the P o pe
and subj ect to God alone This began the first political struggles
o f th e Church in the M iddle Ages in which a great principle was
at stake
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1
y
s ste
Se e
m,
”
p
Ch pt
a
.
2
54
er
.
XI I,
“
G
y
re go r
VI I
as
Po
p
d
e , an
as
f
d
oun
er o f
th e
hi
i
ero c rat c
T H E R O A D T o CA N O SSA F EB R U AR Y
1 4,
,
he
R
10
—
6
7
JA N U A R Y
2 8, 1 077
man Sy no d Fe b ru ary 1 4 2 2 1 0 7 6 — H e nry IV and th e b i sh o p s o f G e rmany
and L o mb ard y e xc o mmu ni c ate d — E nc ycli c al o f th e P o p e— Fru i tl e ss n ego ti ati o ns
b e tw ee n th e H o ly Se e and th e N o rmans— D eath o f th e D u ch e ss B eatri c e , and
o f G o d fre y
D u k e o f L o rraine— H enry IV l earns o f h is exc o mmu nic atio n at
U tre ch t— D e ath o f Wi ll i am B ish o p o f U tre ch t— Th e K i ng c o nvo k es th e sec o nd
D i et o f Wo rms— Asse mbly at M ay enc e J u ne 2 9 — U d o Archb ish o p o f T reves
mak e s p e ac e w i th th e H o ly Se e— M any p re l ates and no bl e s i n G e rmany
-
o
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
r t h i r l i b rty
b d n th K i ng p arty— Th S x n h tag r
Gr g ry
wri t t th b i h p f G rmany— Gr g ry l tt t B i h p H rm nn f
M tz ( 1 0 7 6 and 1 0 8 0) —D i t f Tri b r— L mb rt f H r f ld c t l g
f
th
bl ig ti n nd rtak n by H nry IV and th p rinc — Th P r mi i and
th
Ki ng d ic t— Th P p l a f r G rm ny— H arri at M nt
J n ry 8 — At th n w f H nry rri l i n I t ly h t k r f g i n C n
—H nry I V l
i n I t ly— C an a— Th
cr
Sp i r
rri
th Alp and
K i ng d p nanc b f r th C a tl f C an a— H i b l d fr m x m
m ni ati n— L mb rt f H r f ld fab ri ti n w i th r g rd t H nry and th
P p t C an a— M i t k n p ini n f h i t ri n a t th i mp rtan f
H nry p n nc
t C n
a
a an
o
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es
o
s
s o
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O
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O
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ss o
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a
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o ss
so ve
s
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’
o sses
e
e
e
e ves
e
s a e
o ss
e
o
e o e
a
o
e
s
e
e s,
e
ec o ve
’
u
e
e
e
s
o
es
o
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O
os
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a o
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o
o
.
the first week o f Lent in the year 1 0 7 6 the Roman Synod
as assembled under the presidency o f the P o pe in the Church o f
t John Lateran The bishops who numbered 1 1 0 had come
ome from F rance and Central o r Southern Italy while a large
o nc o u rse o f clerics abbots monks and laymen filled the C hurch
o prelates from Germany or Lombardy had responded to the
u mmo ns o f the Holy See
At the opening o f the first session immediately after the singing
f th e hymn Veni Creator the Pope was about to pronounce the
reli mi nar discourse when Roland e ntered with a companion and
y
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1 08
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VI I
1 10
in its entirety It is possible that he may have suspected that
Henry s enemies ha d overstated their case against him and had
carried their accusations to o far and that he had listened to baseless
slanders
The F ebruary synod excommunicated with Henry IV Sieg
fried O f M ayence and the bishops wh o had o f their o wn free wi ll
concurred in the proceedings Of Worms They were suspended
from their ep i scopal functions interdicted from the Holy Eucharist
except in the hour o f death and after due penance Those who
assented from weakness and compulsion were allowed time to make
their p e ace with the Holy See The bishops o f Lombardy who
had ratified at Piacenza the Decree o f Worms were suspended
from their episcop al functions and severed from the communion of
the Church like Siegfried o f Mayence and those bishops who had
signed o f their o wn free will the Worms document As H ef ele
remarks there was no compulsion in the case o f the L o mbardian
bish o ps they had no t come u nder the influence of the King
It is noteworthy in this connection that Where as the maj ority o f
the G erman bishops made their peace with the Holy See in the
course o f the summer the Lombard bishops remained firm in their
oppositi o n They replied to the censures o f the F ebruary synod
by an assembly in Pavia in which the Pope was condemned in the
harshest terms
I n the Register after we are informed that the W o rms prelates
were censured at the F ebruary synod the text o f Gregory s
excommunication o f the King is given under the heading : E x
com
mu ni cati o Henri ci reg i s Teu toni corum The form o f the speech
is original and could have had no precedent as hitherto no reign
i ng prince in such a position as H e a
I V s had ever b e en
excommunicated
The King s messengers appear to have been ill treated by the
Roman mo b after the synod Henry IV writing to Altwin Bishop
of
Brixen complains that the Pope treated them cruelly i m
prisoned them caused them to su ff er cold hunger thirst and cru e l
blows and made them a spectacle to the people as they were led
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THE R O AD T O CAN O SSA
1 1 1
through the streets o f Rome The Empress Agnes however says
that the messengers were attacked by the Romans and it is quit e
within the bounds o f possibility that the Pope was innocent and
unaware o f the rough j ustice o f the Romans especi ally as it is
admitted by Henrician writers as well as by his o wn partisans that
he saved the life o f Roland at th e synod
Shortly after the council the Pope wrote an e ncyclical in which
the bishops who attended the Diet o f Worms are no t anathematized
” “
“
directly but are stigmatized as schismatics
those who blas
”
of
At
the
close
h
e me the name o f the L o rd in Bless e d Peter
p
this docum e nt reference is made to the King o f Germany wh o m
”
“
Blessed Peter ( that is to say Grego ry himself who here and
els ewhere identifies himself with the prince o f the Ap o stles in his
O ffi ci al capacity) has anathematized
The mandates o f Gregory were to promulgate themselves they
were unsupported by any strong temporal forc e s Th e P o pe
indeed was master in Rome and might depend perhaps o n his
firm ally the C o untess Matilda he might p o ssibly as a last r e source
summon the Normans but it was not to these secular p o wers that
“
he trusted but to the spiritual terrors o f th e papal threats the
”
incomparable powers o f th e Pope as the earthly P e ter
It is not surprising however to find that in the early m o nths o f
pose Of reconciling R o bert
1 0 7 6 negotiations t o o k place f o r the pu r
Guiscard and his brother Roger o f Sicily to the Holy Se e Grego ry
1
orders Arn o ld Bish o p o f Acerenza to g o to C o unt Rog e r wh o
“
begs to be bl e ssed and abs o lved by the H o ly Se e and if he
promises Obedience and does penance to abs o lve him If Robert
Guiscard also consents to Obey the H o ly R o man Church as a so n
”
sh o uld Obey his mother Gregory f o r his o wn part is r e ady to
abs o lve him from exc o mmunication
The nego tiations failed as had all similar attempts in the
prec e ding y e ar Gisulfo o f Salerno proved to be an unsurm o untable
2
Obstacle in the way o f reconciliati o n
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1
2
M rch
a
We
1 4,
kn w f
o
1 076
ro
.
m Ai mé
h
t at at t
hi
s ti
me
G
y
reg o r
VI I
and
th e
A bb
ot of
M
o nte
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
1 1 2
Immediately after Easter the bishops and abbots o f Lombardy
assembled at Pavia under th e presidency O f Guibert Archbishop o f
Rav e nna anathematized Gr e gory VI I and declared their allegiance
to Henry IV A complete schism was formed and seemed to b e
irremediable
M eanwhile the Duchess Beatrice the m o ther o f the Countess
Matilda and a firm ally o f Gr e gory V I I died on April 1 8 1 0 7 6
Beatrice who was a cousin o f the Emperor H e nry I I I had as
we have said married firstly the Margrave B o nifac e o f Tuscany
who was murdered in the year 1 0 5 2 ; sec o ndly Godfr e y ( the
Bearded ) o f Lorraine As Beatrice and Godfrey were related in
the f o urth degree Of consanguinity the marriage must have been
considered invalid at the time ; but no steps were taken about
—
h
e
matter Godfrey the Hunchback so n o f Godfrey the Bear d ed
t
—
o
and husband Of the C untess Matilda was assassinated no t l o ng
befo re the death o f the Duchess Beatrice ( it is said by the emissaries
o f Robert Count o f F landers
and
in
him
Henry
IV
lost
a
devote
d
)
adherent and an experienced soldi e r who had fought with him in
his campaig n against the Saxons
Th e excommunication o f the King o f Germany the fact that h e
was cut o ff from all fellowship with the Church and to be avoided
by all Christian subj ects made a d e ep impression When the news
“
o f the e xc o mmunicati o n spread abroad says B o ni th o
the wh o le
”
world o f Rome sh o ok and trembled
It is true that to many
distant and outlying districts the news must have been slow i n
penetrating for as late as 1 0 7 7 the Archbishop o f Cambray declared
himself uncertain as to Henry s fate but He nry s position became
gradually more and more isolated The direct consequence o f
the excommunication o f a prince was that subordinates o fli c ials
soldiers etc were obliged to desert the excommunicated person
so that such a sentence in time became ipso f acto o ne o f de
position
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C
assi no
w i th
Ro
w r nd
b rt G i
e e e
e
i
bu t
eav o u r ng
u sc ard ,
c il G i lf and t p r ad
G i lf r f d to l i t n t th m
to re c o n
su
o
e
e u se
su
s e
e su
o
o,
o
e
.
e
hi m to
mak e
p
e ac e
TH E R O AD To CAN O SSA
1 1
3
After his defiance of the Pope at Worms Henry went to Goslar
wher e h e busied hims e lf with the exil e of the Sax o n h o stages to
the m o st distant parts o f the kingdom th e imprisonment o f all
suspected pers o ns and the c o nstruction o f numerous fo rtified
castles F rom Goslar he proceeded to Cologne in the beginning
o f March as h e was anxious to settle the matter o f the n o minati o n
as
Archbishop
In
spite
o f the
o r H ild o rf
o f his cr e ature H ild alf
(
)
strong opp o siti o n o f the clergy and pe o ple he refused to alter th e
choice he had made and arranged that H ild alf should be cons e crated
by William Bishop o f Utrecht The King kept Easter at Utrecht
and there he presented his yo ung son and heir Conrad with th e
Duchy o f Lorraine vacant by the death o f Duke Godfrey It was
here o n March 2 7 that he heard the sentence o f the Pope Hi s
first impression was that o f dismay but he soon recovered and
declared h e w o uld revenge himself At once he ordered Bibo
Bish o p o f Toul who was staying at the court to declare during the
s o lemn Mass in the cath e dral before all the people that the ex
c o mmunication was invalid The Bishop dared no t execute this
o rd e r and th o ugh attached to Henry he secretly withdrew from the
city with the Bish o p of Verdun wh o shared his fears and anxieties
I n William o f Utrecht fidelity to the King was combined with a
fierce hatred o f the P o pe and he it was wh o took the place o f the
Bish o p o f Toul and made the d e claratio n re q u e ste d by Henry IV
He e ven went further
At every opportunity he broke forth
against the Pope whom he called the perj urer the adulterer and
”
the false apostl e and declared him excommunicated not by himself
alone but by all the bishops o f Germany
If he had hoped f o r the King s favour in return for his zeal and
services h e was deceived Henry met William s request f o r a
bish o pric f o r his nephew with a refusal SO greatly was the Bisho p
chagrined that he separated himself from the King s party without
however going over to the Pope s side He died in April o f the
same year That the people of Utrecht were not well disposed
towards Gregory is sh o wn by the fact that they gave the ex
communicated Bishop honourable burial
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8
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THE LI F E AND TI M ES OF GREG O RY V I I
1 14
H e had died under the ban and Bishop He nry o f L ii ttic h who
had retracted his share in the Diet o f Worms asked the Pope s
advice as to the prayers that were used f o r the soul o f the departed
Bishop Gregory s answer proves that he was not fully informed
as to William o f Utrecht s share in forcing his reluctant colleagues
to subscribe to the letter o f the bishops
H e suggested that
W illiam s consent at Worms might have been due to pressure and
o n this false hypothesis he allowed masses and prayers to be said f o r
his soul
Gregory VI I had expected Henry to lead the royal army into
the plains o f Lombardy and accordingly assembled troops and in
conc e rt with the Countess Matilda organized a plan o f resistance
H enry s o nly reply was to summon another council at Worms
like that o f the preceding year Besides a general invitation to the
bishops o f his realm he add ressed a special letter to Bishop Altwi n
Hildebrand
o f Brixen in which he reiterat e d his conviction that
was an intruder who to o k possession o f the Papacy and o f royal
”
authority contrary to the will o f God
The King s summ o ns r e ceived but little attention o f the three
bishops who by the King s command were to accuse th e Pope o ne
only Ebbo o f Naumburg Zeitz was present at Worms We have
mentioned the sudden death o f William Bishop of Utrecht ; and
Altwi n Bishop o f Brixen was held prisoner o n his way to Worms
by Hartmann Count o f Dillingen O ne single accuser was i n
su ffi cient and the question had to be de f erred to another assembly
convok e d at Mayence (June 2 9
M eantime the P o p e s excommunicati o n o f Henry was the
opportunity o f the Saxon princes o n every side o f the King
sprang up a gro wing h o stility conspiracy o r desertion
Bishop
Hermann o f Metz had surreptitiously re leas e d som e o f the
Saxon C hieftains e ntrusted to his charge and began to take the
f orem o st plac e among the partisans o f Greg o ry in Germany
The
K ing it was said had threaten e d revenge by marching up o n Metz
but had been obliged to abandon this measur e Udo Archbish o p
Treve s and his su ff ragans Theodoric and Hermann had
o f
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1 1
AND
THE LI F E
6
TI MES OF G RE GO RY VI I
to his assistance and a retreat was inevitable f o r the King and his
army Within six months the authority so ably consolidated by
H e nry IV in 1 0 7 5 had melted away
Grego ry meantime neglected none o f his own weapons o f
warfare and from this p o int of V iew it is interesting to examine
the c o rrespond e nce carried o n during this year between Germany
and the Holy See He addressed himself b o th to the Churchmen
and to the lay pe o ple I n a letter to Henry Bisho p o f Trent
Gr e go ry assures him that before the F east of St Peter ( June
he will mak e kn o wn to all the faithful the reas o ns which placed
him under the necessity of excommunicating the King
I n an undated letter ( probably written in April 1 0 7 6 ) Gregory
menti o ns that people begged o f him to make peace with the King
1
to
o f G e rmany and at the end o f July he addresses a manifesto
all Christians in the R o man Empire reiterating his accusations
against the King and expressing his wish for his repentance An o ther
undated letter was sent probably in August to Germany in answer
to the r e proaches as to his excommunication o f the King which
had been criticized as overhasty and unc o nsidered Gregory reverts
i n this letter to his fo rmer aff ection f o r Henry the care with which
even when a deacon he had warned his youth and had continued
his warning in mature age I n spite o f Henry s fair words and
“
messages the King had returned evil for good and lifted up his
”
he e l against St Peter and had caused nearly all the bish o ps o f
”
“
Germany and Italy to apostatize
When gentle measures ha
failed with him Gregory was forced to try the sharper method o f
e xcommunication
The letter concludes with an expression o f
Gregory s willingness to receive back the King if penitent to the
communion o f the Church
That Gregory s action was no t entirely satisfacto ry even to his
party is proved by his letter to Hermann Bishop o f M etz who
had pressed him for an explanation The Pope s letter was short
and no t apparently satisfactory to the inquiring Bishop f o r later
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R
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IV
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I
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THE R O AD T O CAN O SSA
7
1 1
in 1 0 8 0 Bishop Hermann repeated his questio n Gregory s second
and very full letter also was no t destined to set the Bishop s mind
at rest for even after the Pope s death we find the Bishop referring
his di ffi culty twice to th e Archbishop o f S alzburg
The two letters to Bishop H ermann may be considered together
they b o th attempt to answer the assertion o f Hen ry s supporters
that the Pope had no power to excommunicate the King
“
The Pope wr o te that though their folly deserved it no t he
”
w o uld condescend to answer
What was his answer ? A fiction
o f the forged Decretals an extract fr o m a charge delivered by St
1
2
Peter to Clement of Rome the deposition Of C h ild eric o f
F rance by Pop e Zacharias and certain sentences o f Gregory the
3
Great intended to protect the estates o f the Church and anath e
matiz i ng all even kings who should usurp them and finally the
4
example o f St Ambrose o f M ilan and Theodosius the Great
NO
single conclusive passage is giv e n fr o m the New Testament in
favour o f Gregory s hierocratic power o f dep o sition which he Claimed
f o r the Papacy and the instances chosen from the early history o f
the Church have no real bearing whatever upon the case They
are historically valueless as precedents f o r Gregory s step
Turning from historical instances Gregory using his favourite
5
argument d forti ori demands
Why is the King alone excepted
from that universal flock committed to St Peter ? If the Pope
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y
G
h i xampl
It i
nti r ly
i rr l
nt t any q
ti n
th r c n r
ti n f x mm n i
r any
f th C h r h
2 In
hi
c nd l tt r ( 1 0 8 0) t th B i h p f M tz Gr g ry VI I xpl i n th at
”
“
th
King f Franc (i e C hild ri ) wa d p d n a nt f h i i n pac i ty
wh i ch mak th i i n t nc n t r l ant t th xc mm ni ti n f H nry IV
”
“
Gr g ry th G r at nt n ar an i mpr ati n n t a p ap l d r f
x
mm n c t n
4 Th
i n n wh i ch Th d i
nfli t w i th St A mb r
ha
am
i nt
n
an l gy w i th th
f H nry I V and G r g ry VII
St A mb r
r b k d
Th d i and r f d t admit h im t H ly C mm ni n nti l h h d d n p bl i c
p nan f r ff ri ng h i G th i a xi l iari t m rd r th t w n p pl f Th al ni a
1
I t is
e ev a
no t eas
o
u es
o
e
e
s se o
e
o
e
es
3
e
e
co
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eo
A D
.
o cc as o
ce
.
5
l
G
c an a so
o
do
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ces
o
t
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o
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cc o u
ec
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no t
ess
a
see
ppl i
o co
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o
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yd
th l
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c ase
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mad e
ca
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co
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o
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a o
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(
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a io
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why
t o se e
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es
u
t at th e arg u
ly
es o n
to
o
o
like
t
o
u
ment
h i ng
“
s
.
o
o
e
h e wh o
o se
.
u
o
ose
.
.
u
e
c
a
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c an
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do
e o
th e
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e
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t
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u
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e
u
o
c
h i ng
s
1 1
8
THE LI F E AND TI M E S O F GREG O RY VI I
may j udge spiritual persons how much more must seculars give an
?
account o f their evil deeds bef o re his tribunal
Think they that
the royal exceeds the e pisco pal dignity th e former the inventi o n o f
human pride the latter o f divin e h o liness the fo r mer ev e r c o veting
”
“
?
vaingl o ry the latter aspiring after heavenly life
Th e glory
”
St Ambr o se says compared to that o f a bish o p is as
o f a king
”
lead is to gold
C o nstantine the Great t o ok his seat below the
“
lowest bish o p
for he knew that G o d r e sisteth the proud and
”
giveth grace to the humble
It will be s e en that instead o f answering the Bishop o f M e tz s
question or stating that as a possible standpoint the King was
excommunicated as any other private pers o n might be and that
the political cons e quenc e s o f the exc o mmunication o f a ruling prince
were no t the concern o f the P o pe Gr e g o ry utters a seri e s o f
reflections such as those upon the n o thingness Of the r o yal dignity
and the wickedness Of princes which have no bearing upon the
point at issue
1
A third letter to the German people commanded them if the
King did no t immediately repent to dismiss his excommunicated
advisers and admit that the Church was not subj ect to him as his
servant but superior as a mistress and to fo rsake those usages
which had been established in the spirit o f pride against the liberty
o f the Holy Church
the
investiture
to
oceed at once to th e electi on
r
(
p
)
o a new sov erei n and o ne approved by the Pope
The
Empress
f
g
Agnes the P o pe believes will give her consent to this when H e nry
~
is deposed As Henry had made no attempt to reconcile himself
with the P o pe the Pope considered the possibility o f setting
up a king in his stead O n O ctober 3 1 Greg o ry insisted that
it was high time for Henry to repent if he did no t wish to
lose all
But before this date an attempt was made in Germany to solve
the d i fli cu lty Henry IV appeared in O ctober at O ppenheim while
the princes assembled at the neighbouring town o f Tribur on the
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Se
pt
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mb er 3
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1 076.
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VI I
1 20
1
bligations which Henry was obliged to take upon himself and
his testimony cannot be accepted in its entirety as h e was biassed
b y his wish to blacken Henry s character and set the c o nduct
o f the princes in the best light
The princes are bound by no
o bligati o ns according to him ; but if Henry IV br o k e even o ne
o f his promises they are to be j ustified in taking what st e ps they
please without waiting f o r the Pop e s decisi o n
Still furth e r to j ustify the princes Lambert even goes so far as
“
to invent a law o f the Empire providing f o r the s pecial case Of
the King s losing his crown in the event o f his exc o mmunicati o n
lasting over a year
Henry after the Diet o f Tribur left for Spires the Bishops o f
Bamberg Basle Lausanne O snaburg and Naumburg Zeitz with
the Archbishop o f Cologne were left to make their peace with the
Holy See
Putting upon one side that accumulation o f promises by which
Lambert o f Hersfeld d e clared that Henry I V was b o und W e get
the real results o f the Diet o f Tribur in two do c u ments wrung
from the King by the princes the P romi ssi o and the e dict
Ekkehard is correct in saying that the King resolved o n a j ourney
to Rome to make his peace with the Pope as the result Of the
diet and the fl nnales Yhu rg enses assert that the princes threatened
to revolt unless the King became reconcil e d with the Pope
There is no doubt as to the authenticity o f the P romi ssi o ; and
only the latter part o f the superscription P romi ssi o Henri ci reg i s
i
dates
fr
o m a later
u a m feci t Hi ld ehrand o
a m
et Gre ori u s
u
g
pp
g
q
period
There is no mention o f the exc o mmunicati o n but the King
i
I)
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( Q
i d ri t n l gi h
m ni ti n non h l t r h o r tr ti n i n p rp t m
ex m
m ni ti n m non p i t
d i n p ltr d mi ni tr r nn mp
x m
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S
( )
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si
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ca
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us
.
Romano pontfi ci per
eri m
entam ca tu res
p
mnia suh
o
.
mni culoa omni J uris/urand i religi one
non expectato alteri us Romani pontiflci s j ud i ci o gu id reipuhli ca
m
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THE R O AD T O CAN O SSA
121
his willingness to give satisfaction f o r any i mmi nuti o o f the
papal dignity arising fr o m his actions that is to say he repudiates
the results o f th e first Diet o f Worms and recognizes Gr e gory as
legitimate h e ad o f the Church He also promises Obedience to the
P o pe in eccl e siastical matters
“
In the sec o nd paragraph Henry declares : As to the graver
me in refe rence to my conduct
accusations formulated against
towards this See and towards your H o liness I shall prove my
i nnocence at any opportune moment
I will refute them by G o d s
assistance o r I will spontane o usly submit to the penance I shall
have deserved
What were the graver C harges o f which Hen ry speaks
The o nly p o ssible
which w e re attributed to him by rumour
explanati o n is that Henry had been accused o f c o nnivance at if no t
That
o f participation in Cenci s attack upon the Pope s pers o n
s uch an accusation is baseless is sh o wn by the fact that at the time
o f Cenci s attack there were strained relati o ns truly but there was
no op e n breach between the King and the Papacy ; and later in
Henry s lett e r fr o m W o rms he cautions the Romans to d e pose the
Pope but no t to shed his bl o o d Even the Pope does no t appear
to have thought at this date that Henry was guilty o f aiding o r
abetting Cenci
and it is o nly later in
when strife broke o u t
afresh b e tween them that h e appears to lean to this opini o n Th e
last secti o n o f the P romi ssi o c o ntains the foll o wing strange appeal
“
to Gr e go ry : It is also advisable that your Holiness should pay
attenti o n to the r e p o rts that have been circulated about y o u and
which cause scandal in the Church ; purify the conscience o f the
Church fr o m this stumbling block thus securing by your wisdom
”
universal peace both f o r the Church and f o r the kingdom
That Henry S h o uld have dared to address such a remonstrance
to the Pope at such a moment seems at first sight so unprecedent e d
as to cause us to l o o k upon this paragraph with suspicion It
seems however clear that Henry while recognizing the P o pe and
d eclares
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-
,
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,
1
Ut
,
me omni no morte we
I nter guos specialiter H enri cus,
,
,
lexili o
e tc
.
fl
con cnd erent
p
ch
n
i
t
h
(
s
ee
multis mod is
c il
e cou n
of
conati
sunt
in
me
i nsurgere
.
1 22
THE LI F E AND TI M ES O F GREG O RY VI I
taking no notice of the frivol o us charges brought against him , was
firm on one point and we are reminded Of the accusations o f the
influence and intimacy o f a muli er aliena brought forward by the
bish o ps at Worms The nam e o f the lady is no t mentioned in
eith e r this o r the lett e r from Worms but Henry is anxious that
Greg o ry should prove the falsity o f these reports f o r the good of
both Church and Stat e
Whil e the P romi ssi o was addressed to the Pope the King s edict
was address e d to th e King s subj ects I n this edict Henry speaks
i n royal sty le and o ff ers the gl o rious expression o f his g o o d will
to his p e o ple He suggests that he has been led into his breach
1
with the Pope by some one s advice o r i nflu e nce a statement which
is belied by Henry s very independent letter to Gregory after the
Diet at Worms and c o ncludes by cauti o ning all those who have
been excommunicated by the Pope to take the necessary steps to
gain their absolution
Both the P romissi o and the edict give the impression that they
were fo rced from the King by the pressure o f his nobles They
are hardly mentioned by the chroniclers f o r those who were parti
sans o f Henry were no t anxious to bring them into prominence
wh e n war br o ke o u t anew b e twe e n the King and the Papacy
Th o se opp o sed to the King especially those o f the party o f Rudolph
o f Su ab i a could make little use o f them ; what they wanted was
a d o cument emb o dying many promises made by the King which he
was af te rward s to treacherously deny and repudiate
According to the chronicler Berthold Udo Archbishop o f
Treves was charged with conveying the King s letter to the Pope
The Pope would no t read it except in the presence o f the ambassa
dors deputed by the Assembly o f Tribur O n hearing the letter
the ambassadors exclaimed and protested that it was not the same
as the o ne which had been compos e d at Tribur they declared that
important modificati o ns had been intr o duced The Archbishop Of
Treves after first defending the authenticity o f the document was
,
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s
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1
P
o ssi
bly H gh Cand i d
u
us or
Willi
m of
a
Ut ht
re c
.
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VI I
1 24
was
at th e conqueror s mercy ; and it might have occurred to
Rob e rt Guiscard to make an attack upon Rome during Grego ry s
abs e nce
I n spite o f all di ffi culties in his way Gregory l e ft R o me aft e r
Christmas and re ached Mantua o n January 8 The escort h o w
ever was no t ready to me e t him and Greg o ry turn e d asid e and
t o ok up his ab o de in Can o ssa a stro ng castle belonging to his
devo te d fri e nd the Count e ss Matilda to await it
Meantime the news that Henry had left Spires had entirely
altered the views o f the princes who f o resaw that when Henry
was freed from the sentence o f excommunication the Diet o f
Augsburg would sink into i nsig nifi canc e Th e escort therefore
they deliberately withheld now the Pope was no l o nger a useful
to o l to them It must be admitted at the outset that the princes
Obj ect was no t the reform but the depositi o n o f the King ; they
had wished to humiliate him by means o f the Pope and then to
induce the Pope to set them free from their allegiance All their
schemes were shattered by Henry s sudden j ourney into Italy
The attitud e o f chronicl e rs who were opposed to Henry I V
confirms the the o ry that th e absence o f the escort was deliberate
Lambert o f Hersfeld usually so fu ll o f information is e ntirely
silent and other chro niclers have inv e nted a tissue o f fabrications
1
to explain its absence
The princes it appears from o ne o f
”
“
2
Greg o ry s l e tters informed him that there w e re d i fli cu lti e s in
the way o f sending the escort
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h h ad w rn t r mai n
h
H nry b r k
th
th
”
i n G rm ny
G r g ry B i h p f V r ll i th C h an ll r f th K ing f r th
k i ngd m f I t ly wh h d b n ntr t d w i th th mi i n t c rt Gr g ry t
G rm ny h r th t th K i ng i i n I t ly nd warn th P p wh r tir t C n a
B r n th S x n xpl anati n i th t th c rt w w i ting G r g ry b t
t
l rni ng th t H nry w i th a l arg army w p r p ar d t
an anti p p
i
t
p
G r g ry nt r d G rm ny G r g ry r mai n d in I t ly B rth l d xpl ain th t th
p rin h ad n t d r d t f rni h th c rt f r f r f H nry wh i nt nti n
t w rd th
P p w r h til H nry th n mak a dd n olte f a e and app ar a
a p ni t n t at C an
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12
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,
o
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oss
R IV
.
,
,
s
o
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a
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us e
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es
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Bo ni th o
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R O AD To CAN O SSA
TH E
1 2
5
H enry had left Spires and now carried o u t th e programm e
suggested in his P romissi o I n O ctober he had r e cognize d Gre gory
as th e l e gitimate Pope and it was still necessary f o r him to o ff er a
I n leaving
d ev ota sati sf a cti o f o r his policy at the Diet o f Worms
Germany for Italy his inte nti o n was to do penance and win his
absolution before the Diet o f Augsburg His messengers had
failed in inducing the P o pe to agree to giv e him an audi e nc e at
Rome but he wished to try th e e ff ect o f a p e rsonal intervi ew He
had not bound himself in the P romi ssi o to await the Pope s decisi o n
in G e rmany ; th e place and nature o f his submission wer e still
undefined and h e knew that if he made his act o f submissi o n for
t h e Decree o f Worms
absolution could no t b e r e fus e d him
Hardly had he left Spires when the princ e s foresaw that his move
would C heckmate his o pp o n e nts and atte mpts were made to st o p
his entry into Italy Henry however succeeded in reaching Italian
soil after a long and dangerous j ourney o f which Lambert gives
this detailed and s o mewhat r o mantic account
With diffi culty Henry had c o llected from his fri e nds and
f o llowers su ffi cient money to defray the expenses o f the j ourney
across the Alps o f which the passes were guard e d by the dukes o f
Bavaria and Carinthia He started o n his j ourney with his wife
and their infant son Conrad and o ne faithful servant and turn e d
aside into Burgundy According to Berthold it was at Besan con
th at he was j oined by his wife and son At Besan co n Count
William o f Burgundy his mother s c o usin entertained him with
courtesy and here he passed Christmas with something appro aching
to ro yal state
F rom B e san con he cro ssed the R hOne at Geneva
and advanced to the foot o f Mont Cenis Here he was met by
Adelaide Marchioness o f Susa his mother i n law and her so n
Amadeus wh o gave him a favourable reception but demanded the
cession o f five rich bishoprics in Italy as the price o f his free
passage through her dominions F inally Henry ceded to her
instead a rich district which he possessed in Burgundy The King
no w began to cross the Alps
”
“
“
The winter
writ e s Lambert
was very severe ; the
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
1 26
mountains they must cross were nearly lost to view and seemed
to disappear in the clouds ; the cold was intense and there had
been heavy falls o f snow so that neither me n nor horses could
advance in the narrow roads alongside precipices with o ut running
the greatest risks Nevertheless they could no t delay for the
anniversary of the King s excommunication was drawing near and
the King knew according to the decision o f the princes that if he
were not absolved before this first anniversary his cause would be
1
irrevocably ruined and that he would lose his kingdom
Accordingly they enlisted the help o f some peasants accustomed to
the perilous passes o f the Alps who consented o n receipt O f
payment to precede the King and his escort and cu t a passage for
them al o ng the edge o f the precipices thro ugh the sn o w
By the
help o f these gui des and after surm o unting the greatest di ffi culties
and hardships they reached the summit o f the mountains but it was
impossible to advance further glaciers covered the other side which
they had to descend and how could they venture upon that
?
TO escape this immi nent danger the men were
polished surface
obliged either to crawl upon their hands and knees o r to be carried
up o n the shoulders o f their guides but even then they could no t
avoid a great many falls and frequently rolled down the steep
inclines They only completed the descent after having thus many
times risked their lives As f o r the Q ueen and the women attached
to her service they were placed o n a kind Of sledge made o f o x
hide and the guides dragged them th e wh o le way Some o f the
horses were hauled along the pass by means o f machines o thers
were dragged with their feet tied but many died o r were lamed
”
and very few reached their j ourney s end in safety
NO s o oner was the Ki ng s unexpected arrival made known i n
Italy than the bishops and nobles assembled in great numbers to
m e et him and within a few days he had a large army at his d is
posal O ne reason for his pop ularity was the belief that he had
cro ssed the Alps to depose the Pope Henry however had to
admit that he could not now plunge into this new warfare and
L mb rt g in mph iz th i d t il t j tify th ti n f th p ri n
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1
a
e
a a
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as
es
s
e a
,
o
us
e ac
o
o
e
c es
.
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY V I I
1 28
f
Lombardy and advanced towards Canossa accompanied by th e
Marchioness Adelaide Amad e us Azzo Marquess o f Este and a
few servants
Having arrived within a short distance from Can o ssa the Kin g
sent for the Countess Matilda and Hugh Abb o t o f Cluny wh o
w e re then with Gregory to co me and confer with him probably
se e king their influence and mediation with the Pop e Then in th e
penitent s garb o f wool and bar e foot the King appeared before the
walls o f the fo rtress He had laid aside every mark o f royalty and
fasting he awaited the pleasure o f the Pope for three d ays The
severity o f the penance was enhanced by the c o ldness o f the season
”
“
B o nith o speaks o f it as a
very bitter winter and says that the
King waited in the c o urtyard amid snow and ice Even in th e
presence o f Gregory there were loud murmurs against his pride and
inhumanity At last owing to the intercession o f the Countess
Matilda and Hugh Abbot o f Cluny the Pope relented and admitted
Henry to his presence H en ry pro mised by w o rd o f mouth to
amend his life and gave a written promise which Grego ry refers to
”
“
as The oath o f Hen ry King o f the Germans
The o fli cial
document o f January 2 8 begins with the words Eg o H enri cus rex
and closes with ad/u va ho and is witnessed by the Bishops Humbert
o f Pr a
eneste and Gerald o f O stia two cardinals R omani Peter and
Conon two R omani d i aconi Gregory and Bernard and the sub
deacon Humbert o n the Pope s side ; and upon the King s by the
Bishops o f Vercelli and O snaburg the Abbot o f Cluny and many
1
noblemen
The document is more remarkable for its omissi o ns
than for its contents there is no reference to Grego ry s assu mp
tions o f the F ebruary synod of 1 0 7 6 and Henry does not recog
nize the Pope s right to depose him and free his subj ects fr o m
their allegiance There is no word o f the question o f investiture
all the document amounts to is that the King wi ll set no obstacle
in the way o f the Pope if the Pope desires to journey into Germany ;
and that he the King will abide by the Pope s d ecision as arbiter
Gr g ry y ( R IV ) th t th K ing e ritate w r w i tn d by M tild
th
M rch i n A d l id nd th r
o
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1
e
e
a
o
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sa s
e ss
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,
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e a
.
1 2
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O
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.
’
s s cu
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e sse
a
a,
TH E R O AD TO CAN O SSA
12
9
That Gregory was still contemplating this j ourney into Germany
is pr o ve d by a letter ( R IV
where he remarks that in spite
o f the King s absolution the real point at issue is still i n suspenso
Henry t o ok no steps at Canossa as he had suggested in his
P romi ssi o o f O ctober o f 1 0 7 6 to C lear himself from certain grave
charges that were brought against him and his scrupulus scand a li
about the Pope in the same document is also left untouched and
undiscussed
Henry having submitted as penitent to the Pope was now
absolved practically u ncond i ti onally
He thus gained his Obj ect
freedom from the sentence o f excommunicati o n he had submitted
as a Churchman and had made no e ff o rt to induce Grego ry to
remove the contrad icti o reg i mi ni s o r give back his subj ects to their
allegiance since according to Hen ry s V iews these were not in the
P o pe s p o wer either to grant o r to dispose o f
The unco nditional absolution o f the King was not to the taste o f
1
the historians inimical to Henry Bruno therefore and Lambert
invent a c o nditional abs o lution Lambert relates all the conditions
necessary f o r the King to fulfil He was to appear in the place and
at the time which the P o nti ff should name to answer the charges o f
his subj ects before the P o pe hims e lf if it should pleas e him to pre
side in person at the trial If he should repel these C harges he was
to rec e ive his kingdo m back fr o m the hand s o f the Pop e If found
guilty he was practically to resign his kingdom and pledge himself
never to attempt to seek revenge for his deposition Till that time
he was to assume n o ne o f the insignia o f royalty to perform no
public act to appropriate no part of the r o yal revenue which was
no t necessary for the maintenance o f himself and o f his attendants ; all
his subj ects were to be held released from their oath o f allegiance
he was to banish for ever from his court the Bishop Of Bamberg
and the C o unt of C o sh e im with his other evil advisers ; if he
should recover his kingdom he must henceforward rule according
to the counsel of the Pope and correct whatever was contrary to
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Ahsolutus hac lege d i mi tti tur, multummonitus,
i m /even t, non solu m ri ora Vi ncula non su erantur
p
,
p
1
p
9
D eo menti atur; gui a si promissa non
sed eti amali a stri cti ora su erad d u ntu r
p
ne
.
1
T H E LI F E AND TI M ES O F GRE GO RY VI I
0
3
the ecclesiastical laws O n these cond i ti ons the Pope granted absolu
tion with the further provision that i n case o f any prevar i cat i on
on the part of the King o n any o f these articles the absolution was
null and void and in that case the princes O f the Empire were
released from all their oaths and might immediately proceed to
the el e ction o f another king Naturally Henry does not fulfil these
conditi o ns and according to Lambert again falls under sentence o f
exc o mmun i cat i o n
After absolution in due form Henry received Holy Communi o n
to sh o w that he was fully reconciled to the Church Th at he did so
is attested by two Italian writers o n the papal side B o nith o and
D o niz o and by the author of D e Uni tate E cclesi ae
If Henry had refused to rec eive the Sacraments Gregory must
have mentioned the fact in his letter to the Germans whereas he
says that the King was received i n communi oni s g ratiam cl semi ni o
I n his address at the c o uncil in 1 0 8 0 there
sanctm ma tri s ecclesi ae
is no hint that any painful o r disturbing incident had occurred at
Canossa But two writers Berth o ld and Lambert o f Hersfeld b o th
biassed by their partisanship of Rudolph o f Su ab ia ch o se to re pre
sent Henry f o r their o wn purposes as refusing the Sacram e nts
Berthold simply states that the Pope found ne w causes of suspicion
in the King s refusal but Lambert s lengthy and detailed anecd o te
deserves cl o ser scrutiny
His story is as follows : When Gre gory was proceeding to
celebrate the Eucharist he called the King and his partisans to the
altar and lifting in his hands the consecrated Host the Body o f the
“
L o rd he said
I have been accused by thee and by thy partisans
and
o f having usurped the Apost o lic See by simoniacal practices
o f having been guilty b o th bef o re and after my el e vati o n t o the
Episcopate o f crimes which w o uld disqualify me for my sacred
O ffice I might j ustify myself by proof and by the witness o f
those who have known me fr o m my youth and whose su ff rages
have raised me to the Apostolic See Yet in o rder no t to appear
to rely o n the testimony of men rather than that o f God and to
take from every o ne all pretext o f scandal by a rapid and prompt
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2
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VI I
H e adj ured the Pope to reserve the whole question to a general
cou ncil in whose decision he w o uld acquiesce The Pope co n
sented and then condescended to receive the King at a banquet
treated him courteously and gave him much good advice
I n the wh o le epis o de Lambert trusts to the credulity o f his
readers
Gregory here is simply made the mouthpiece o f the
princes through which they express their dissatisfaction with H enry
H enry had in O ctober 1 0 7 6 withdrawn all the charges he had
made against the Pope and yet Lambert makes the Pope address
Henry as if the King still obstinately persisted in his standp o int of
the Diet o f Worms F inally Lambert puts into Henry s mouth
an earnest request for a general c o uncil whereas the one Obj ect o f
his dangerous j ourney into Italy and his painful penance at Can o ssa
was to render the General Council O f Augsburg with the Pope as
arbiter unnecessary
Gregory had meantime announced to the Italian nobles the
absolution o f the King while he himself wrote to the princes of the
Empire giving an account O f Henry s penance and saying that he
desired to pass into their provinces at the earliest o pportunity in
orde r to settle everything fully for the peace o f the Church and the
union o f the kingdom as we have long desired to do
Gr e go ry s
triumph was by no means as complete as has been generally re pre
sented by historians who have been misled by the picturesque
accessories o f the scene The King s absolution was actually a
political C heckmate to Gregory
“
It is not true to say with Milman that the triumph o f
sacerdotal Christianity in the humiliation o f the temporal p o wer
“
was complete
nor with Bryce that one scene in the yard of
Countess Matilda s castle an imperial penitent standing barefoot
and woollen frocked in the snow till the priest who sat within
should absolve him was enough to mark a decisive change and
”
inflict an irretrievable disgrace o n the crown so abused
There was actually no point in which Henry acceded to
“
Gregory s assumptions and the historical incident which more
than any other has profoundly impressed the imagination o f the
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THE R O AD T O CAN O SSA
1
33
”
Western world res o lves itself into a simple act o f penance to
which no far reaching political consequences could be attached and
”
“
which cannot be described as an epoch making event in th e
struggle betwe e n the Papacy and the Empire
O f far more
mom e nt far more decisive in the history of Gregory s po nti fi cate
was the F ebruary synod of 1 0 7 6 for from this dated the beginning
”
hierocracy
o f his
The King s penance it is true was a severe o ne but his health
does not appear to have su ff ered from it As to the exterior form
”
“
the humiliation o f the bare feet and woollen frock was
o f it
cust o mary at that time and every penitent submitted to it I n
1 0 7 4 Henry had presented himself in the same garb before the
papal legates at Nuremberg It should be remembered that Henry
went to Canossa o f his o wn free will uninvited by Gregory ; the
penance was his o wn unaided and free choice He came and left the
castle as King without seeking from the Pope any new recognition
o r restitution of his r o yal dignity
What he had gained was that
it was now possible f o r him to enter into normal relations with his
subj ects and with all Christians who had avoided him since the
ban
Grego ry s apparent triumph thus vanishes if we closely consider
it H e had wished to be arbiter at the Diet of Augsburg ; he is
checked by the absence o f the esc o rt As a priest he cannot refuse
absolution to a sincere penitent and Henry s absolution overthr o ws
the plans o f his opponents He delays foreseeing as a politician
the e ff ect o f the absolution up o n th e princes o f the Empire but in
vain His hand had been forced by the King and his delay only
caused an unfavourable impression among those o f his party
assembled at Canossa
It is certain that the Pope himself felt no triumph Doubtless
he foresaw that the absolution o f Henry was not to be the prelude
to peace and reconciliation between the oppo nents but to new
d ifli c u lti es and new struggles
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CHAPTER V I I
T H E I N T R U SI O N
RU D O L P H O F SU A B I A JA N U A R Y
F E B RU A R Y 2 7 1 0 7 8
OF
1 077
2 9,
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h
l
m
f
i
a
n
r
t
e
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b
y
f
C
h
h
M
H nry g t Lo mb ardy— Fal r p ort f h i
a
Em
—
r
n
m
a
i
i
f G rmany to G r g ry VI I
p l cy L b dy M ag fr m th pri n
Tw p ap al l gat
nt t G rmany w i th a l tt r f r m th
P p — R d lph of
f F r hh i m— R d lph p r l ai m d K i ng
S ab i a— D i t
f G rm ny and
— Gr
r w n d at M ay n
g ry V I I atti t d t ward th F r hh i m l c ti n
H nry IV app al t th P p and r nt r G rmany— R d lph i n Sax ny
H nry IV ntr n h d n th bank f th N kar— Atti t d f Gr go ry t ward
1 0 7 7 — G r g ry r t rn t
th
R m
tw k i ng — P nti fi al l tt r o f M ay 3 1
— H nry I V ra ag S ab i a— Th n c d t
f H nry I V
x
mm ni ati n
by a p ap al l g t — A s a inati n o f C nc i pr f t f R m D ath f th
Agn
E mp r
o
ss
o
u c
e
o
o
ess
e
o
o
e
u
es se
e
c o
e
e
e
e
e
s
o
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c
e
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o
u
o
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s ss
o
S
e-e
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so
e
u
e
e
o e
e
o
o
e
e ec
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o
o
S
o
a
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e e
o
o
o
o
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o
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o
u
e
e o
u
,
e a
e
e
o c
e
ec
e s
o
o
s
o
e s
e
e
e
e
u
e
o
s o
e
e
e
oc
’
o
se
ce s o
e
u
a e
e
o
e
e
c
es
v
e
e
e
o
o
e
ce
s
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o
o c
e
e
o es
e u
e
co
e
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s
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u
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s
c
o
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o
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es
ess
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the penance of the King at Canossa was looked upon with
”
disfavour by the Lombard bulls the Patarines o f Northern Italy
gathered new strength from such an exhibition of the influence o f
the Holy See and sent a deputation from the C ity o f M ilan to the
Pope prom i s i ng obedience f o r the future Arnulf the histo rian of
the Church o f M ilan who had aband o ned his prej udices against the
Papacy tells us that he to ok part in this embassy
Henry IV after his penance and absolution at Canossa had
retired to Reggio F r o m Lombardy he intended to return to
Germany I n later R u d o lphian writers we find it stated in various
forms that Henry had lost the crown in F ebruary 1 0 7 6 and had
not been restored to the royal dignity at Can o ssa in th e meantime
he was not to be considered as king Thus Berthold complains
”
that Henry kept Palm Sunday at Verona as king without having
received the Pope s permission for this royal state and B e rno ld is
IF
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34
1
TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F G RE GO RY VI I
6
3
people to meet him ; the gates were closed ; he was left to lodge
in the suburbs Provisions were doled o u t in barely su ffi cient
quantity f o r his maintenance and altogether u nb e fi tti ng his r o yal
station guards were posted to watch his f ollowers lest they sh o uld
dare to ro b and plunder in the neighbouring villages Henry
perceived this not without some satisfaction for if it showed hatred
and contempt for him it showed a yet deeper hatred and contempt
for the Pope I n order to reconcile the Lombards Henry now
resolved to break his f ced us with the Pope and as Lambert
”
“
rhetorically says to brush away contemptuously like cobwebs
the conditions the Pope had bound upon him
This i f true would go far to justify the next step o f the
German princes viz the election o f Rudolph o f Su ab ia as king i n
opposition to Henry IV
The revolte d German princes had decided among th e mselves
that they had no wish to welcome Henry even though absolved
fro m his excommunication The Dukes o f Su ab ia Bavaria and
Carinthia with some o f the Saxon chiefs and Siegfried Archbishop
Maye nce who was now deeply committed chose the course
of
of advancing boldly to the dep o sition o f the King They had met
at Ulm at the beginning o f F ebruary but the severity o f the weather
forced them to disp e rse and the snow had prevented the arrival of
many They now appointed the decisive diet o n March 1 3
at F orchheim
The princes took no steps to inform Gregory o f their intentions
indeed they deliberately misled him Gregory had sent a letter to
them by a trusted messenger R apo to wh o was charged by them
with a verbal communication to the Pope R apo to reached Gregory
at Canossa o r Carpineto where the Pope was residing at the
beginning o f March The princes warmly urged the P o pe to come
to Germany bu t recommended him only to undertake the j ourney
with the consent and concurrence o f the K ing ! With the firm
intenti o n o f electing an anti king th e princes re f erred the Pope to
King Henry to make the j ourney possible Gregory was entirely
duped and i mmediately after the return of R apo to sent messengers
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THE I NTRUSI O N OF RUD O LP H O F SUA RIA
1
37
to the King to attempt to arrange matters with him M e antim e
he sent his two legates the Abbot Bernard o f Mars e illes and
”
“
Bernard the cardinal deaco n in whom h e had all c o nfide nce as
his representatives to the diet They took with them when they
started o n their j ourney o n the last day o f F ebruary a letter from
1
him to the archbishops bishops princes and people o f Germany
o f which the following extracts are o f especial interest
At last we have heard from o u r son Rapo to whom We sent to
You
ask
Us
to
come
o u what were your desires and intentions
y
to y o u and f o r greater safety to undertake this j ourney by the
advice and with the concurrence o f the King Accordingly acting
o n your request
desirous to conform O urselves i n all things to
your will and counsels under the good pleasure o f God We have
tried through o u r legates to settle this point with the King Will
?
he agree with y o u and Us o n this matter
We cannot answer
before o u r legates leave f o r the King is to o far O ff but as soon as
We shall hear We will not delay to communicate with y o u
Y o u must know then that O ur will O ur desire is to j o in y o u
for the sake o f the common interests and for the good o f all either
with the King s consent o r in spite o f him if need be If the sins
and e ff orts o f the wicked make this proj ect impracticable in my
absenc e I shall always beg the All powerful Go d to strengthen
your hearts and your faith in grace and virtue to give a happy
”
directi o n to your counsels and actions
Before Gregory s negotiations with the King could be brought
to a d e cisive termination he was surprised by the tidings that
Rudolph the Duke o f Su ab ia had been elected King o n March 1 5
at the Diet o f F orchheim
Rudolph who was born about the year 1 0 2 0 became Duke o f
Su ab i a in 1 0 5 7
I n 1 0 5 9 h e married Henry IV S sister Matilda
who died sh o rtly afterwards Rudolph s second wife was Adelheid
Of Turin whose sister B erth a was married to Henry IV I n spite
o f these alliances Rud o lph and Henry never appear to have stood
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Extrac t f ro m th e C hroni cle
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f
o
H ugh
q
lar/ igny
S
S
9
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V III
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44 5
1
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F G REG O RY VI I
8
3
friendly terms Whe n the King was in d ifli c u lti es in the summer
of 1 0 7 3 Rudo lph wrote to the Pope complaining o f the King and
begging the Pope s inter f erence Gregory praised him f o r his zeal
but required fuller information and suggested that Rudolph and
other persons aggrieved should come to Rome to discuss the
question Rudolph answered bluntly in the negative After a
long pause Gr e gory again entered into relations with him in
January 1 0 7 5 at which period he urged upon Rudolph and the
Duke o f Carinthia to deal severely with the bishops who wer e
stained with simony and immorality Rudolph had openly accused
himself o f having been guilty of simony and su ff ered a kindly
on
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correctzo
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I n the summer o f 1 0 7 5 he had f ought o n Henry s side against
the Saxons before his final desertio n
No sooner had the news of the absolution at Canossa reached
the princes than they prepared to set up a king in oppositi o n to
H enry They had welcomed the King s excommunication with j oy
and they were proporti o nately disgusted at his rehabilitati o n They
had failed in making the Pope their to o l to overthrow Henry and
they now prepared to discard and e ven act counter to the H o ly
See
The diet met at F orchheim and among those present were the
Archbishop of Mayence Bish o p Ad alb ero o f W ii rz b u rg the Dukes
Welf O tto and Berthold Arnulf o f M ilan admits that the princes
especially Rudolph Berth o ld and Welf had long plotted Henry s
downfall and discussed the election of a new king daily F inally
Henry was deposed in great haste at the diet and Rudolph o f
Su abia chosen king
Gr e gory in 1 0 8 0 speaks of the electors o f
Rudolph as epi scopi et pri ncip es u ltraneontani later on he uses the
more comprehensive term Teutoni ci
Bruno th e Saxon states that among the terms to which Rudolph
swore were : I To leave the choice o f the bishops free ; and II
Not to endeavour to make the throne hereditary in his family
The former stipulation is absurd for theoretically the German
throne was regarded as elective ; b u t it is probable that Rudolph
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THE LI F E AND TI M ES O F G RE GO RY VI I
0
4
date he proudly declared that he had stood aloof from the F orch
heim election Epi scopi et pri ncipes ultramontani si ne meo consi li o
d
ucem i n re em
m
u
Rudolph
s
election
ele eru nt si hi R od ul
f
g
g
besides being a surprise must have been a severe blow to
him Gregory had declared after the absolution o f Henry IV
that his presence as arbiter was necessary in Germany ; but the
princes by the election o f Rudolph no longer desired the papal
intervention in the aff airs o f Germany The Pope was no longer
to stand in the proud position o f umpire betwe e n Henry and his
dissatisfied subj ects
Gregory utters no word in defence o f the princes policy and
never suggests that it met with his approval I n a later encyclical
before November 1 0 8 3 he speaks very strongly on the subj ect
This however is after the death o f the anti King
God is our
witness that if Rudolph who has been made k ing by those beyond
the Alps has been thus raised to the throne it has not been done
by o u r advice W e even decided in synod th at if the arch hi shop s
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hish ops wh o arrang ed i t were
f actori ly , th ey sh ou ld he d ep ri v ed
” 1
a lso sh ould lose h i s crown
a nd
u na hle to ex
f
o
thei r
l
ai n thei r cond uct sati s
p
d ig ni ti es, and that R u d olp h
.
Grego ry never suggests that the princes were j ustified o r forced
into this election by any action o f Henry IV and though h e dares
not o penly condemn the princes it is clear that he is quite aware
the emptiness of their pretexts f o r revolting against the
of
King
As he had not foreseen the F orchheim election it was impossible
f o r him to have given instructions to his legates to go and confirm
it in his name Ekkehard speaks o f Rudolph s being elected in the
presence of the papal legates wh o d i d not consent of their own free
will ; and the ann alist assumes that they were subj ected to some
pressure It is possible that they were recommended to be silent
as they might have protested against the election O n the other
hand it was to the interest of both Henrician and R u d o lph ian
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R V II I
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I
X
57 (
.
THE INTRUSI O N OF RUD O LPH O F
SU AB IA
I
4
I
writers to represent the Pope ( either personally o r by means o f his
legates ) as actively f avouring the F orchheim election
O n the o ne hand the Henrician party wished to paint
Gregory in even blacker col o urs as deserting the rightful King
after having given him absoluti o n while the R u d o lph ian side felt
the need o f Claiming the support o f the Holy See in their revo lt
The H enrician writers care little for the papal l e gates ; it is
the Pope himself they wish to brand as treacherous Th e y accuse
him o f being silent about and therefore consenting to the F o rch
heim election or o f being the instigator and entirely responsible
f o r it
The R u d o lph ian party who were greatly shaken by th e death
of their leader so early in the struggle felt the necessity o f making
the Pope in the person o f his legates responsible f o r the el e cti o n
1
Berthold B e rno ld and the romantic Lambert o f
o f the anti King
Hersfe ld have each c o ntributed their S hare in the fabricati o n o f
Gr e gory s responsibility ; but Lambert as usual is the most pro
His story runs as fo ll o ws :
d u ctiv e and plausible in his fictions
“
The King had brushed away his promises like spiders w e bs
and c o nsequently the princ e s sent an embassy to the P o p e beseech
ing him to appear at F o rchheim in person The P o pe who had
heard of Henry s faithlessness f rom other quart e rs no w s e nt the
”
“
cardinal—bishop
Gregory to Hen ry to beg him to decide to
appear in March at Forchhei m so that the question o f the re sto ra
tion to him o f the crown o f Germany o r his final deposition might
be settled Naturally Henry refused upon absurd pretexts The
Pope however sent two legates to Germany with the message that
it was impossible f o r him to travel to Germany in pers o n but he
recommends the princes to do their best f o r the ki ngd o m too long
trou hled hy the
u eri le lev i t
o
o
e
m
a
n
until
if
will
he
is
n
G
o
d
y f
p
enabled to conquer th e di ffi culty o f the j o urney and consult with
them for the future good o f all and for the peace Of the Church
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B enz
y
o sa s
P rand ello i nstigante
A nnales Yhurg enses
electus est
.
p
u
i
d
u
s
u
u
s
c
r
r (
R
o
r
i
a
t
e
e
(
fl
fi ) p j
I nstructione et consili o H i ld ehrand i i n Forchhei m Rod ulflcs
.
rex
THE LI F E AND TI ME S OF G REG O RY VI I
142
With these phrases Lambert concludes his annals but leaves his
readers with the impression that Gregory s communicati o n to the
princes necessitated the deposition o f Henry IV
B erno ld s account o f the matter is very short
H e makes the
legates assert that H enry had broken his promises to the Pope by
1
taking captive the Bishops Gerald o f O stia and Anselm o f Lucca
and by pr o tecti ng and favouring at his court in Lombardy all
simoniacal and excommunicated persons ! Af ter this co mmu ni ca
tion o f the legates the princes elected Rudolph king
Berthold o n the other hand lays greater stress upon the com
plaints o f the princes than upon those Of the Pope so many and
bitter indeed are the princes complaints o f Hen ry s misgovern
ment that the legates express their astonishment that the German
nati o n should so long have endured such a king
Henry is
deposed and d e clared unworthy o f the name o f king oh i naud ita
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ipsi u s
mi llef aria flag i ti a
.
Gregory s biographer Paul o f Bernried agrees with Berthold in
some respects but introduces some variations o f his o wn into the
story According to him a certain Count M aneg o ld had been
dispatched to Gregory with the acc o unt o f the pr o ceedings at Ulm
and a respectful invitati o n to the Pope to attend in pers o n at the
Diet at F orchh e im According to Paul of Bernried M aneg o ld s
int e rview with Gregory took place o n March 1 at Canossa a date
upon which we know that Gregory was no l o nger at Canossa but
at Carpineto where he remained several days while the remainder
o f the m o nth was spent by him in Carpi and B ibiane llo
Gregory at o nce decides to send the cardin al deacon G regory
to Henry to arrange with him f o r the escort While the Pope
remarks that this will be the test o f Henry s fidelity that the
result will show if Henry is to receive his crow n again o r be for
ever deposed blood flows from his hand The company present
feel that this is a forewarning o f some great event The King
N m nti n i m d f th i mpri nm nt f t h
b i h p i th r in B rth ld
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c
o
h r ni
o
ment
l
e
o
G
s
a e o
y
e
p
c
in
re g o r s c o rres ond e n e
i s me nti o ne i n a le tte r to U d o o f
c e or
d
’
O
e
so
at
t
Tr
hi
ev e s
e se
.
s e
G ld
d ate
at th e end
s
s o
f
o
O sti a s i m
Septemher 1 0 7 7
e ra
o
e
e
of
p ri
’
.
’
so n
s
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F G REG O RY VI I
1 44
The anecdote has no greater historical value than B e nz o s story of
the c o ronation o f Nich o las I I Greg o rian and R u d o lph ian writers
do no t mention it and the sending of a crown to R u d o lph th e reb y
symbolizing the desertion o f Henry s and the recognition o f
—
Rudolph s cause w o uld have been impossible in the year 1 0 7 7
for it was not until three years later that Gregory consented to
recognize Rudo lph as king
1
L and u lf elaborates the anecdote still further for he writes that
upon the instigation o f Matilda Gregory sent Rudolph a crown
of cunning workmanship set with precious stones ( before March
in order to incite him against Henry and Petrus o f Monte
Cassino assumes that a crown was sent twice : first by Matilda s
instigati o n in the year 1 0 7 7 and again in 1 0 8 0 after the Pope s
final breach with Henry IV !
O wing to the F orchheim election and the changes resultant
from it Henry s P romissi o had become a dead letter ; he had
promised at Canossa to accept the Pope as arbiter between himself
and the revo lted princes ; there was naturally no thought at the
time o f the P o pe as arbitrator between himself and an anti king
NO sooner had the news o f his rival s election reached King
Henry in Italy than he sent fr o m Pavia to the Pope to demand
Rud o lph s excommunication The King did not as yet feel strong
enough to do with o ut the support o f the H o ly See Gregory had
—
reco urse to an unworthy subterfuge th e inj ustice of conde mnation
without j udicial investigation o f the cause Every unprej udiced
pers o n must admit this was a m o st unsatisfactory response ; for
there was no necessity to investigate the rivals claims to the throne
Henry had reigned since the year 1 0 5 6 and had won a tacit recog
ni ti o n at least o f his royal dignity even at Canossa
Rudolph
could bring fo rward no claim he was plainly an usurper Gregory
had once nobly written that it was his duty and business to defend
”
the rights o f all
Why did he not defend those of Henry ?
m g a et ip rid h t
Old pr nd
i ll hr r m f
t
a
d ilig nti M athi ldi
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e
m
corona
p
i m eri o
a
us
ece
a u
ace us
c
e
a
s, cu
mi rahilenz lapid ihus preti osis i ntextam Saxoniee d uci
Romano contra H enri cum i ntromitteret misi t
ad
,
.
u
se
uatenus
Rod u l
o
,
f q
e a
se
,
de
THE INTRUSI O N O F RUD O LPH OF
SU AB I A
14
5
Unfo rtunately the Pope could not lay asid e his deep root e d
suspici o n of the King s character and at the same time dared not
seriously o ppose the G e rman princes ; thus he came to sp e ak o f
the King s indubitable claims as Open to discussion and in c o nse
of
this
lack
frankness
cause
him
the
utmost
w
as to
u e nc e
q
embarrassment
Rudolph immediately after his proclamation as King s e nt an
ambassador to the Pope declaring that he had been forced to tak e
upon himsel f the cares o f the government and that he would obey
The idea o f pressure in Rudolph s election
the Pope in all things
is a pure ficti o n o n the part O f the anti King
Neither Henry nor R u dolph had appealed to the Pope to settle
their rival claims though each was doubtless anxious f o r the papal
support f o r himsel f and the papal denunciation o f his opp o nent
Gregory however appears to have seen an opportunity to ste p
f orward as an arbiter to command both parties to lay aside their
arms and await his award As we shall see for ne arly three years
Gr egory mai ntained this doubt f ul policy holding the language o f
peace but claiming the right which could no t but be inadmissible
to dictate the terms
F rom Mayence Rudolph we nt to Ulm in
the centre o f his former Duchy o f Su ab ia and thence proceede d to
Augsburg where he intended i n order the better to strengthen his
royal authority to preside at an assembly composed o f the great
ecclesiastical and lay feudatories
The positive opposition of
E mmeri c Bishop o f Augsburg and the ill will o f the inhabitants of
the C ity did not permit him to realize this proj ect besides several
nobles in his suite anxious to r e turn home had le f t him and did
no t answer to his summons
Rudolph then announced that the
proposed diet would take place at Esslingen in the middle o f May
and h e then started o ff in the direction o f the west towards German
Switzerland and Burgundy
It might seem that the intrusion of a rival king called into
action all the dormant f orces o f Henry s cause Everywhere a large
part o f the clergy even in Rudolph s Duchy o f Su ab ia re f used to
break their oath o f fealty to Henry and it became e vide nt that
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THE LI F E AND TI MES O F G REG O RY VI I
Rudolph would have to co nquer by f orce o f arms hal f o f his ne w
kingdom While besieging the f ortress o f Sigmari nge n news was
brought to Rudolph that H enry having crossed the Alps was
advancing towards him with an army and had already reached the
confines O f Su ab ia leaving his so n Conrad and the gover nment of
Italy to the Bishops o f M ilan and Piacenza
O n arriving at Ratisbon on May 1 Henry was at once
received with ardour by his partisans The fierc e Bohemian hal f
pagan allies led by their duke W rati slas also j oi ned the standard
men
o f Henry and Berthold e stimates his army at
Rudolph outnumb e red was obliged to withdraw into Saxony to
raise more troops leaving the Dukes Wel f and Berthold to de f end
the Duchy o f Su ab ia so that Henry was able to proceed to Ulm
the capital of Su ab ia where he pronounced sentence against Rudolph
Welf and Berthold The three con f ederates were declared traitors
and as such despoiled o f all their fi ef s and dignities and condem ne d
to death The King s unforeseen return had disconcerted his
enemies and in Bavaria Su abia and F ra nconia and in nearly the
whole o f the valley o f the Rhine only a few o f the great nobles
fortified in their strong castles dared still resist ; the people sub
mitte d and gave up Rudolph s cause as irrevocably lost
I n the
course o f June Henry removed to Nuremberg where he an nounced
his intention o f leading a large army i nto Saxo ny
But Rudolph had resolved to take the initiative instead o f
waiting to be attacked in Saxony and at the Diet o f M o e rsb u rg he
persuaded the Saxons to advance o n the enemy and to spare their
o wn country the terrors o f invasion
Accordingly he set to work to
b e sieg e W ii rz b u rg and to reinstate the Bish o p o f W ii rz b u rg whom
Henry had expelled but the C ity defended itself bravely and
Rudolph s rams and battering machines did not succeed in e ff ecting
a breach in its w alls
F earing the concentration o f Rudolph s forces with those of
the Dukes Welf and Berthold Henry had fled to Worms ; but
C hangi ng his plans and recrossing the Rhine he now placed his troops
along the banks of the Neckar The formation of th e land the
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14
8
T H E LI F E AND TI M ES OF G RE GO R Y VII
surprising also to see that Gregory expected the two bitter enemies
to work harmoniously together to provide the escort
I n the event o f either king resisting his commands Grego ry
“
instructs his legates to resist him in every way and by every
”
means if necessary till death
Refuse to him the government
o f the kingdom
do not allow him o r his partisans to receive the
Body and the Blood o f o u r Lord Jesus Christ o r to enter a holy
”
church
“
To the Germans he writes : Each o f the two kings seeks
o r rather the support o f
this Apostolic See which
o u r support
We occupy notwithstanding o u r unworthiness and We co nfi d ing
in the mercy o f the All pow e rful G od and in the assistance o f
blessed Peter are disposed with the advice o f all o f you who fear
God and love the Christian faith to scrutinize with care the j ust
claims o f each side and to favour that o ne whom j ustice clearly
shows is called to the government o f the kingdom
“
If o ne of the two kings pu ff ed up with pride should by
some artifice put an Obstacle in the way o f o u r j ourney and being
aware o f the inj ustice o f his cause should shrink from the j udgment
o f the Holy Spirit rendering himself thereby guilty o f disob edience
by resisting Holy Church the universal mother despise him as a
member o f anti Christ and a scourge o f the Christian religion and
respect the sentence that o u r legates will i n o u r name pro nounce
against him ; kno w well that God resists the proud whilst H e
grants His grace to the humble The other o n the contrary wh o
will give proofs o f humility who will inclin e towards the decree
—
f
the Holy Spirit proclaimed by you f o r We are persuaded that
o
when two o r three are gathered together i n the name o f the Lord
they are illumined by His presence— the other We say has a right
to your devotion and your respect in the measure pointed out by
”
1
o u r legates
At the close o f the letter to the Germans the Pope assures
“
them that he has not promised any assistance inconsistent with
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Ad Germanos, I V
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2
4
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THE INTRUSI O N O F RUD O LP H O F
SU AB IA
1
49
”
j ustice to either o f the two kings
The Pope must have foreseen
that both parties would be unwilling to submit to his arbi tration ;
hence the threatening emphasis laid upon the providing o f an
escort As was natural Gregory s utterances o f May 3 1 pleased
neither side Rudolph had expected some recognition f o r he had
given himself o u t as a faithf u l servant o f the Holy See ; but in
”
Gregory s letter Henry is equally recognized as king
Henry s
submission o n the other hand to the papal arbitration would have
invalidated his title That he was the actual undeposed and
undeposable king while Rudolph was an usurper and rebel was
the strength o f his cause
The outcome o f Gregory s utterances o f May 1 0 7 7 was one
that he had not foreseen Nei ther party made any show o f pro
v i d in
an
escort
and
in
co
seque
ce
his
i
structions
to
the
legates
n
n
n
g
remained a dead letter I n his address to the council of 1 0 8 0
Gregory makes no mention o f these two letters and the annalists
and Paul o f Ber nried are equally silent o n this head
Not many days a f terwards ( June 9 ) the Pope had expressed
his f ear that his j ourney to Germany was impracticable Yet he
remained f o r some time in Northern Italy buoyed up by the
hope that i n spite o f all obstacles he might o fli c iate as arbiter
in G e rmany At last he gave up all ho pe In the beginning
of
August we find him at F lorence then i n Siena and on
September 1 6 he writes a letter from Rome At the close o f
September G regory again raises the question of arbitration and
writes to Udo Archbishop o f Treves and his su ff ragans the
Bishops o f Metz Toul and Verdun upon the subj ect He
speaks of the bitter and pitiful civil strife that had broken out
in Germany and urges upon them to use all zeal to bring his
proj ect to pass He suspects that his letters written in May may
no t have reached them o r may have no t been accepted by them as
genuine so he enclos e s a copy o f them
Gregory sincerely respected the Archbishop o f Treves a staunch
straightforward prelate and a devoted adherent of Henry IV but
though he was well aware o f the Archbishop s loyalty to the K ing
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF G RE GO RY
0
5
VI I
he was unable to refrain from speaking to him o f Henry with
acrimony o r with bitter iro ny Yet the letter mak es no definite
accusation against Henry in person but rather against his partisans
Gregory urges that the
f o r whom Hen ry is considered responsible
Cardinal Bish o p Gerald of O stia was taken prisoner by Henry s
supporters in Northern Italy and the Abbot Bernard in Germany
but gives no dates f o r these outrages B e rno ld as we have seen
has used the imprisonment o f Bishop Gerald as an accusation
against Henry hef ore the election o f Rudolph ; but as Greg o ry
mentions it in his earlier letters it wo uld appear that the Bishop
Bishop Dionysius o f
was captured after the F orchheim election
Piacenza an o ld opponent o f the Pope was resp o nsible for this
outrage We do not know when Gerald regained his freedom
1
but he is mentioned later as having been active in F rance The
Abbot Bernard was made prisoner by U d alrich Count o f Lenzburg
o n his return j ourney to Rome stripped of all his possessions and
imprisoned in a dungeon Henry IV after his return to Germany
refused to take measures to release him and it was only Ow i ng to
the intervention o f H ugh Abbot o f Cluny that he attained his
f reedom
The letter to the f our bishops like Gregory s letters o f May
had no political result That the Pope should have had inter
course with Udo o f Treves whose convictions were so well known
may have o ff ended Rudolph s party but did no t conciliate
Henry s
Henry after having received from Bavaria and Bohemia the
reinforcements which he expected at length quitted his entrench
ments and started in the direction of Augsburg O n his way he
ravaged the country through which he was passing ; everything
was put to fire and sw o rd o n his passage
The winter was spent by the King in Bavaria reducing some of
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R
1
VI I
Th e
2
y
G rego r
H
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y
enr
p
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1
R
o
o et
re tu rne
in
f
y
r
h
m
t
(
8
o
Do niz o ,
d
me,
e
to
and
R
o
l
e ar
h atr d to H nry i n nt d th t ry th at ft r
i n S p t mb r 1 0 7 7 h agai n x mm ni at d K i ng
d h i bj ts fr m th ir all gian
out
me
re e ase
of
e
e
e
s su
e
e
ec
e
,
o
ve
,
e
e
e
e
e
co
ce
.
s o
u
,
c
e
a
e
1
5
THE L IF E AND TIMES O F G RE GO RY VII
2
proof that no excommu nicatio n by the Cardinal Deacon Bernard had
1
taken place is furnished by a letter of his colleague Abbot Bernard
to Udo o f Treves and his su ff r agans in which he urges them to
actio n and complains that nothing has hitherto been done to carry
o u t the Pope s instructio ns and recommends Udo to try his i nflu
ence upon the two rival ki ngs It is impossible that Abbot Bernard
should have written such a letter towards the end o f O ctober if
shortly afterwards his colleague w as to declare definitely in favour
o f o ne of the rivals and it is noteworthy that the Abbot refers to
Rudolph as the x mu lu s Henri ci and not as the recognized king
I n conclusion the Abbot begs Udo to arrange a conference to d ecide
their claims
No such conference was however called and the question was
brought by G regory before the next synod at Rome ( F ebruary 2 7
March 3
Shortly before Gregory had returned to Rome in September
Cenci the prefect of Rome a devo ted adherent o f the Pope was
assassinated by his namesake Stephe n Cenci The murdered
prefect had wished to end his days in a monastery but the Pope
persuaded him that he could do better service to the Church as a
layman The Roma ns ; exasperated by the death o f the prefect
who was much beloved i n the city succeeded in capturing his
murderer who had fled to a castle near Rome and cut o ff his head
and hands and hung them up after burying the body in the very
portico o f St Peter s The murdered prefect was buried in the great
basilica and Stephen Cenci s accomplices were either killed or driven
into exile
The Empress Agnes — who after Henry s excommunicatio n had
lived in Rome as a recluse devoting hersel f to almsgiving and good
—
works died at the end of January 1 0 7 8 During her last illness
she was ministered to by the Pope who after her obsequies caused
her remai ns to be buried in the church o f St Petronilla
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Su d end o rf
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Reg i stru m,
B
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NO
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1 0,
p
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1
ff
7
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CHAPTER VI I I
C IVI L
WA R
IN
G E RM A N Y F E B RU A R Y
1 07 8
2 7,
,
— MARC H 7
,
1 0 80
Pp
e nr
I V S am assa o rs— eg is ative arrange me nts— Th e
o e
Ro man
e rman
f o r th e se tt e me nt o f t e ir c lai ms
i nvi tes th e two i ngs to a i e t i n
th e egate i n Fran e mo d i fi e d — Se nte n e s
Th e c o n e mnatio ns ro no u nce
th e s no —
asse
att e o f M e lric h stad t— Be neve n tu m
o f e xco mmu ni c ati o n
o f Ri
ar ,
ri nc e o f
a u a—
and th e
o rmanS—
e at
evo t o f th e
o rman
—
1
aro ns agai nst Ro e rt
u i s ard — Ro man S no
of
o ve m e r I
0
ano ns
8
,
7
9
ro i i ti o n o f lay i nve sti tu re — Th e
o f th e Ro man S no — Fres
of
e res
Bere ngari u s— Th e o e ri tes i n avo u r o f Be re ngari u s— Th e Fe ru ar s no ,
i ngs—
1 0 7 9 — O at
ta e n
th e am assa o rs o f th e two
re go r se nd s e gates
i e t o f Fri t ar—
i nto
e rman —
re i mi nar
iet o f
ur u rg— Th e le gate s
re tu rn to Ro me—
e t te r f ro m
re go r
to t h e
ai t
erman
o n th e
ul i n
missio n o f h i s egate s— att e o f H arc h h e i m
Sy no d—
H
d
k
N
b
y
’
p
p
D
b G
y d
Pp
h k by
y P l
G
l
L
d
b
L
d
G
d by
l
y
l
l
h
c
c
d by
y d B l
h
ch d P
Cp
R l
N
c
y d N
b
C
h p hb
h y
w
f
b y y d
b d
k
G
y
l
yD
zl
D
W zb
G
y
f hf
G
y
B l
.
the opening o f the Synod held in the first week o f Lent
Henry
whom
he
s ambassadors
F
ebruary
2 7 — March 3
(
had sent to represent him — Bruno Bishop of O snaburg and
Theodoric Bishop of Verdun — demanded that the Pope should
declare in his favour
This Synod marks a change in Gregory s attitude ; he had
no w definitely relinquished all idea o f appearing in person in
Germany as arbiter between the two kings and entrusted the
solution o f the question to his legates
The important results o f the deliberation of the Synod were
the following : Papal legates were to be sent to Germany wh o
were to call an assembly o f clergy and laity and either to reconcile
the two parties or to give j udgment between them The intention
rd i ng
A cc rd ing t th R gi tr m b t n h ndr d b i h p w r pr nt
AT
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to
o
B th ld b
er
o
,
o
e
e
y
a o u t se vent
s
a
,
a ou
e
o
.
1
53
u
e
s o
s
e e
e se
acc o
1
6
5
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GRE GO RY VI I
Crozier and Ring restored Raoul Archbishop of Tours was rein
stated in his sacerdotal and episcopal dignities since the accusations
brought against him even by bishops had fallen to the grou nd
Gregory at the same synod anathematized the Archbishops o f
Ravenna and Milan the Bishops o f Cremo na and Treviso and
Cardinal Hugh Candidus
With the Obj ect o f emphasizing the excommu nication which
had been decreed several years previously against the Normans
Gregory forbade the Clergy under severe penalties to celebrate the
Eucharist before them The synod went o n to lay down regula
tions o f general interest o ne o f these concerning s hipwrecks gives
evidence to the continual part taken by the Papacy i n the cause of
humanity and C ivilization ; the same consideration is shown in
regulating the dealings with the excommunicated who except for
this case wo uld in many cases have been condemned to a life
of
inextricable d ifli cu ltie s and perplexities
The extraordinary
number o f excommunications in Gregory s po ntifi cate rendered
necessary some consideration f o r the masses of innocent people
inevitably involved
The decree o f the synod is as follows
Te d ald o nominal Archbishop O f M ilan and Guibert nominal
Archbishop o f Ravenna having risen up against the Holy Catholic
Church by uttering heresies with u nheard Of pride We interdict
them from all sacerdotal o r episcopal functions and renew the
anathema already pronounced against them We forbid likewise
Arnulfo o f Cremona to exercise any episcopal fu nctions whatsoever
for in O ur presence he was convicted of simony and compelled to
acknowledge his guilt ; he must never hope to be reinstated and
We lay him under anathema until he shall have made complete
satisfaction Roland o f Treviso i n order to be promoted to the
episcopal dignity accepted the part o f a mock legate and was not
ashamed to create a schism betwee n the secular and the spiritual
authorities ; therefore in virtue o f the apostolic censure he shall
for ever be deprived of the episcopal O fli ce We forbid in the most
express terms that any o f O ur successors shall consent at any future
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CIVIL WAR I N GERMANY
1
57
time to his consecration and We pronounce him to be under an
eternal anathema if he do not show proofs o f repentance as well
as o ff er entire satisfaction to God
“
Hugh Cardinal o f the title o f St Clement has been three
times already condemned by the Apostolic See In the first
instance he was the mover and accomplice o f the heretic C ad alu s
Bishop o f Parma ; then after being again appointed legate of th e
Ap o stolic See he entered into relations with heretics and men
guilty o f simony who had been condemned by the Apostolic See
thirdly and lastly having become an apostate and a heretic he has
endeavoured to bring schisms divisions and rents into the Church
God We interdict him also from all sacerdotal functions
of
likewise from entering the afore named church o r any other We
lay him under a perpetual and irrevocable sentence o f co nd e mna
tion and strike him with anathema until he S hall have satisfied
”
fully for all his o ff ences
With regard to the entou rag e o f excommunicated persons the
sentences are somewhat softened
Day after day in consequence o f O ur sins We perceive that
these excommunications are the cause o f l o ss to many souls either
thro ugh ignorance o r to o great simplicity ; either from motives o f
fear o r from yielding to necessity ; therefore in obedience to the
suggestions o f mercy We have determined to mitigate and to soften
temporarily so far as W e can those sentences o f anathema
“
Thus in virtue o f O ur apostolic authority We take o ff this
sentence from such w ives children servants slaves tenants and
domestics in fact from all members o f a household as are incapable
o f influencing others f o r evil ; the same applies to all who have
dealings with the excommunicate unknowingly Should any
pilgrim o r traveller in a country lying under interdict desire to
pray in some sanctuary o r to be able to purchase o r ask f o r
necessaries We permit him to receive them from the hands o f the
excommunicate F inally We in no manner condemn those who
bestow gifts o n exc o mmunicated persons solely from motives o f
”
humanity not to uphold their pride
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1
8
5
TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F G RE GO R Y VI I
I n recent times it has been discovered that simoniacs as such
1
were excommunicated at this Synod and in the Synod of November
o f this year
No t many days after the Synod Gregory writes to
the German people and informs them briefly o f the decision of the
Synod and instructs the bearer o f the letter to come to an under
“
standing with our venerable brother the Archbishop o f Treves
”
who is o ne of Henry s partisans and also with some other bishop
belonging to Rudolph s party who shall together appoint the place
2
and date o f the forthcoming assembly so that O ur legates may
”
reach your country with greater safety
O n the same day he
addresses a letter to Udo o f Treves himself in whose wisdom he
places great confidence He expresses a wish that his legates
should no t cross the Alps without an escort but who will provide
?
He hopes that both parties will take part in arranging the
o ne
“
matter ; therefore he suggests Udo should treat with a bishop
”
o f Rudolph s party
It is curious that the Pope is not able to
mention any bishop by name who would be helpful in the
negotiations and the fact that Gebhard o f Salzburg and Altmann
o f Passau are not brought forward is probably an indication that
they did no t belo ng to the R u d o lph ian party proper
“
I n the letter to the Germans Udo and the R u d o lph ian
bishop are desired to fix the place and time f o r the diet so that the
legates may travel to Germany with greater certainty and safety
whereas in the letter to the Archbishop of Treves Udo and the
R u d o lph ian bishop are to travel to Rome to escort the legates
I n the event that no R u d o lph ian bishop i s able o r willing to under
take this j ourney Udo alone is to come to Rome and undertake
the responsibility o f conducting the legates in safety The preference
given to the Henrician party by such a selection suggests the
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A ll
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1
Sd rale k g ives th e o lo i ng text i n h i s Wol
n
h
u
t
t
l
F
r
a
t
m
e
r
e
e
e
e
,
f
g
49
secta i nd u rati
s nod ali hus
u i i n errori s su i
si mo ni ac s are to b e
e xc o mmu ni ate ,
q
y
—
ci a eis recalci
d
s
s
r
m
r
t
n
a
a
u
u
sanctoru m atru m d e
n
n
h
u
s
sc
n
i
n
h
i
n
t
o
t
e
i
t
i
o
i
i
t
r
o
e
a
t
a
e
i
e
e
e
e
fi
p
q
trantes stu di o et v olu ntate refi agantu r
At th e same s no , th e ha reti ci Ni co/ai m, o r
ri ests wh o d o no t O serve c eli ac , are also exc o mmu ni c ate
fl w
1
p
c
d
.
p
2
M ar h
c
b
9
,
1 078
.
p
‘
b y
y d
p
’
d
.
.
.
1
60
TH E LI F E AND T I M ES OF GRE GO RY VI I
Lombardy once lords and masters o f the town and duchy was
only a vassal o f the Pope and upon his death at the close of 1 0 7 7
he was succeeded by a governor directly appointed by the H o ly
See Almost immediately Robert Guiscard res o lved to take away
this possession from the Papacy and to substitute the rule of the
Normans for that o f the Lombards As early as January 1 0 7 8 he
was be f ore B e nev e ntu m but the town resisted and refused to open
its gates to the invader
Robert Guiscard then ravaged the
environs and caused a line Of fortresses to be constructed enclosing
Hence the fresh exco m
B e nev e ntu m in an impassable barrier
mu nic atio n o f the Normans pronounced in the Lent Synod o f 1 0 7 8
“
when they were besieging B e nev e ntu m : We excommunicat e all
the Normans who are invading the dominions o f St Peter namely
the Marches o f F ermo and the Duchy o f Spoleto those also wh o
are besieging B e ne v e ntu m o r are endeavouring to invade and pillage
the Campagna the Maritime Province and Sab i nu m as well as
”
those who are trying to disturb the C ity o f Rome
The censures o f the Church had no e ff ect upon Robert Guiscard
who continued to besiege B e nev e ntu m During the same year
R obert attacked Gisulfo o f Salerno his brother i n law and a firm
ally o f the Pope and drove him from his principality Gisulfo
1
dispossessed o f his dominions came to Rome where he was
kindly received by the Pope
During the siege of B e nev e ntu m Richard Prince o f Capua
persisted in continuing the siege o f Naples which he had begun in
May 1 0 7 7 I n spite o f the reinforcements which Robert Guiscard
sent to him both in troops and in ships he had no t been able to
force an entrance into the bravely—defended town before he fell ill
and had to raise the siege H e died at Capua o n April 5 1 0 7 8
Before his death he made his peace with the Church restoring the
land he had taken in the Campagna It was o n this condition that
the Bishop o f Aversa consented to give him absolution
Th gh G r g ry r f r t hi m l t r p ri n ep h n l ng r h d ny p w r
o
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ou
ly
I t was o n
in 1 0 8 4
.
e o
as a
e e s
p rivat p
e
a e
o
erso nage
h
t at
as
G i lf
su
o
c
s
ac c o
e
o
o
mp ani e d
e
th e
a
P p
o
a
e
to
o
l
e
.
Sa erno
CIVIL WAR I N GERMANY
1
61
Richard Count o f Aversa from 1 0 5 0 and Pri nce of Capua
from 1 0 6 2 though no t so renown e d in history as Robert Guiscard
o r as the greater Roger of Sicily played a not unimportant part in
the aff airs o f Southern Italy The founder o f the Norman princi
o nti fi c ates o f Nich o las I I
o f Capua he had Often during the
ali t
p
p
y
and Alexander I I rendered S ig nal service to the Holy See Aimé
Leo de Marsi and Peter the Deacon cannot forget his great
liberality to their monastery whenever they menti o n him
R o muald o f Salerno more impartially sums up his character thus
Richard was both wary and liberal go o d and kind to those wh o
were faithful to him but inexorable towards any who rebelled
”
agai nst his authority o r played him false
The last days o f Richard s life were saddened by his son
Jordan who again rebelled against him and had persuaded h i s
uncle Roger of Sicily to take his part Whe n the Normans were
excommunicated o n March 3 1 0 7 8 Jordan and Roger submitted
to the H o ly See and deserted Robert Guiscard and Prince Richard
They both went to Rome where as Aimé says i ls furent ahsolut d e
‘
A passage
la excommu ni cati on et fi rent lig ue d e fi d eli te avec lo pape
in the Chroni cles of M onte Cassi no shows that Jordan was far from
being disinterested in making his submission ; indeed they assert
that the people o f B e nev e ntu m gave h im four thousand five
hundred besants to deliver them from Robert Guiscard Two
unexpected circumstances enabled Jordan to be o f service to Bene
v e ntu m
His father s death at this time gave him the comman d
o f all the resources o f the principality both in men and money ;
and besides this the Norman barons wh o had l o ng been watching
for an opportunity to take up arms against their Duke Robert
thought they had found it i n the death Of his ally and in the new
line O f policy adopted by Prince Richard s so n Insurrections
broke o u t simultane o usly in Apu le ia and Calabria Robert taken
u nawares had his hands full with his rebellious subj ects J o rdan
consequently managed to destroy the outw o rks and set B e nev e ntu m
free The Duke had no leisure to attend to this slight reverse ;
f o r the next two years 1 0 7 8 1 0 8 0 all his forces were required to
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62
THE LI F E A N D TI MES O F G REG O RY VI I
quell the i nsurrections in which many o f his own relations among
the Norman barons took part i ncluding his nephe w Ab ag ilard
besides Jorda n and his uncl e R annu lf u s The revolt however
delayed the conqueror i n his march towards Central Italy and gave
some respite to the Pope
During the autumn o f 1 0 7 8 Gregory was absent from Rome
for several months
O n August 2 2 we fi nd him at San
Germano at the fo ot o f Monte Cassino ; o n O ctober 8 at
Acquapendente north o f Rome near Sovana his native place
and o n O ctober 2 2 at Sutri ; but the details o f j our neys are
unrecorded
1
O n November 1 9 the Pope held a Synod at the Lateran Wi th
the Obj ect if possible of putting an end to the civil strife i n
Germany Henry s court we lear n allowed the German bishops
At the
wh o were i nvited a safe conduct to and from Rome
Synod ambassadors were sent by H enry and Rudolph to declare
that their sovereigns had not in any way interfered to prevent the
meeting o f the papal legates in Germany The ambassadors were
d oubtless ready to take this oath f o r the King and the anti King
were not responsible f o r the failure o f Udo o f Treves in arranging
F inally those wh o prevented the
f o r an assembly i n March
meeting o f the legates were again excommu nicated B o nith o had
s tated that the Lent Synod O f this year had ordered b o th sides to
lay down their arms ; but from a letter o f Gregory s after the
2
November Synod we see the war is ordered to cease when the
legates had arrived in Germany and had fixed a day f o r the
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c ollo u i u
q
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.
The November Synod not only deliberated d e cau sa reg i s for many
canons were promulgated but we have only to compare the canons
t hemselves with th e summary to see that only part o f this legislation
has been handed down to us
NO part it may be said o f Chris
t e nd o m was so remote o r so barbarous as to escape G regory s
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1
At
t
hi
G rego ry VI I
2 E
2
5
p
.
y d d
s s no
’
.
s
e c ree s
o ntifi c ate
p
.
w
e re
pa d
sse
a ai nst
g
si
mo niacs
f o r th e last
ti
me
in
1
TH E LI F E AND TI MES OF GRE GO RY VI I
64
November I the formula o f B e re ng ari u s was caused to be read
aloud by the Pope before them all but while Gregory declared
“
himself satisfied with it and said it was all that was required in
”
point o f faith many o f the bishops present were dissatisfied and
B e re ng ari u s was obliged to await the decision o f the Synod to be
held in the following Lent
Gregory s submission to the
party who sternly opposed B e re ng ari u s is a S ign o f a certain
irresolution and lack of resource which is also shown in his policy
with regard to the situation in Germany 1 0 7 7 — 1 0 8 0 We may
assume that he could not refute B ere ng ari u s and did not wish to
condemn him yet was unwilling to break with B e re ng ariu s s
enemies The question o f B ere ng ari u s s heresy was no t raised at
the November Synod but was br o ught before that o f F ebruary
I n the R eg i strum o f Gregory we have the followin g
1 079
account of the proce e dings o f the Synod in which Gregory appears
to have been passive
All being assembled in the Church of the Holy Saviour a
uestion
was
raised
concerning
the
Body
and
Blood
o f our Lord
q
Jesus Christ many being o f the same opinion but some holding
di ff erent views A very great maj ori ty a ffi rmed that i n virtue o f
the words o f the holy prayer in virtue o f the consecration by the
Priest and by the power o f the Holy Spirit working in an i nvisible
manner the bread and wine were changed substantially into the
Body o f the Lord that same Body which was born o f a Virgin
and hung upon the Cross and that Blood which the lance of the
soldier had shed from His opened Side and they supported this
opinion by many quotations from the orthodox F athers both
Greek and Latin But there were some present who for a long
time had been struck with blindness and these maintained that
this was only a figure and deluding themselves as well as others
they pretended to demonstrate this by the help o f certain sophisms
The discussion being opened the minority was only able to con
ti nu e its struggle against the Truth so far as the third day o f the
Synod The F ire o f the Holy Spirit burning up all that straw
and eclipsing all the false lights which before It faded away and
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IN
CIVIL WAR
GERMANY
1
65
disappeared shone with brilliant light penetrating all the shadowy
depths o f night B e re ngariu s the author o f this error confessed
b e fore all the assembled Council that he had erred f o r many years
in expressing an opini o n o f such impiety He asked pardon and
” 1
his petition gained for him th e clemency o f His Holiness
W e learn from B e re ngari u s that the mouthpiece o f the maj ority
was a monk o f Monte Cassino named Alberic and he it was who
proposed to intro duce the word su hstanti ali ter into the formula
prop o sed to B e re ng ari u s In a later pamphlet B e re ngari u s cannot
”
“
find words dark e no ii g h to describe Alberic
He is no monk
“
he writes but a real devil an impudent liar and anti Christ i n
”
B e re ng ari u s who notwithstanding his indignation had
pers o n
no taste f o r martyrdom was obliged to sign the f o llowing pro f e s
sion o f faith which is much more precise and complete than the
form he had already signed under Pope Nich o las I I in 1 0 5 9
“
I B ere ng ari u s believe with my heart and profess with my
mouth that the bread and wine placed on the Altar are changed
substantially by the mystery of the holy prayer and the words o f
o u r Redeemer into the very true life giving F lesh and Blo o d o f
o u r Saviour Jesus Christ
and that after the consecration It is the
very Body o f Christ which was born o f the Virgin which was
sacrificed f o r the salvation o f the world hung o n the Cross and is
now seated at the Right Hand o f the F ather and the very Blood
which flowed from His Side : and this not only in figure and by
the virtue o f the Sacrament but actually the same in nature and
in truth o f substance as is stated in this writing which I have read
and which y o u have heard
”
So help me God and His holy Gospels
Immediately following this profession of faith we read in the
official rep o rt in the R eg i strum
“
By the authority o f Almighty God and the holy Apostles
Peter and Paul His Holiness the Pope forbids B e re ngariu s for
the f uture to engage with any person in discussions concerning the
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Reg istr VI
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.
1
7
a,
p
.
35
2 s
q
.
;
M on Greg , Jaff é
.
.
.
1
THE LI F E AND TIMES OF GREG O RY VI I
66
Body and Blood o f the Lord or to instruct any one o n this point
the only exception being in case o f those wh o have been withdrawn
”
from the F aith o f the Church by the do ctrines of B e re ng ari u s
I n the account o f the R eg i strum B ere ng ari u s submits Of hi s
o wn free wi ll to the decision of the maj ority while in B e re n ari u s s
g
o wn
narrative o f the transaction the introducti o n o f the ne w
formula was due to Gregory s o wn initiative and was forced upon
the surprised B ere ng ari u s There is no d o ubt that B e re ngari u s s
account is the correct o ne and that Gregory weary o f theological
discussion put a term to it in favour o f the burning question of
the struggle in Germany with which the synod had als o to deal
Two letters from Gregory bearing upon B e re ng ari u s ( E p 2 4
and 3 6 ) are no t included in the R eg i strum probably because they
appeared to treat the heresiarch with to o great C lemency Gregory
seems to have seized an opp o rtunity after the Synod to protec t
B e re ng ari u s from unj ust o r to o rigorous treatment
Ep
written immediately or soon after the F ebruary synod o f 1 0 7 9
anathematizes those who call B ere ngari u s the son o f the Roman
”
Church a heretic o r wh o molest him in any way F rom the
letter it appears that B ere ngari u s lived with the Pope at the Lateran
f o r some time O ne writer indeed describes him as conv i ctor p apce
“
and B e re ng ari u s himself asserts that he lived a year with the
”
Pope
The obj ect o f the second letter ( E p
addressed to the
Archbishop o f Tours and another ( unnamed) F rench bishop is
”
“
also to protect B ere ngari u s wh o is introduced as a dearest son
B e re ngari u s had been molested by a Count Jules and it was
Gregory s earnest desire that the two bish o ps should intervene in
”
“
his favour Thus the heretic is dismissed uncondemned even
with honour and though censured by former Popes enj oyed the
special protection o f Gregory He is allowed to die i n peace i n
full possession o f his ecclesiastical dignities
Gregory by his protection o f B ere ng ariu s laid himself open to
the bitter taunts which he must well have known that his enemies
w ould seize every opportunity to heap upon him He had to
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1
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
68
the Pope delayed owing to his clemency There were two sessions
d e causa reg i s at the Synod which t o ok place F ebruary 1 1 1 0 7 9
and an agreement was sworn to by the representatives o f the two
kin g s
The deputies
Oath taken hy the amhassad or of Ki ng Henry I V
o f the King my master will come to Y o u before th e F east o f the
Ascension unless prevented by some legitimate cause o f absence
and
d eath o r grave sickness o r captivity real and unfeigned
they will conduct and bri ng back in all safety the legates o f the
Holy Roman See
His Maj esty the King will o bey the said
legates in all things conformably to j ustice and their decisions
H erein they wi ll observe good faith and such reserves only as may
be ordained by You I swear this by order o f my master King
”
Henry
If a conference
Oath tahen hy the amhassaaor of Ki ng R u d olph
takes place according to Your commands in the country o f Germany
o u r master King Rudolph will present himself in person before You
o r Your legates in such place and at such time as shall be appointed
by Y o u o r else he will send his Bishops and some o f the faithful
he will submit to Your decisions whatever they may be or that the
Roman Church may decide o n the subj ect o f the Re alm He will
not hinder by any malicious artifice the Synod assembled by Y o u o r
by Your legates When he sees that Your nuncio has pointed o u t the
sure means f o r re establishing and consolidating peace in the king
dom he will do what in him lies in order to arrive at peace and
the establishing o f concord All these stipulations shall be observed
saving only such reserves as may be granted by Y our dispensations
and saving the legitimate hindrances o f death grave sickness o r
”
captivity real and without dissimulati o n
The oath o f He nry s ambassador stands first in order and
Gf rOre r is correct in saying that H enry appears as the rightful king
at the F ebruary Synod and enj oys r o yal precedence Another
important point in the o aths is that the safe conduct o f the papal
legates to and from Germany is entrusted to King Henry alone ;
while Rudolph only declares his readiness to present himself i n
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CIVIL W AR
IN
G ERMANY
1
69
person before the Pope o r his legates o r else to send his bishops
some o f the faithful and to submit to the papal decisi o ns
and
—
b
e
a pro o f o f the low state o f Rud o lph s fortunes
whatever they
At the same Synod a number O f persons were excommunicated
among them the already condemned Te d ald o o f Milan and Roland
Theodoric Duk e o f Lorraine and F olmar Count of
o f Treviso
Metz were also excommunicated as well as all wh o profiting by
the expulsion o f the Archbishop o f Mayence and of other bishops
had seized upon the goods Of those bishops
Th e soldiers o f Eberhard success o r of C ad alu s in the Episcopal
See o f Parma having taken the Abbot o f Reichenau prisoner when
were exc o m
o n his way to the Synod to plead his cause there
mu nicate d and Bish o p Eberhard himself was suspended from his
episc o pal functions
Finally the Archbish o p o f Narbonne Si e gfried Bishop o f
Bologna the Bishops o f F ermo and Camerino were alike ex
and the same penalty was pronounced against all
c ommunicated
their adherents whether ecclesiastics o r laymen
The new Patriarch of A q uileia Henry formerly one o f the
c lergy o f the Diocese of Augsburg
assisted at the Synod and
probably being called upon by the Pope to do so explained the
conditions under which his elevation to the see had taken place
His election it is true had been can o nical but he was obliged to
admit having received investiture by Ring and Crozier at the hands
O f a layman that is to say from the King o f Germany
He pleaded
ignorance o f the prohibition of the Holy See and as he further
c onsented to take an oath of Ob e dience to Gregory VI I and his
legitimate successors he was not proceeded against the Pope re
i nvested him with the Ring and the pectoral cross and his elevation
was then considered legiti mate The terms o f the oath taken
by him have come down to us in the o fli cial report of the
s ynod
It is probable that the repres e ntatives O f Henry at the Synod
c onducted the legates Peter Cardinal Bishop of Albano and Ulrich
O
l
e
r
i
d
cu
s
Bishop
Padua
to
Germany
for
i
n
a
letter
dated
f
o
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1
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF G REG O R Y VI I
0
7
March 3 G regory writes that the legates had already set out on
their j o urney B o nith o adds that the Patriarch o f Aquileia a
personal friend o f Henry s by Gregory s wish accompanied th e
legates and this is the more probable because Gregory writes
R
V
I
i
n
praise
of
the
Patriarch
for
his
kind
treatment
and
8
3 )
(
support o f the mission
The wording o f the oaths distinctly gives the impression that
the two legates mentioned were to be entrusted with full powers in
dealing with the a ff airs of Germany But two later communication s
neutralize this first impression o r suggest that the Pope had changed
his mind ; the Bishops o f Albano and Padua are only pioneers to
prepare the way for the assembly to which are to be dispatched later
1
fit and wise
legates who are to give j udgment there
”
Here are your instructions said Gregory VI I about the
“
middle o f O ctober
Here is what We ask o f you : Y o u must
not allow yourselves to come to any decision o n the subj ect o f king s
o r o f kingdoms no r regarding those who have been elected to fill
the Sees o f Treves Cologne and Augsburg o r who have received
investiture at the hands o f laymen : apply yourselves solely and
entirely to obtaining the consent of the King to the proj ected Diet
for the peace of the kingdom and the reinstallation o f those Bish o p s
As soon as you have
wh o have been expelled from their Sees
achi eved this let Us know either by coming yo u rselves to inform
Us o r else by sending the news by trusty mess e ngers so that W e
may have time to send other legates who may j oin with you and
who by the help of God may bring this most important matter to
”
a satisfactory conclusion
I n the encyclical letter dated O ctober I sent to the faithful o f
Germany he reiterates his instructions to the legates (Peter and
Ulrich ) which were limited to fixing by common consent a time and
place for the general assembly and reinstating the expelled bishop s
i n their sees
I n the course o f the letter he admits that with hardly
an
exceptions
all
the
Italian
laity
have
taken
the
part
of
Henry
)
y
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R
.
VI I 3 (O c to b er I )
.
.
1
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VI I
2
7
misunderstanding o f his letter to Rudolph and his followers that
“
he held the sword in o ne hand and the palm o f peace i n the
”
other that he perfi d i o u sly urged Rudolph to war while holding
t h e language of peace cannot be admitted
During this time the political division o f Germany into two
parties became more and more marked the two Kings d isputing
over the various great fle f s of the kingdom o ne after another
Thus Henry IV gave the Duchy o f Su abia to o ne o f his nobles
wh o se descendants i n course o f time would wear the royal
insignia and leave an immortal name o n the pages o f German
histo ry
This noble was the young Count F rederick of Hohenstaufen
and the better to insure his fidelity Henry gave to him in marriage
his own daughter Agnes
O n the other side the partisans o f Rudolph with Duke W elf
at their h e ad caused B e rthold the son of Rudolph to be elected
and
proclaimed Duke o f Su abia at Ulm which place like all
the surroundi ng countries was ravaged by the armies o f the two
dukes alternately and the student o f history asks what must have
been the lot o f the unhappy population o f districts incessantly
harassed by this C ivil war
After having kept Easter at Ratisbon Henry I V marched against
Luitpold Margrave of Austria who in concert with Ladislas King
o f Hungary had assumed a threatening attitude
No memorable
incident characterized the rapi d march which brought the King to
the con fi nes Of Hungary and he returned to Ratisbon
The legates Peter and Ulrich had set o u t from Rome either i n
F ebruary o r in the beginning of March ; by mid May we learn
t hey were in Germany
They arrived at Ratisbon towards the
F east o f Pentecost ( May 1 2
where they were received by
Henry I V sati s mag nifi ce Henry says Berthold granted his consent
t o the convocation o f the proj ected assembly and messages were
1 E
m
r
m
l
t
t
e
M
i
m
e
J
p
r
n
N
l
i
t
l
i
m
n
i
i
0
i
h
e
e
j
fi
p 7 (
7 9)
y
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a
o
u
1
e
o
,
,
oc,
helli co fi crore d eficere
Th e se nse o f th i s i s, no t d o
no t lo se h eart i n th e stru ggl e i n wh i c h y o u are e ngag e d
exagi tat
do
2
u
v os
no t
.
”
.
c
a
e ase
u
to
o
o
fi gh t
,
”
but
C I VIL W AR
IN
GERMANY
1
73
sent to Duke Welf and the chief Saxon nobles inviting them to
attend a conference at F ritzlar
The assembly h o w e ver was not so well attende d as might hav e
been hoped Duke Welf and the Su ab ians remained in th e ir own
co u ntry whilst the Bohemians took advantage of the departure of
the great Saxon lords to invade th e march of M eissen whence
th e y were however finally repulsed
It is impossible to form a clear picture o f the exact causes
which prevented the success o f the colloq ui u m held by the
Each party used cunning and treachery in its
two legates
methods ; each accused the other of entire responsibility for the
failure o f the scheme ; each party as represented by its o wn
“
historians was as wise as the serpent and as harmless as the
,
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d ov e f
’
At F ritz lar a meeting at W fi rz b u rg was arranged soon after the
F east of the Assumpti o n and at this assembly whither the papal
legates had followed Henry IV Berthold o penly accus e s the legates
weakness o r o f corruption The council dispersed without
of
having acc o mplished anything Accusati o ns against the legates
from the R u d o lphian party— reached Grego ry also in the course o f
the summ e r and he mentions these in his already qu o ted lett e r to
the Germans Of O ctober I but unfortu nately gives no details o n
this head A letter ( E p 3 1 ) written at the beginning o r towards
the middle o f O ctober is more pre cise and we learn that o ne is
accused o f incompetence the oth e r o f being c o rrupted the l atter
accusati o n referring d o ubtless to Ulrich wh o m B o nith o describes
as a firm partisan o f Henry Berthold relates that o n Ulrich s return
to R o me (befo re his c o lleague) he actually pleaded the cause of
Henry I V warmly and laid the failure o f their mission to th e
acc o unt o f the Saxons wh o were blamed f o r the breaking o ff o f the
negotiations The letter to the legat e s ( E p 3 1 ) repeats Gregory s
preliminary orders to fav ou r neither party and to keep within their
instructi o ns ; and that Gregory had no t declared in Rudo lph s
favour is prove d— if pro o f w e re needed— b y the fact that Henry s
”
“
name is understood as the King when the word King is
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1
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF G RE GO R Y VI I
74
mentioned (si
a
n
m
d
a
fi
rex
ac ui ev eri t
q
v ohi s
de
statuend o
collo u i o
q
et
p
ace
)
The turning point for the history o f the struggle and of the
German Empire was the battle o f H archh e im near M ii h lh au se n
During the autumn o f 1 0 7 9 Henry as we have seen had not
been disinclined to urge forward the colloq u i um the Pope desired
When the R u d o lph ian party however saw that he was in earnest
they attempted to evade it by various pretexts and conditions u ntil
Henry lost patience and required the papal legates to declare at
once in his favour without further discussion and excommunicate
his enemy This the legates remembering their instructions were
naturally unable to do and war at once broke out
Henry had taken the field in the winter and the battle which
began in the afternoon rag ed until night in the midst of a sudden
heavy snowstorm Historians vary as to the issue o f the hardly
field R u d o lph ian chroniclers relate that Henry was
c ontested
routed his army forced to withdraw in disorder to
e ntirely
Thuringia and the King himself compelled to fly to Ratisbon
Berthold with characteristic nai v ete assures us that Henry lost
men whilst Rudolph s loss was but 3 8 and Berthold also
ascribes the victory to the anti King B o nith o is neutral and
contents himself by saying that the battle was hardly co ntested and
that many thousands of both armies were slain The Henrician
are unanim o us in crediting Henry
annalists
o n the other hand
with the victory while the attitude o f the King after the battle was
undoubtedly that of a victor and the fact— if it be a fact— that a
Saxo n legion wo n an isolated success in their attack upon the
King s camp where they killed several pages and carried o ff various
valuables cannot a ff ect the main issue
in
r
reg no
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1
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F G RE GO RY VII
6
7
With regard to the question of the investitures o f ecclesiastical
dignities conferred by the laity the council passed the following
“
decree : We being inspired by the statutes o f the holy F athers
as we have already done i n the Councils which by the help of
God we have already held and which treat o f ecclesiastical
—
dignities we hereby decree and confirm the following pre scrip
tions If any one shall receive a Bishopric o r an Abbey as the gift
of a lay person he shall not o n any acc o unt whatever be rec koned
among the number of the Bishops or Abbots and no one may act
i n his regard as if he were a Bishop or an Abbot We furthermore
declare him to be excluded from the patronage O f St Peter and
als o from the Church Itself until such time as he with sentiments
of sincere repentance shall have abandoned that place which his
sinful disobedience and ambition have procured f o r him sins which
are equivalent to the sin Of idolatry This applies with equal force
to all the inferior ecclesiastical dignities
“
The same penalty will be incurred by any emperor king
duke marquess count o r any other lay dignitary or by any lay
person whatever who shall dare to bestow the investiture of any
Bishopric o r Abbey o r any other ecclesiastical dignity If he does
no t repent if he does not cede to Holy Church that liberty which
is Her right may he su ff er i n this life as well in his ibody as in his
goods the e ff ects o f the divine vengeance so that his soul at least
”
may be saved in the Day of the Lord
Such is the complete formula o f the prohibition o f Gregory VI I
Fo r some time he
o f all lay investiture o f ecclesiastical dignities
had aimed his legislative terrors only at the ecclesiastics who had
consented to receive investiture at the hands o f layme n ; he now
imposed the same penalties upon the investing laymen
Immediately following this decree came a number o f sentences
of excommunication and deposition against several bishops We
do not possess the complete list o f these sentences for the
R eg istru m speaks only o f four bishops three i n Italy and one in
—
F rance Te d ald o o f Milan Guibert o f Ravenna Roland of
Treviso and P elir intruded Bishop o f the Church o f Narbon ne
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ST
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E
'
J
.
E OF G R
e
RY
ER
A LT A R
C H AP E L
C A TH E R A L
A L ER N
VI I O V
TH E
D
I N H IS
AT S
IN
ST
.
M ATTH E w s
’
O
[ Ta/ a ce p
.
1
77
1
TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VI I
8
7
,
Synod took place for nothing is said o f s uch an ultimatum
delivered befo re the Synod itself and Wenrich says that the
ambassadors were
either not admitted to the Synod o r were
commanded to keep silence there
The ambassad o rs like Henry s earlier embassy in 1 0 7 6 in
which the priest Roland took part were shamefully ill treated
Not only Wenrich but Henry himsel f is loud in c o mplaint o f the
humiliations his representatives were subj ected to and acc u ses the
Pope himself o f the responsibility o f this outrage
At the Synod were also present ambassadors from Rudolph
wh o as in the F ebruary Synod o f 1 0 7 9 brought the bitterest
A f ormal act o f accusation inscribed
accusations against Henry
the
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e
i
m
a
o
e
t
r
c
z
n
P roposi ti o R u d ol
r
s
R
o
r
m
z
n
m
u
u
f
p
p
g
R omana contra Henri cu m I V i mperatorem, may be
i
mp erz z
z n sy
nod o
quoted here but
is probably a later fabrication composed from passages from
Bruno s Saxon War and from utterances o f Gregory s I n the title
“
it may be noticed that Rudolph had never been King o f the
”
Romans and that Henry was not at this time Roman Emperor
We the ambassadors o f King Rudolph and o f his princes all
make complaint to G o d to St Peter to Your Paternity and to all
this holy Council concerning this Henry whom Your Apostoli c
Authority h as d epriv e d o f the kingdom that he has tyrannically
i nvaded the same kingdom notwithstanding Your interdict and h as
introduced everywhere fire pillage and th e sword By his impio u s
cruelty Archbishops and Bishops have been driven from their Sees
which Sees he has then given as b e ne fi ce s to his favourites
His
tyranny has caused the death of Wezel Archbishop of Magdeburg
o f pious mem o ry
Adalbert Bishop o f Worms still languishes in
the King s dungeons the orders of the Holy See notwithstanding
M any thousands o f people have lost their lives through him a very
great number o f churches have been burnt and completely destroyed
and their relics scattered It is impossible to give any adequate
account o f the insults o ff ered by him to o u r princes because they
have refused to obey him as their King being u nwilling to disobey
the decrees o f the Apostolic See If the meeting which Y o u had
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HENRY I V AGAIN EXC O M MUNI CATED
I
79
convened in ord e r to in q uire as to wh o had j ustice o n his side and
t o re establish peace has no t been able to take place it is Henry s
fault and that o f his adh e rents
F urthermore we humbly ask o f Your Clemency in o u r
interests or rather in the interests o f the Holy Church o f God
that Y o u will carry into execution the sent e nce Y o u have already
pronounced upon this sacrilegious invader o f the church e s
“
Given at Rome in the year 1 0 8 0 o f the Incarnation o f o u r
L o rd the seventh year o f the po ntifi cate o f the Lord Pope
”
Grego ry V I I
The Pope no w proceeded again to the terrific sentence again
he pron o unced against Henry the decree o f excommunication and
—
The anathema against him the excommu ni cati o reg i s
o f deposition
H enri ci — the epoch making speech o f Gregory s is worded with
great care and solemnity It begins with prayer to St Peter and
St Paul It repeats the often repeated declaration o f Grego ry as
to the unwillingness with which he had entered into public a ff airs
Y o u have
the compulsion which had forced him into the Papacy
appointed me to ascend a very high mountain and to reproach the
”
people o f Go d f o r their crimes
It recites the misdemeanours o f
Henry his attempts to overthrow the P o pe the excommunication
”
and absoluti o n o f the King
Not only this the speech continues
—
r
but I have no t e established him upon that throne from which I
deposed him in the Council of Rome and I have no t obliged those
who had already sworn o r wh o should therea f ter swear fealty to
him to consider as again binding o n them that fidelity from which
I released them in the same Syn o d
“
I had imposed all these restricti o ns in o rder to be able later
o n to perfo rm the work o f j ustice by re establishing peace between
him and th e Princes and Bishops beyond the Alps wh o had resisted
him in obedience to the commands o f Your Church No w these
Princes and Bish o ps hearing that he did not keep his promises and
as it were despairing o f him without receiving any advice from me
as Y o u are witnesses chose the Duke Rud o lph for their King This
King Rudolph without delay sent a message announcing to me
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VI I
THE LI F E AND TI M ES O F GREG O RY
80
that he had been constrained to accept the government of the
kingdom and that he was ready to obey me i n everything The
better to convince me o f his sincerity he has ev er si nce treated
with me and spoken in the same terms off ering me his own son as
a pledge o f his word together with the son o f his fi e f the Duke
Berthold Henry meanwhile entreated me to support him against
the said Rudolph I answered him that I would willingly do so
after having heard the causes o f the two parties and examined o n
whose side lay the j ustice o f the matter But he persuaded that
his own fo rces were su ffi cient to overcome Rudolph unassisted
disdained to attend to my reply When he found that he could not
do as he wished two from among the Bishops who were his partisans
viz the Bishop o f Verdun and the Bishop o f O snab rii ck came to
Rome to ask me in the Council to have j ustice done him, whilst
the envoys sent by Rudolph asked a similar favour f o r that Prince
At last as I believe by the i nspiration o f God I decided in the
same Council that a Conference should be held beyo nd the Alps
with the intention either o f restoring peace or to decide which o f
the two parties had right o n his side As for me You my F athers
and Lords c an bear witness that I hav e never up to this very day
wished to take part o n any side but that o f j ustice As I foresaw
that those who knew their claim to be unj ust would be against
holding the Conference I threatened with excommunication and
anathema all those persons whether King Duke Bishop or any
other who should by means o f any artifice put an obstacle in the
way o f this meeting Now Henry who no more fears the danger
Of that disobedience which is e q uivalent to the sin o f idolatry than
do his mistaken abettors in opposing the holding o f this Conference
has i ncurred the penalty o f excommunication and lies under the
ban of anathema He has delivered a great number of Christian
people over to death has pillaged and destroyed churches and laid
waste alm o st the entire realm o f Germany
“
Therefore trusting i n the j udgment and mercy of God and
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1
1
K i ng
s xv
.
2
3
.
G
y
rego r
VI I
fr q
e
ly q
u e nt
u o te s
t
h i pa
s
ssage
.
1
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GRE GO RY VI I
82
Henry so promptly that all the world may see and ackn o wledge
that he falls no t by chance but by Your Power ! May his co n
fusion lead him to repentance in order that his s o ul may be saved
i n the day o f the Lord
Done at R o me the Day o f the Nones of March Indiction I II
March
7
(
The sentence upon Henry is given upon the ground of d i s
ohed i ence with the additional reason that he had delivered a great
number o f Christian people to death pillaged and destroyed
churches and laid waste almost the entire realm o f Germany
and his dis o bedience consisted i n his alleged hi ndrance o f the
collo u i u m
But
this
is
not
the
real
reason
o f the cond e mnation
q
— i t is Henry s ultimatum delivered by Li e mar o f Bremen i n
which he threatens to depose the successor o f St Peter The
King had once before at the Diet of Worms threatened to dep o se
”
“
the Pope ; f o r this he was excommunicated and
suspended
from rule ; this second threat deserved in Gregory s opinion a
severer punishment In the first case Henry IV was only temporarily
forbidden to rule now he is deposed definitively and f o r ever
We do no t k now the reason o f Gregory s silence upon what
“
constituted in his eyes the head and front o f the o ff ending o f
Henry It is certain that Li e mar s mission was not public and that
he was probably received in a special audience perhaps with very
few o r no witnesses present ; hence Gregory might not consider
himself obliged to make public and open use o f it There is
also a second consideration Upo n Henry s excommunication in
1 076
voices were raised i n protest declaring that the Pope was
actuated by motives o f revenge for the personal a ff ronts co nveyed
1
in the Decree of Worms The Pope had been obliged to reassu re
those dissatisfied as to his motives and it is possible that he may
have passed over the embassy o f L ie mar in S ilence in order to
avoid a repetition o f the same reproaches
—
While He nry loses his kingdom for ever Rudolph already
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Ep
1
He
re assu re s
4
—
s
ani m
n
o
t
r
i
arripui sse
i
.
.
(
I 07
th o
se
q
ui
utant
p
i
ri tualemglad i am tem
ere
p
nos s
et
—motu
HENRY IV AGAIN EXC O M MUNICATED
1
83
elected King in 1 0 7 7 at F orchheim — receives his cro wn as a new
gift from the P o pe s hands and it is noteworthy that he receives it
that is to say Rudolph like the Norman
ad fi d eli ta tem ap ost oli cam
princes is to become a vassal of the Holy See While Rudo lph
is given Germany no mention is made of the kingdom o f Italy ;
and as Henry was deposed from his kingdom also it is possible
that Gregory entertained the idea of setting up Robert Guiscard in
his place
As was natural Henrician writers condemned the Pope s
decision The biographer o f Henry IV S ays that the ban was
“
disregarded because it appeared to be the result o f caprice not
reason ; o f hate no t o f love ; and Benzo expresses his
of
disgust at the Pope s procedure in the fo llowing c o uplet
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mflcri t ille rutzf er
Deum contra regem d elatrand oj ugiter
Ultra f icriasf
C ontra
urente
,
,
.
The all o cution is a dexterous piece of party p leading in which
“
in spite o f the preliminary prayer to St Peter and St Paul l o vers
”
of truth the truth is in certain passages obscured ; and it is
essentially the speech o f an advo cate not the impartial verdict of
a j udge I n especial should be noticed the misleading account
the Pope s measures with regard to Henry IV whom says
of
Gregory he did not re estahli sh upon the throne and whos e
subj ects he had not obliged to return to their allegiance The
“
restrictions which Gregory states that he imp o s e d in order to
be able later on to perform the work o f j ustice by re —establishing
”
peace between him and the Princes and Bish o ps beyond the Alps
had no existence As we have said Henry I V received an u nco n
d i tio nal absolution
he gave the P romi ssi o at Canossa as King and
was designated as King in Gregory s letters ; and even after the
F orchheim election the Pope makes use o f more than one expres
si o n which leaves upon his readers the conviction that he regarded
Henry as the legitimate King
The unj ustified action o f the German princes at the F orchheim
election is very lightly to o lightly touched upon It was a di ffi cult
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1
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GRE GO RY VI I
84
ask to mention this election without a sacrifice o f truth and with
o u t at the same time criticizing it ; and Gregory s words are very
s k ilfully chosen to obscure the real issue
Th e P ri née s h eard that
he (the King) did not keep his promises and as i t were d espai ri ng
”
o
and
so
forth
which
admits
that
the
princes
had
not
taken
h
i
m
f
the trouble to ask if the accusations against Henry were j ustified
but they had acted o n hearsay evidence
“
Gregory it seems becomes suddenly convinced that j ustice
favoured the cause o f Rudolph after Henry s aggressive embassy
Rudolph s services
his humility obedience and sincerity — are
purely relative to Henry s policy ; positively the Duke o f Su ab ia
had tacitly disobeyed the Holy See i n his endeavours to elude the
t
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’
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’
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colloq u i u
m
.
A comparison o f the whole speech with G regory s in F ebruary
after Henry s personal and abusive communication to the
1 076
Diet o f Worms i s unfavourable to the later utterance In the
earlier he had shown a calm and impartial composure he had
refrained from self ju stifi catio n and made no undeserved reproaches ;
while in the later a deep seated hostility to Henry runs like a red
thread through the whole and colours the speech He hopes that
“
Henry may be br o ught to repentance and that his soul may be
”
saved in the day of the Lord but at the same time he confidently
expects the rui n and defeat o f the King as a consequence o f the ban
How soon was he to be deceived i n his confidence that he
could compel the expression o f divine wrath against his enemies
in this anathema and in an even extremer form in his Easter
prophecy !
With regard to the speech s results V o igt in his life o f
“
G regory VI I says : Never has a voice been heard from Italy
which commanded such attention in Germany ; what the Roman
Emperors with their legions of soldiers could never e ff ect a single
1
monk achieved by his word alone He realized this miracle by
bringing the consciences of men under the sway o f his sovereign
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Se e
Ch pt
a
er
I
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1
THE LI F E AND TI M ES OF GREG O RY VI I
86
of
use
ignoble
to explain away his over hasty prophecy
Like Damiani Gregory VI I was no t endowed with th e gift o f
foreseeing the future ; and after August I was passed he was
obliged to admit that Henry was still living and unconquered
Worse was to come for within the year Rudolph o f Su ab ia whos e
cause he had esp o used fell in battle It is not surprising there
fore that the R u d o lph ian historians preserve a discreet silence
about Gregory s Easter prophecy
At the Synod in which Henry was again excommunicated the
Bishop o f D OI defended the autonomy o f Brittany as an ecclesiastical
governed
by
the
Archbishop
of
0 1 and at the same
D
ro v mc e
p
time the Archbishop o f Tours upheld the rights of his Church
over the same province of Brittany ; and the Synod therefore
decided that legates o f the Holy See should proceed to F rance in
order to investigate and decide this complicated question o n the
spot The Pope furthermore confirmed the sentence o f deposi
tion which had been pronounced against Manasses Archbishop o f
Rheims at the Council of Lyons by Hugh of Die as the Arch
bishop had never ful fi lled the promises he had made to the Pope
after the Roman Synod o f F ebruary 1 0 7 8 and to which he owed
his reinstallation in the archiepiscopal see
Manasses in the summer of 1 0 7 8 had written to Gregory
making a distinction which he endeavoured to establis h between
Roman born legates o f the Holy See and those o f other nation
aliti es a pretext for
disobeying the latter I n answer Gregory
stated that the popes had chosen their representatives from di ff erent
having ever been raised
c ountries without any such obj ection
G regory cited in support many historical precedents and co n
cluded by advising Manasses not to shelter himself under su b te r
f u g e s but to j ustify himself as he had promised to do before the
two legates Hugh o f Die and Hugh of Cluny As to the
privileges and prerogatives o f the Archbishops of Rheims the
Pope laid down that these having been granted according to
circum sta nces and for the good of the faithful could be abrogated
if the interests of the Church so demanded
arti fi c e s
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HENRY IV AGAIN EXC O MMUNICATED
1
87
The r e al aim o f the French prelate was to o ppose the ancient
privileges o f the Church of Rheims to t h e authority o f the l e gates
of th e H o ly See and to refer for necessary decisions to Rome
immediately— the distanc e of this court of appeal rendering the
prelates more independent of papal control than if subj ect to papal
legates wh o were on the spot Manasses did no t stand alon e but
many o f the bishops and archbishops of F rance were in sympathy
with this policy as was also the King o f F rance himself The
hi story o f the C o uncil of Poitiers reveals the King s bias and the
French bishops under the pret e xt o f defending the rights and
liberties o f their own Churches were fighting against Gregory s
disastrous policy o f centralizati o n
To isolate Manasses Grego ry (April 1 9 1 0 7 9 ) had rec o gnized
the primacy o f the Church o f Lyons o ver the four ecclesiast ic al
pr o vinc e s o f Lyons Rouen Tours and Sens By this measure the
Archbishop o f Lyons was given the precedence and in certain
cases was made the counsellor and j udge of a considerable number
o f the clergy and bishops O f F rance whereas the Archbishops o f
Rheims had for a l o ng time claimed and exercised primatial rights
o ver all the Churches o f that country
The Archbish o p o f Rheims
perhaps realized that he had compromised his position to o c o m
l
e te l
at
Rome
to
be
able
o contest the right o f precedence in
t
p
y
the F rench Church with any hope o f success The Archbish o ps of
Rouen and Sens however opposed the privilege s accorded to their
Churches by earlier popes to the privileges granted to th e Church
of Lyons by Grego ry VI I and their success o rs continued the
contest no t altogether unsuccessfully until towards the close of
the twelfth century
The Archbish o p Of Rheims had be e n ordered by Gregory VI I
to appear befo re Hugh Bishop o f Die and Hugh Abbot o f
Cluny The Bishop of Die therefore summoned him to appear
at a council to be held at Lyons at which however o n various
pretexts ( such as the insecurity of the roads and the dangers o f
the j ourney) he refused to appear By the Council of Lyons
which was probably held in the early part o f F ebruary 1 0 8 0
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88
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
M anasses was consequently s o lemnly and finally dep o sed from the
episcopate and the sentence was confirmed by the Roman Synod
of
March 1 0 8 0 O n the f ollowing April Gregory made a last
attempt to move the deposed Archbishop and proposed to him that
he ( Manasses) should appear before the legate Hugh of Die
assisted by the Abbot o f Cluny or Aimé Bishop o f O léro n and
exculpate himself as best he could producing six bishops as wit
nesses in his favour Manasses however made no sign and on
December 2 7 Gregory had given up all hope and wrot e to the
“
King of F rance to accord no favours whatsoever to Manasses
sometime Archbishop of Rheims but now deposed for ever by
”
reason o f his crimes
Manasses was vanquished He left Rheims in the beginning
o f the year 1 0 8 1
and went to seek Henry IV who was then in
open warfare against Gregory VI I Later o n he took part in the
first Crusade was made prison er o n his way to Jerusalem and died
soon after his release from captivity without having been reconcile d
with the Pope as we are informed by Guibert de Nogent
By the anathema directe d against Henry IV war was declared
The ambassadors o f the King immediately left Rome f o r Tuscany
where they raised a rebellion against the Countess Matilda ; and
they next raised the standard o f revolt in Lombardy Henry IV
who was at Bamberg when the news of the excommunication
reached him considered it as a challenge and issued his commands
that the prelates o f the empire should be summoned to Mayence
to depose the Pope and elect a new head o f the Church At
M ayence ( May 3 1 ) nineteen bishops met and with o ne voice
determined to renounce Hildebrand as Pope ; and shortly after
wards the King issued a proclamation addressed to the archbishops
bishops and princes o f Germany and Lombardy in which the
troubles in Church and State are regretted and it is stated that the
only way to put an end to the confusion is to c u t o ff the head o f
the venomous serpent ( i e Gregory VI I ) I n this proclamation
Henry promises that there shall be no going back upon his side
“
It were more easy to separate Hercules from his club than me
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1
THE LI F E AND TI ME S OF GREG O RY VI I
0
9
the first R o lan d Bishop o f Treviso who br o ught the Decrees of
Worms to Rome in 1 0 7 6 cannot refrain from adding that he
signs with jo y (li henti ssime) ; but Guibert o f Ravenna s signature
is absent
He no doubt was aware that he would be elected
Pope and took no tr o uble to share in the debates and formalities
at Brixen
“
We give the document i n extenso : I n the year o f the I u car
nation o f o u r L o rd 1 0 8 0 being the 2 6 th year of the reign Of his
most serene maj esty King Henry IV the 7 th o f the K ale nd s o f
July a Thursday and during the third indiction (June 2 5 1 0 8 0)
an assembly comp o sed of thirty bishops and a very great number
o f noble and influential personages not only from Italy but also
from Germany having met together by o rder o f the King at
Brixen in No rica the most vehement complaints were preferred
against the insane fury o f a certain man called Hildebrand a false
monk called th e Pope Gregory VI I Reproaches were made against
the King (who is ever invincible) f o r having so long allowed the
ravages committed by this fanatic whilst Paul that vessel of elec
1
tion declares that a prince does not bear the sword in vain and
whilst Peter the first of the Apostles proclaims that a k ing should
no t only rule but also that it is incumbent upon him to send j udges
2
to punish the wicked and to reward the good
“
In order to silence these complaints the most glori o us King
and his Princes have decided that the j udgment of the Bishops
who are the mouth pieces of the Divine reprobation shall be pro
no u nc e d against this same Hildebrand before proceeding against
him with the sword of the temporal power The royal authority
having after this sentence absolute liberty to punish him wh o m
the Bishops shall first have deposed from his proud prelature Can
?
e
any o n who is faithful hesitate to condemn him
F rom his
earliest years and without any particular merit he has sought to
3
make himself remarkable by his vain glory
To that order which
God has established he has preferred his dreams his fancies and
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1
R
o
mans xiii
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4
2
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1
P
e te r
ii
.
1
3,
14
.
3
2
C
o ri nt
h ian
s x
.
1
8
.
HENRY IV AGAIN EXC O MMUNI CATED
1
9
1
those of other persons He wears the habit o f a m o nk whilst
he is not o ne in reality ; he has withdrawn himself from all
ecclesiastical discipline and has never been subj ect to any mast e r
he is a greater admirer o f Obscene theatrical representati o ns than
from love of filthy lucre he has permitt e d
e ven secular people are
the m o ney changers to place their tables under the very p o rtico o f
the church publicly Af ter having amassed much money by all
these m e ans he seized upon the Abbey of Blessed Paul and
supplanted the rightful Abb o t Stretching o u t his covetous hand
f o r the Archidiaconate he deceived a certain M anc i u s whom he
persuaded to sell him that dignity P ope Nicholas did not wish to
have him f o r his procurator h e accordingly aroused sedition among
the people and the Pope was obliged to accept him It has been
proved against him that he has caused the violent deaths of four
Roman ponti ff s whom he p o isoned by the aid o f an
o f the
accomplice a certain intimate o f his John B rachintu s who
although his repentance was very late yet at the moment o f death
confessed in a loud voice that it was he who had administered the
pois o n
“
The very night when the funeral o f Pope Alexander was
taking place in the Basilica of O ur Saviour this pestiferous f e llow
whom we hav e already named several times arranged that all the
bridges and gates o i o me should be manned by an armed force
as also every t o wer and triumphal arch Soldiers by his orders
established themselve s in the Lateran Palace as in the fortress o f
Among the clergy no o ne wanted him for P o pe but
an enemy
swords were unsheathed and clerics were menaced w ith death if
they dared to make the slightest opposition to his election thus it
was that even before the dead Pope had been laid i n the tomb
this man took possession o f the throne which he had long secr e tly
coveted
“
Some o f the clergy h o wever tried to remind him of the
decree of Pope Nich o las promulgated under pain o f anathema by
o ne hundred and twenty fi v e Bishops and approved by Hildebrand
himself ; the decree ordained that
an
one pretend ed to he P ope
y
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1
THE LI F E AND TI M ES OF GREG O RY VI I
2
9
wi th out th e
P ri nce
th e
f
consent o
R ome, h e
f
o
he
s h ou ld
consi d ered
hy
He
replied
that
he
did
t
n
o
p
acknowledge any king and that further he could annul any decree
o f his predecessors
“
What more shall we say ? No t Rome alone but the W hole
Roman world can certify that he was never chosen of God but
that he most impudently intruded himself into the Throne of
Peter by force by fraud and by bribery The fruit is such as
might be expected from such roots his de e ds bear witness to what
his intentions were He has overthrown the econ o my o f the
Church ; he has equally modified the structure o f th e Christian
Empire ; he has made war to the death against the body and soul
he supports as king one who
o f a m o st Catholic and pacific king
is perj ured and a traitor he sows discord among those who are at
peace thanks to him the one time contented and tranquil now go
to law one against another there are scandals among the brethren
divorces take place among the married and all those who would
fain live in peace are disturbed and endangered
“
F or all the motives ab o ve mentioned and afore said we all
here assembled by the Will o f G od having further with us here
the envoys and letters from nineteen other Bishops who assembled
at Mayence o n the holy day of Pentecost of this present y ear
we believing it to be our duty to canonically depose and rid the
Church of this strange man Hildebrand who preaches sacrilege and
incendiarism who defends perj ury and homicide who doubts and
questions the Catholic and Apostolic F aith touching the Body and
Blood o f o u r Lord ; who was formerly a disciple o f the heretic
B e re ng ariu s a man given up to divination and drea ms an u n
concealed necromancer possessed by the pythonical spirit and
whom if after having heard this present sentence he does not
”
quit his See we hereby damn for ever and ever
As Ranke remarked the hatred o f the Henrician party had
steadily increased since 1 0 7 7 and reached its highe st point in the
Synod o f Brixen To the accusations of simony bribery and
licentious ness which were brought forward at Worms they ad d ed
all,
not as
P ope, hut
a s a n a ostate
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HENRY IV AGAIN EXC O MMUNICATED
1
93
those Of heresy and necromancy o f the murder o f no fewer than f o ur
popes and o f the attempt to destr o y the body and s o ul o f the King
The accusations are more detailed more passionat e and bitterer
than those contained in the Worms document and the only accusa
tion which was not revived against him in 1 0 8 0 is that o f an
undue intimacy with the Countess Matilda and his senatu s mu li erum
perhaps as both Agnes and Beatrice had died in the meantime this
latter was no longer a charge that could plausibly be urged against
him The accusation o f heresy no d o ubt arose fr o m Gregory s
acceptance o f the ambig uous confession o f B e re ngariu s and pro
bably much was made o f the declaration which B e re ngariu s asserted
him to have made that he had received a special message from the
Blessed Virgin Mary testi f ying that the doctrine o f B e re ng ariu s
was c o nsonant with the Scriptures Gregory s protection o f the
heresiarch after he had subscribed to the new formula w o uld als o
have told against him The accusation o f heresy was the trump
card o f the Synod o f Brixen for as a heretic Gregory had no right
to retain the papacy As Henry in his Worms letter (hanc talem)
had asserted that he could be rightly deposed if he fell from the
faith h o w much the m o re did the Pope— the head o f Christendo m
deserve deposition if he proved false to the Apostolic and Cath o lic
faith
The charge against Grego ry that he had attempted to compass
”
“
the death of the King in body can be paralleled by the accusation
Beno brings against him o f having (at the time of the Easte r
prophecy) attempted to destroy the King per occultas prod i tores The
”
Death of the Soul refers to the excommunication o f Henry
The accusation o f having purchased the archidiaconate was a
bitter and telling charge to make against the P o pe who fought so
long and so strenuously against simony in the Church His election
to the Papacy is assumed by the Syn o d as having b e en c o mpasse d
“
by fraud force and bribery
and in addition to this the choice
o f a Pope by the Romans wi thou t th e consent o the Ki n
is
declared
f
g
null and void ; that is to say that Gregory had never been dul y
elected to the Papacy
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3
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1
9
sr
TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F G REG O RY VI I
The deposition o f Gregory was but a preliminary measure : a
means to an end and that end the nomination o f a new P o pe by
whom Henry should receive the crown o f the Holy Roman
Empire
L and u lf relates that there was some hes i tat i on i n the Synod as
to the choice between Guibert o f Ravenna and Te d ald o Archbishop
o f M ilan ; but this seems improbable and is not substantiated by
W i d o o f F errara It is not certain whether Guibert o f Ravenna
was elected by the bishops at the Synod or nominated by the Ki ng
who was assured of the consent o f the bishops but the latter is the
more probable It is a mistake to suppose with some historians
that Henry designated G uibert i n h is rig ht as R oman p atri cian ; for
i f the patriciate had had such a definite right attached to it the
Synods o f Worms and of Brixen could not have failed to assert
t hat Greg o ry had through his elevation in 1 0 7 3
neglected and
s e t aside this patrician right
Guibert of Ravenna had no w attained the obj ect of his ambition
he was invested with the insignia o f the Papacy and all— the King
a mong the number— paid homage to him as the Supreme Head o f
I n this ad orati o of Henry B o nith o sees the fulfilme nt
t h e Church
as a
o f Gregory s prophecy ; the King becomes spiritually dead
consequence of his homage to the beast at B rixe n
Guibert who then proceeded to Italy retained however his
d ignity as Archbishop of Ravenna until his death
I n the course of this history Guibert has already been mentioned
h e was at the time of his elevation as anti Pope a highly intelligent
and ambitious man in the prime of life with numerous devoted
adherents in G ermany and Northern Italy An Italian by birth
he had early entered into relations with the German court and was
appointed Chancellor of Ital by the Empress Agnes shortly after
the death o f Henry I I I H
e had taken an active part in the
—
elevation o f C ad alu s Bishop o f Parma as anti Pope in the po ntifi
cate o f Alexander I I ; but when the E mpress Agnes lost power
1
m
i
n
m
n
h
t
m
r
n
r
p
d
r
a
r
n
n
a
d
t
i
a
rt
m
m
i
r
e
m
H
i
B
i
x
a
i
a m rt
(
) q
p
Q
’
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l
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:
u
o
nulli d uhi um est
e,
.
o
uu
ea
L
r
ad
i
h
e
(
cu
e
mi cum p 6
a
,
.
u
a u
o u
o
s
o
s
,
1
6
9
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VI I
antipathy to Gregory s new policy and measures o r an exaggerated
loyalty to Henry IV led him int o his schismatical position we
cannot say
Af ter the Synod o f Brixen He nry I V returne d to Germany to
continue the struggle against Rudolph and be f o re his departur e he
confided his young son Conrad to the care Of Guibert as a testimony
to the confidence he reposed in the Archbishop The anti Pope and
the various bishops who had attended the Synod went back to their
dioceses
The only allies and protectors to whom Grego ry could no w look
were the Normans ; but the Normans wh o refused to abandon
certain Papal territories at the word of the Pope were still under
the ban o f excommu nication
With them however Gregory
proceeded to make a hasty treaty withdrawing the interdict even
without a seeming concession o n their part The wording of the
interdict in 1 0 8 0 indicates that the Pope foresaw this eventuality
and that he contemplated a reconciliation with the race he had
”
described i n 1 0 7 5 as worse than Jews and Pagans
Petrus o f Monte Cassino relates that when his Abbot came to
Rome to petition Gregory to i e liev e the Duk e o f Normandy o f
“
the ban which weighed heavily upon the Duke s Catholic co n
science the Pope S howed evident signs o f an inclination to treat
with Robert Guiscard
It is most improbable that Robert Guiscard felt any inco n
and it
v e ni e nc e for the ban which had rested on him for six years
is much more likely that Gregory took the first step towards the rap
o ne to negotiate is
och ement
f
fi
That
the
alliance
proved
a
di
cult
r
p
shown by the fact that the treaty was not arranged until the end
o f June f o r Robert Guiscard wished to embark upon a wild enter
prise against the Greek Empire in which a coaliti o n with the Holy
See would be of small value to him and secondly he must have
refused any concession to the Pope
Towards the end of June Grego ry left R ome acc o mpanied by
several cardinals and went to Ceprano a small town o f the
Campagna on the banks o f the Liris which he had appointed as
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HENRY
IV
AGAIN EXC O M MUNICATED
1
97
the meeting place between himself and Robert Guiscard
The
interview took place o n June 2 9 — at least that is the date upon
documents containing Robert s oath o f allegiance and Gregory s
investiture It was the first time the Duke had seen Hildebrand
after his elevation to the Sovereign P o ntifi cate As so o n as he
appr o ached the Pope he prostrated himself and kissed the Ponti ff s
His Holiness raised him up made a Sign to his two escorts
f eet
to retire to a little dist ance and a long conversation to o k place
between the two dignitaries the details Of which are unknow n The
drawing up o f the legal documents o f the reconciliation shows that
the Pope and the Duke had some di ffi culty in coming to terms
Grego ry refused to acknowledge the conq u est of S alerno o r that
—
still less willing was he to cede to
o f Amalfi by Robert Guiscard
the Duke a part o f the Marches of F ermo which he Claimed as
belonging to the Holy See Robert o n the other hand re f used to
cede an inch o f territory
The f o llowing is the oath o f fidelity sworn by Robert Guiscard
to Gregory VI I and his successors together with the formula o f
the investiture o f the Duke by the Pope with a few modifications
advantageous to Robert Guiscard these documents are identical
with those subscribed by the Duke when in 1 0 5 9 at the Council
o f M e lfi he swore fidelity to Pope Nich o las I I
Robert by the grace and favour Of G o d and o f St Peter
Duke o f Apu le ia and Calabria and Sicily I will from this time forth
and for evermore be faithful to the Holy Roman Church to the
Holy See and to Y o u my sovereign Lord Gregory Universal
Pope Never will I take part in any oath o r enterprise which
is liable to endanger Your life Your members or Your liberty If
an
secret
should
be
confided
by
Y
o u to my keeping I will never
y
knowingly commit it to any other for fear lest thereby evil might
befall You Everywhere and against all others I will be accor d ing
to my strength and power Your ally and the ally o f the Holy
Roman Church in order that she may retain acquire and defend
the revenues and possessions o f St Peter — with the exception o f
parts Of the Marches o f F ermo o f Salerno and o f Amalfi with
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8
9
TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VII
regard to which nothing has as yet been agreed upon I will len d
Y o u a strong hand in order that You may occupy the Papal See of
Rome with the honour due to Your positi o n and in full security
A S to the lands o f St Peter which You already possess or which
in the future Y o u may possess so soon as I know that they bel o ng
to Y o u I will abstain from invading ravaging o r laying them waste
unless I receive express permission to the contrary either from
Yourself o r from Your Successors in whom the dignity o f Blessed
Pet e r shall be vested No lands shall be excepted save those which
shall be granted to m e by Yourself o r by Your Successors I will
conscientiously pay to the Roman Church the tribute agreed upon
for those territories belonging to St Peter which I no w possess
All the churches which are actually
o r S hall in the future possess
in my power together with all their rights and possessions I will
submit to Your j urisdiction and I will maintain them in fidelity to
the Holy Roman Church If You o r Your Successors should depart
this life before me I will d o my utmost that the new P o pe shall be
elected and enthroned according to the honour due to St Peter
and in agreement to such advice as I Shall receive from the best
informed among the cardinals the clergy and laity o f Rome I
will faithfully observe these engagements into which I now enter
with Y o u and with the Holy Roman Church and I will continue
to act in the same way with Your Successors who shall be promoted
to the dignity o f Blessed Peter and who will grant to me should
no fault o f mine prevent it the investiture which Y o u have accorded
to me May God and His Holy Gospels come to my help
Done at Ceprano the 3 rd of the Kalends of July (June 2 9
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1 0 80
I nv esti tu re
f
o
D u ke R ohert hy
the
L ord P ope Greg ory VI I
.
I Gregory Pope invest you Duke Robert with all the
lands granted to you by My predecessors of holy memory Nicholas
and Alexander As to the estates which you unj ustly retain such
as Salerno Amalfi and part o f the Marches o f F ermo I patiently
su ff er you to do your will at the present time trusting in God
and in your goodness and in order that for the future you may
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THE LI F E AND TIMES O F GREG O RY VI I
2 00
year Gregory was obliged to admit that Robert persisted in a w ise
passivity
The obj e ct o f Robert meanwhile was to seize upo n the throne
o f Co nstantin e the Great and becom e the Emperor o f the East
H i s pretext f o r attacking the Greeks was the revolution of March
1 0 7 8 in Constantinople in which Michael VI I was overthrow n by
Nice ph o ru s B o to niati s and Constantine P o rphy rog e nitis Robert
G u i scard s son i n law exiled whil e his daughter Helen was held
c aptive i n Constantinople
Shortly after the ove rthrow of M ichael
VI I a Greek impostor presented himself at the court o f Robert
G uiscard in Salerno giving o u t that he was the dethroned
Emperor o f the East who had escaped from the monastery in which
he had been confined and had come to implore the power f ul Duke
to help him to recover his throne If the Duke b e lieved in this
audacious charlatan the deception lasted only a very short time
Many members o f Gu iscard s suite who had known Michael VI I
at Constantinopl e declared that the pretender bore no resemblance
to him nevertheless the shrewd Norman prince resolved to make
use of the imp o stor f o r his o wn ends The pretended Emperor
was caused to make a royal progress through the towns and village s
o f A u le ia and Calabria to excite the populace against Ni c e h o ru s
p
p
B o to ni ati s and Guiscard induced Gregory to writ e to the Bishops
o f A u le i a and Calabria recommending them to support the Duke s
p
proj ects
Your prudence has certainly received the intelligence that the
most glorious Emperor of Constantinople M ichael has been
dethroned in an unj ust and rebellious manner and that he has
come into Italy to implore the help o f Blessed Peter and of O ur
very valiant son Duke Robert
“
F or this reason We Who notwithstanding O ur u nwo rth i
ness occupy the throne o f St Peter moved by compassion have
thought well to hearken to the prayers o f this Prince as well as to
those o f the Duke and declare that it is the duty o f all the faithful
subj ects o f St Peter to lend him their assistance The aforesaid
Princes being persuade d that the most availing help will be that o f
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HENRY I V AGAIN EXC O M MUNI CATED
20 1
the good faith and persevering a ff e ction which their soldiers will
bring to the defence of that Emperor We command in virtue of
the Apostolic Authority committed to Us that those who shall
have promised to enter into his army may beware o f treacherously
passing into the enemies camp to fight under that banner but that
they shall faithfully give him their support as honour and the
Christian religion demand o f them We recommend equally to
your C harity to warn all those who are about to set sail with the
armies o f the Duke and the Emperor to perform a sincere act
o f penance before they set o u t
to preserve unbroken fidelity to
those Princ e s and in all things to keep the love and fear o f God before
their eyes and to persevere in well doing o n these conditions strong
in O ur authority o r rather in the power of Blessed Peter you shall
absolve them from their sins
Given the 8 th o f the Kalends o f August (July 2 3
To the Council o f B rixe n s declaration o f war Gregory had
wished to respond with a well -equipped expedition This h o w
ever was no t to be but Gregory still wielded his moral thunders
and when at Ceccano not far from F erentino he wrote a letter
to the Bishops o f the principality and in Apu le ia and Calabria
In this document of Gregory s H e nry is singled o u t as the soul
and support o f the anti Papal movement and the Pope continues
1
that
It is but three years ago since at the instigati o n and by
the orders o f this Henry the principal bishops o f Lombardy plotted
and organized abominable conspiracies against Us
but you do not
forget that thanks to the protection o f Blessed Peter We came o u t
o f the c o nflict not only unscathed but with great access o f hon o ur
to O urself and to all the faith This humiliation no t having su ffi ced
to correct them they were struck anew by the Apostolic sword
with a fo rce and vigour to which the depth and gravity o f their
wounds bear witness These men are as bold faced as harlots and
”
by their Shamelessness are amassing stores o f Divine wrath
Guibert is then stigmatized as a sacrilegious man an antichrist and
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Th i
s
is
a
mistak e
f or
f
o u r.
G
y
rego r
is
t
h ink ing
of
th e eve nts o f 1 0 7 6
.
THE LI F E AND TI M ES OF G RE GO RY VI I
2 02
”
“
a heresiarch the scourge of the Church o f Ravenna and the
”
“
“
Brixen Synod a Synod Of Satan where were assembled those
whose lives are abo minable and whose ordination is altogether
heretical and that by reason o f their crimes which are o f every kind
The whole letter bears the stamp o f passion and exaggeration a
blind antipathy to Henry which leads him into the misleading
statement that Henry had i nstigated the Lombard prelates against
the Holy See and armed and led their rebellion This is absurd
and contrary to facts f o r the Lombard bishops were already bitterly
hostile to Gregory in the early part o f 1 0 7 7 hef ore the Synod o f
Brixen and reproached the King for seeking absolution at his
hands at Ca nossa Also Gregory himself urged no such reproaches
against Henry at the time o f the King s soj ourn in Norther n Italy
after Canossa
1
I n an undated letter written certainly during the last days of
“
July o r the fi rst days o f August and addressed to all who are
”
faithful to St Peter Gregory announces his alliance with Duke
“
Robert Jordan
and the other great Norman nobles who have
unanimously promised Us on the faith o f their oath to give Us help
agai nst all men in the defence o f the Holy Roman Church and of
O ur dignity
and his hopes o f delivering the Church o f Ravenna
“
from impious hands and his ( misplaced) con fi dence that before
long all troubles will be ended by the downfall o f his enemies
I n all these expectations Gregory was deceived Peace and
victory were by no means near at hand ; the expedition against
Ravenna had to be abandoned ; the Normans proved but self
seeking and inactive allies ; Jordan o f Capua especially added to
2
his earlier misdeeds by an audacious act of sacrilege in breaking
into and pillagi ng the Church of St Benedict
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1
R VIII 7
G g y w it
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We mu st
c nf th at tho e h ave n t b n
fal wh r p r nt d y t
d y o u ar I n rn f all righ t
a b i ng wh at i nd
n y
r t p
av
pit
h
d
ri
and j
ti
and d
n rg ti
r m n tran
r
y
mo th r fr m th e an t ary f th h r h and h a f rc d h r again t h r w ill t
nd marri ag
o ntra t a
Sh am d id n t pr vent y o fr m i nt rc p ti ng a b i sh o p
2
se
e
o
us
e
c
r e s to
re o r
c
e se
e
c e,
o
seco
o us
s
e
e
e
ou
es
s
h im :
“
e
ou
c u
o
e
.
e
e
c
e
no w
o
ee
c
e
u c
,
o
o
s
e
c e s,
ve
e
s
ess
sc o
.
e
e
u
o
s
,
e
ee
s
o
ou
ve
e
ou
o
o
e
e
s e
,
o
TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O R Y VII
2 04
and fourteen other prelates and as soon as the army o f Henry won
a success the bishops o f his party intoned the Te D eu m The
i ssue o f this battle is again obscured by the prej udices of party
historians Bruno the Saxon paints the rout o f Henry s troops
in the liveliest colours and states that the King s camp was
plundered containing much gold and silver the baggage o f the
Archbishops o f Cologne and Treves and o f Duke F rederic and
others But the account o f Bruno has to be taken with great
caution as his patriotic feeling led him into undue glorification of
the Saxons The Vita Henri ci o n the other hand attributes a
decisive victory to Henry and so do Marianus Scotus and the
Annales L au hi enses
If Henry were defeated the defeat was more
than counterbalanced by the death of his rival the anti King who
notwithstanding that he was the champion o f the Pope and the
s ubj ect o f his triumphant prophecy was mortally wounded in the
engagement His hand had been struck o ff his stomach laid open
by a sword cut and he lived but a few minutes after reaching the
camp According to Bruno he submitted pi o usly to the Divine
will and j oyfully welcomed the news o f the victory gained by his
f riends Ekkehard however writes that he was carri e d still living
to M o e rsb u rg where some misgiving as to the j ustic e of his cause
darkened his last hours
He gazed u pon his sever e d ha nd and
said
With this hand I ratified my oath o f fealty to my
s overeign Henry ; I have now lost
life and kingdom Bethink
ye ye who have led me o n in obedience to whose counsels I have
”
ascended the throne whether ye have guided me right
The Saxons says Bruno buried the body o f Rud o lph in the
Cathedral o f M o ersb u rg and later erected an effi gy of gilded brass
o ver
his remains and made large o ff erings for the repose of
his soul
The unexpected death o f Rudolph created a deep sensation
The hands o f Henry were strengthened wh ile his adversaries o f the
Gregorian and R u d o lph ian party were almost paralysed by the
blow Grego ry s adherents naturally felt that the end of the anti
King was a humiliation for the Pope though they dared not admit
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HENRY IV AGAIN EXC O M MUNI CATED
20
5
it If it had been the lo t o f Henry to fall in battle they would
certainly have clamoured that this was a divine j udgm e nt a verdict
in favour o f the anti King and Gregory As it was Rudo lph who
lost his life they endeavoured to prove that his death was in no
wise contradictory to the Pope s Easter prophecy Paul o f Bern
ried who befo re had spoken so enthusiastically o f the virtues of
Rud o lph maintains a discreet silence upon his tragic death— a
proof if proof were needed that this was a very sore poi nt with
Gregory s biographer I n the L ife of fl nselm of L ucca it seems
to be hinted that Rud o lph died a natural death which is anothe r
way o u t o f the d ifli cu lty ; while B o nith o laments that in this
event the ways o f Divine j ustice were dark but that Henry s
undeserved success only added to the tale o f his sins
Benzo up o n the Henrician side treats o f the death o f the anti
King with cruel malevolence and bitter insults and hopes that the
”
same fate will befall F o lle prand u s
I n another passage he exults
”
over the death o f Rudolph and the confusi o n of his prophet
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I nq ue hrev i meta cad et i se suusq ue propheta
P raeciso col/o mori tur, mentitur A ollo
H i s ulsus caret vi ta, E hod Sarahai ta
p
p
p
.
.
Lastly Sigb e rt o f Gembloux has rem odelled the wording o f
Gregory s Easter prophecy in order to pour scorn upon the P o pe
”
“
Hildebrand the P o pe he writes prophesied as from Divine
inspiratio n that this year th e fa lse King should die and his predic
tion cam e true but he was mistaken in his j udgment as to which
”
king was false
The death o f Rudolph as we have said was a m o ral victory f o r
Henry IV ; his foll o wing had increased when the ban appeared to
have lost its terrors and the untimely death of the anti King
seemed like the manifest j udgment o f God to his adherents
Gregory had been shown in the face o f the world a false prophet
Heaven had ratified neither his predictions nor his anathema
Henry could no w confidently attribute his success and the fall of
his rival to the intervention o f Providence— M ili tem nostrum q uem
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THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VI I
2 06
i
e
(
1
D omi nus
i pse
.
.
G regory) perj u ri um
er
p
su
nos reg em
ord i nav i t
d estruxi t
There was no reluctance now to follow him in a war
which before seemed sacrilegious and impious
After Rudolph s death Henry turned his attention towards his
m o re irreconcilable enemy the Pope He also wished to fulfil
t h e promise he had made to Guibert o f personally conducting him
to Rome for the solemn ceremonies connected with a Papal e u
t h ro ne me nt ; and after Guibert s enthronement to receive himself
the crown of the Empire T o wards the end o f March 1 0 8 1 he
crossed the Alps in far diff erent condition from that in which he
had four years before hastened as a penitent to the feet o f the
P ope at Canossa
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M on B amb pp
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0
0
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0
1
5
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GRE GO RY VI I
20 8
—
accomplices for what reason we do not know F urthermore the
Syn o d co nfirmed the excommunications which had been previously
pronounced by the legates o f the Holy See against the Archbishops
o f Arles and Narbonne
The Archbishop o f Arles was a certain Achard Of Marseilles
who had long been at variance with the Holy See So long ago
as I st March 1 0 7 9 Gregory had written to the clergy and people
o f Arles charging them to elect a successor to Achard the Arch
bishop having been definitely condemned by the stern Bishop of
Die the Papal legate Achard was condemned a second time by
the C o uncil o f Avignon and a certain Gibelin was appoi nted his
successor
The Archbishop of Narbon ne whom the Pope c o n
d e mne d was Peter de B e re nga who when Bish o p o f Rodez
attempted contrary to canonical right and j ustice to seize upon
the Archbishopric o f Narbonne ; and to the condemnation o f 1 0 8 1
he like his predecessor G u if re d paid no heed whatever F inally
the Council suspended from the exercise O f their functions several
bishops who having been summoned to take part in the Synod
had neither appeared themselves no r sent representatives
The renewal o f the excommunication o f Henry IV clearly
showed that the death o f R udolph had not shaken Greg o ry s
convictions He refused all concessions and rej ected the advice o f
his adherents to open negotiations for peace with He nry Even at
a time when Henry IV was rapidly advancing towards Rome the
Pope wrote to Hermann o f Metz ( 1 8 th March) a letter exposing
his principles regarding the relations between Church and State in
which kingship is spoken o f in language f o r him unprecedent e dly
bold and contemptuous The secular power is no longer admitted
as being like the sacerdotal divinely appointed It is fou nded o n
human wickedness and diabolic suggestion in ambition and i nto le r
able presumption ; kingship more o ver is a usurpation o f the
natural rights of equality among all men
Every king he continues is o n his death bed a suppliant to
?
the priest to save him from hell Can a king baptize
Can a
ki ng make the Body and Blood of Christ by a word
What king
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TH E LAST
OF
STRUGGLES
GREG O RY
VI I
209
has ever wrought miracles
Could Constantine Theodosius
Honorius Charles o r Louis the m o st Christian kings do so ?
The King is by this reasoning made lower than the lowest priest
Shortly after the Synod Gregory wrote to Altmann Bish o p o f
Passau and to William Abbot Of Hirschau letters in which he
boldly faced the d ifli cu ltie s of his position the fact that the
Italians had almost universally taken the side o f Henry I V
the weakness o f his allies ; and the possibility o f the election of a
ne w anti King
”
“
“
We have to com municate to you he says
that since the
death o f King Rudolph o f happy memory almost all the faithful
have besought Us on various occasions and continue to entreat Us
to receive Henry anew into favour He as you know is now
disposed to make concessions to Us on many points and almost all
the Italians take his S ide The faithful also tell Us that should
Henry come to Italy as he intends doing and should he exalt him
self i n opposition to Holy Church they are informed We can expect
no help from y o u Should such help not reach Us Who scorn his
pride it will cause Us no great inconvenience But if o u r daughter
M [atilda! should not be supported by you whilst the soldiers are in
such dispositions as you are aware of what can We expect If her
soldiers refuse to fight and treat her as a mad woman S h e may be
forced rather to make a treaty with Henry or else to lose her
poss e ssions The refore it will be necessary to inform her definitely
whether she can depend upon your help or no t If by any chance
Henry should come to Lombardy We desire well beloved brother
1
that you warn the Duke Welf faithfully to observe in duty to
Blessed Peter those promises which he made to Us in the presence
2
?
o f the Empress A gnes
as
and
of
the
Bishop
of
Como
when
it
w
[
J
3
decided after the death of his father that he should inherit his
4
possessions
We wish to attach him closely to Blessed Peter and to
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3
1
‘
M arq
B
Of
Th e
avari a
2
.
M arq
u is
Azz
Rai nau ld ,
Bi h p
s o
II
Ac co rd i ng to Bernold ( BE RNO L DI , C hronicon
o I I d i d no t ta e
u is A
ace u nti 1 0 9 7
zz
I
4
.
o
of
C
o
.
k pl
l
.
M C
.
.
ss
.
mo
,
V p
,
1 0 6 1 to
.
46 5)
1 0 8 4.
Th e
d eath
of
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF G RE GO RY VI I
2 10
employ him specially in o u r service If he is so disposed and if
o u t of love to Blessed Peter and to Obtain the pardon o f their sins
other great personages are to your kno wledge of the same mind
must
so
arrange
that
they
may
act
according
to
their
ou
n
co
y
v i cti o ns and you must give Us exact informat i on of all you have
thus heard This if y o u believe Us will be the most certain way to
detach the Italians from H [ enry! and with the help of God to decide
them firmly to devote themselves to the service of Blessed Peter
F urthermore We charge y o u to warn all who fear God and
wish f o r the liberty o f the Spouse of Christ not to allow themselves
to be guided either by fear o r favour and not to hurry themselves
to make C hoice o f any person who shall be devoid o f the morals
o r other qualities necessary for a king o r who will not undertake
the defence o f the Christian Religion It would be better after
some delay to elect a king according to the heart of God who
will act for the honour o f Holy Church than to precipitate the
elevation to the throne of one who is unworthy We know it is
true that O ur brethren are wearied by the long struggle and by the
numerous troubles it has involved
“
If the King does no t S how himself obedient humbly devoted
and useful with regard to Holy Church as is becoming i n a
Sovereign and as We had hoped o f R [udolph! not only will he
receive no favour from Holy Church bu t She will war against him
Y o u yourself o h well beloved brother know perfectly well what
the Holy Roman Church hoped from this King R [udolph! and to
what he had pledged himself in Her regard We must therefore
be well assured in the midst of so many perils and toils that We
shall no t have less to hope for from him whomsoever he be that
shall be elected to the regal dignity These then are the promises
which the Holy Roman Church exacts from him o n the faith of
his oath
F rom this moment and for ever I will i n good f aith be loyal
to St Peter and to his Vicar the Pope Gregory now living all that
the Pope shall demand of me in making use o f this formula i n
v i rtue o true ohed i ence I will faithfully accomplish as is the duty o f
f
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THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY
212
VI I
P e ter s pence a mission which could be undertaken by a layman
without interfering in any purely ecclesiastical question
Counsels of moderation similar to those which Gregory sent to
Altmann o f Passau ,and William Abbot of Hirschau he sent also
at this time to Hugh Bishop o f Die and to Aimé Bishop of
O léro n who were alike charged with the o fli ce of representing the
Holy See in Gaul With the exception o f the Archbishop of
Rouen all the prelates o f Normandy had been suspended by the
two legates o f Gregory VI I including the Abbot of Couture at
—
Mans who had only recently been restored to his o ffi ce — because
they had not appeared at the Council to which they had been
summoned The Pope now asked the legates to a nnul their
sentence o f suspension and excused the prelates saying that they
had no t bee n intentionally disobedient but had acted under the
1
influence o f fear o f the King o f England lest by appearing at
the Council they should excite his anger against themselves He
adds that they ought to be careful to avoid exasperating the King
of
England because although he was less pious than could be
“
desired this king does not sell or destroy the C hurches o f God
”
but assures his subj ects the blessings of peace and j ustice Gregory
also blamed the two legates for having excommunicated ( under the
pretext that they would not pay tithes) several perso ns who had
previously aided them in their e ff orts to reform the Clergy ; and
repeats his advice to temporize and wait for better times Gregory
evidently felt as chief pastor that
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In
su c
Th at
h
a ti
y
e ve r
me
as t
ni c e
hi
s
i t is
no t
mee t
h ld b
O ff e nce s o u
ear
h is
co
mment
”
.
I n the spring o f this year Gregory w as sorely troubled as to
the relations between Robert Guiscard and himself and tur ned to
Didier Abbot o f Monte Cassino the ordinary i ntermediary betwee n
,
,
,
,
metus Regis Francoru m, b u t t i s i s c lear
le tter ru ns t u s,
is o s
ere
e e n e nt
i st, si nc e th e
o rman
o n th e
a mi sta e o f th e c o
ateve r to e ar ro m th e
i ng o f Franc e
Th e
i ng o f E ng an , and h ad no t i ng
il iam th e o n u ero r
to
re st o f th e le tte r ro ves t at th e P o e a lu e
1
K
Th e
k
h
t ext o f th e
l d
py
p
h
h
”
“
N
B hp w
wh
f f
p l dd W l
h
dp d
K
C q
ly
.
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VI I
THE LAST STRUGGLES OF GREG O RY
21
3
himsel f and th e Normans to complain that hitherto th e hopes he
had entertained o f Duke Robert s support had not b e en realiz e d
The failure o f the support from Duke Robert against the anti
Pope at Ravenna made him doubtful o f the future Neverthel e ss
he commissi o ned Didier to invite the Norman Duke to Rome in
“
Lent d u ring which holy season the Normans are accustomed to
”
suspend their wars and suggested that the Duke should appear
with an appropriate retinue But Gregory had already had bitt e r
experience o f the instability o f the o aths of the Normans ; the
Duke s own nephew Robert o f L o ritello in S pite o f promises to
the contrary continued to encroach upon the lands o f the Church
No t long after the Pope was still more dis q uieted by a rumour
that an alliance was in pr o gress between H e nry IV wh o had by
this time advanced into Italy and Duke Robert ; and that to
cement this treaty the King s so n was to marry the daughter o f
the Duke Gregory informs Didier o f this report adding that it
will find easy credence among the Romans when they see that the
Duke re f uses us that help which he had s o lemnly and o n his o ath
” 1
sworn to send to u s
The report of this alliance proved to be
unfounded and somewhat later at the end O f April o r the begin
ning o f May 1 0 8 1 papal envoys arrived at the court o f Robert
Guiscard and found him completing his preparations f o r embarking
for the Empire o f the East With regard to this expedition Anne
C o mne ni u s says
Having started from Salerno Robert Guiscard came to O trant o
where he stayed some days awaiting his wife Sik elgai ta f o r she
accompanied her husband in this war and it was indeed a hateful
sight to see that woman dressed in his armour When she arrived
he embraced her and at once directed his troops towards Brindisi
the C hief p o rt o f all Apu le ia At Brindisi he reunited his whole
forces both the warships and the land transports and thence he
planned to depart for the invasion o f o u r country
“
Whilst still at Salerno Duke Robert had dispatched o ne o f
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34
( IX
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2 14
THE L I F E AND TIMES OF G REG O RY VI I
his nobles by name Raoul o n an embassy to the Emperor B o to niatis
who had seized upon the sovereign power after havi ng driven
1
away Ducas and before setting sail for our count ry the D uke
wished to learn the result o f this Raoul s j ourney The mission
with which this man had bee n entrusted was that of acquai nting
the Emperor with the causes which had moved Robert to make war
against him B o to niatis had separated the daughter of Robert
Guiscard from her husband the Emperor Constantine who had
been dethroned ; and it was to avenge this insult and inj ury
without delay that the Duke planned his invasion The same
ambassador brought presents and letters filled with protestations of
friendship to the ch ie f minister and to the commander i n chief of
all the Western troops : that is to say to my F ather Alexis who
at that time was vested with the supreme powers Of the Empire
Robert therefore awaited at Brindisi the return o f Raoul
“
The concentratio n of his troops and fleet was not completed
when Raoul returning fr o m the East landed at Brindisi but the
replies which he brought only excited the anger of the barbarian
Robert and mos t o f all because they turned agai nst himself the
absurd reasons which he had invented to make his intended aggression
appear legitimate Thus Raoul showed that the prete nded Emperor
Michael who was at that time under the protectio n and at the
Court o f Robert Guiscard was but a monk and an impostor who
tried to pass himsel f o ff as the Emperor and that the whole attempt
was nothing but a hoax He Raoul had seen the real Michael at
Constantin o ple in mourni ng costume in a monastery at that City
stripped o f all power but with his identity established beyond
dispute To this declaration Raoul added what he had learnt si nce
his return that is to say that my father as I shall relate further on
having overthrown B o to niatis was himself possessed of the Imperial
power and had recalled and asso ciated with himself the illustrious
Constantine the son o f Ducas
Raoul took advantage of this i ntellige nce to attempt to dissuade
Robert from making war against my father
F or hy what rig ht
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1
M ic h ael VII
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2 1
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY
6
VII
to take part i n the government whilst his wife th e young
Princess Helen daughter o f Robert Guiscard was treated at
Constantinople with all the hon o urs due to her rank
The attitude of C o mne niu s made no change in the determination
o f Guiscard
to seize Constantinople ; and in the latter part o f
May he embarked at O tranto with the bulk o f his army f o r Val o na
Before setting sail he named his son Roger
o n the coast o f Epirus
as gover nor o f his states during his absence and presented him to
the nobles o f Calabria and Apu le ia as his successor in the event o f
his death during the expedition to the East As Roger was still
very young being scarcely twenty one his father appoint e d as his
counsellors the two counts Gerhard and Robert o f L o rite llo
William of Apu le ia writes that D uke Robert recommended his son
and his advisers to keep watch o ver the movements o f Henry IV
and to go to the help of the Pope in case o f need ; but as the
better part o f the Norman troops followed Guiscard to the East it
would not be in the power of the government he left behind to
render any very substantial service to the Ponti ff even if they
wished to do so
When Robert Guiscard set sail for Epirus Henry IV had
already crossed the Alps and entered L o mbardy O n April 4
he kept Easter at Verona ; and thence proceeded to Milan and
Pavia AS Gregory mentio ns in a letter Henry s following was
small Among the people who accompanied him were the anti
Pope Guibert Te d ald o Archbishop of Milan ; L ie mar Archbishop
o f Bremen ; Burchard Bishop o f Lausanne and Chancellor o f the
K ingdom o f Italy ; and lastly Manasses the deposed Archbishop
So small was Henry s army that Gregory had little
o f Rheims
fear of an attack ; and Rome was no t merely faithful to its Pope
it was also firm united and courageous The city must have been
well provisioned the f ortifications had been strengthened and as
two senators o f Rome (accor d ing to Benzo) admitted at the Synod
”
“
at Brixen Gregory had fascinated the Romans
When Hen ry o n the F riday before the F east o f Pentecost
of
May
presented
himself
at
the
gates
Rome
he
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TH E LAST STRUG G LES O F GREG O RY VI I
‘
21
7
found them barred against him ; no deputations sallied f orth to
meet him ; his only greetings were the taunts and abuse sh o uted
at him from the ramparts He was obliged to encamp o utside the
City o f Rome in the P rata Neronis and there he issued a
proclamation to the Romans in which he pr o claimed his intenti o n
“
that hereditary dignity which is by right ours and
o f assuming
“
his wish that his visit should be a pacific o ne to put an end to the
discord which has so long divided the priesthood and the Empire
”
and to restore all to peac e and unity in Christ
The Romans however appeared insensible to the royal pro
clamation ; p o ssibly they were no t even aware o f it I n default
o f a coronati o n at Rome
Benzo relates an anecdote o f Henry s
receiving the crown in camp when he was celebrating Whitsunday
but if such a ceremony took place it was o f no real imp o rtanc e
Henry s expedition to Rome can be looked upon o nly as a
f ailure
The Pope within those impregnable walls which the
Germans did not venture at first to storm h eld him in defiance
and after having o bstinately remained encamped outside the C ity
until the end o f June Henry was obliged to raise the siege and
retire to L o mbardy O n July 1 0 he appeared at Siena and
d
procee d
to Pisa and Lucca
O n reaching the North o f Italy H e nry s o u g h t to revenge him
self upon Gregory s ally the C o untess Matilda The bi o grapher
“
O f Bardo
Anselm o f Lucca writes that the King turned all
his fury against Matilda ; he burnt the houses and destr o yed the
castles in her dominions but the mercy o f G o d so provided that he
”
did not d o any very considerable harm
I n order to de tach the great cities o f Northern Italy from their
allegiance to Matilda Henry granted to some o f them such as
Lucca Pisa and Siena many and valuable privileges together with
various rights and customs with which all students o f medi aeval
history are acquainted o f which those municipalities took
advantage
I n Germany the Saxon and R u d o lph ian parties in spite o f the
death o f Rudolph would no t acknowledge their defeat Some
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2 1
8
THE LI F E AND TI M ES OF G RE GO RY VII
ten months after Rudolph s death they agreed to nominate as King
o f all Germany Count Hermann of Salm
This agreement was
made at O chsenfurt o n the Maine at the b eg inning o f August ;
and on December 2 6 the Count was a nointed Ki ng at G o slar and
it would appear also crowned Hermann owned large possessions
in Lorraine and F ranco nia and was an i ntimate friend o f Hermann
Bishop o f Metz who took an active part in the a ff air he was also
the candidate o f the Saxon party and j ust as Lambert o f Hersfeld
closes his history with the F orchheim electio n Bruno concludes
his Saxon War with the anointing of Hermann
The princes
o f Saxony
greatly rej oiced received their King Hermann with
great demonstrations of j oy at Goslar a f e w days be f ore Christmas
day upon the F east o f St Stephen the protomartyr He was
”
anointed King by Siegf ried Archbishop o f Mayence
We do no t
know whether Gregory had any influence in the election of this
”
M an o f Straw ( as he has been called by Gf rOrer) who died
unnoticed in 1 0 8 8 I n Gregory s letters the name of Count
Hermann never occurs and B o nith o and Paul o f Bernried do
not me ntion him which goes to prove that Gregory was not
instrumental in the election Shortly af ter the F ebruary Sy nod
of
1 0 8 1 Gregory had written to Altmann
Bishop o f Passau and
to William Abbot o f Hirschau his instructions with regard to
the kind o f perso n who should be chosen by the princes of
Germany to take the place of the dead Rudolph Gregory insists
that th e future King should be a devoted son o f the Church o r
no t only will he receive no favour from her but she will openly
oppose him The future King is to swear obedie nce to the Pope
in a formula prescribed by Gregory
This letter o f Gregory s has left no apparent e ff ect and we
do not even know if the Bishop o f Passau and the Abbot of
Hirschau were able and had the opportunity to do what Gregory
recommended them
It was probably whilst He nry IV was recruiti ng the army in
Northern Italy which he hoped would throw open the gates of
Rome that he received an embassy from Alexis C o mne niu s
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THE LI F E AND TI M ES OF GREG O RY VI I
2 20
The whole policy is so strange that the question naturally arises
did H enry intend his proposal to be seriously considered ? He
C annot certainly have wished f o r a reconciliation with Greg o ry to
be attained by the sacrific e o f his staunch adherent Guibert The
o nly obj ect o f the proclamati o n must have been to gain time and
to win ov e r the Romans If he were true to Guibert the pr o p o sal
must appear an astonishing piece o f hypocrisy unworthy o f a
kin g
ln either case the public assumption o f the p ossi hi li ty o f Guibert s
election at Brixen being set aside (which is implicit in the pr o posal
to j udge whether Gregory were the legitimate Pope o r no t) must
have been highly humiliating and distasteful to Guibert himself
In Rome and before Rome Henry e ff ected nothing th o ugh he
took possession o f several castles in the d g ro R omano The only
advantage he gained by his second appearance be f ore the Eternal
City was an alliance which he f o rmed w ith Jordan Prince o f Capua
“
who seems to have had more than his share o f the N o rman
”
fi c kle ne ss
Peter the Deacon relates that before abandoning
Gregory VI I Jordan and his Normans f o r some time s o ught to
bring about a reconciliation between the Pope and the King of
Germany but when they f o und that Gregory was inflexible Jordan
and his party went over to Henry s side A letter from Gregory to
1
John Archbishop o f Naples proves that the Pope excommunicated
Prince Jordan in return f o r his defection
However patriotic the resistance of the Romans to Henry IV
was purely defensive and could not as the Pope well knew be
indefinitely prol o nged Henry IV was tenacious o f his purpo se
and capable of a third appearance when the papal treasury might
be exhausted and further funds not forthcoming
O n May 1 4 1 0 8 2 af ter Henry s departure Gregory summo ned
a council composed o f the cardinals bishops abbots and all the
principal ecclesiastics then i n Rome and consulted with them as to
wheth er under the stress o f circumstances he could alienate the
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R V II I
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X
I
49 (
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THE LAST STRUGGLES O F GREG O RY V I I
22 1
possessions of the Church and thus obtain f unds f o r the relief
The reply o f th e
o f the most urgent necessities o f the moment
assembly was in the negative and to this decision Gregory was
obliged to confo rm
According to D o niz o the Countess Matilda acting o n the
advice of Ans elm o f Lucca whom the Pope had appoi nt e d his
vicar and representative in Lombardy melted down all the gold and
silver vessels she possessed in the f ortress o f Canossa and sent to
Greg o ry seven hundred pounds weight o f S ilver and nine pounds
weight o f gold but this was but a trifling sum in comparison with
what was required to meet the urgent needs o f the situation
In his di ffi culty Gregory turned to his inactive but pr o sperous
ally Robert Guiscard who had written to him to inform him
a brilliant victory over Alexis C o mne niu s He urges the
of
victorious Duke to be mindful of his promises and of that promise
which y o u have not made but which it is incumbent upon you to
”
fulfil as a Christian and o f the urgent need o f the Church o f his
support but the nature of the support is not specified The Pope
dared not he c o ncludes a ffi x the leaden seal to the letter for fear
1
it should be seized upon and f all into the hands o f his enemies
This letter reached Robert Guiscard a f ter his capture of the town
when he was starting for Thessalonica intending to
o f Castoria
march o n Constantinople It would be beyond the scope o f this
work to recount i n detail the history of Gu isc ard s campaign in the
East It must su ffi ce here to state that after taking the island of
Corf u Robert Guiscard and his troops laid siege to the town o f
Durazzo the key to the western portion o f the empire Here the
N o rmans had to reckon with the Venetian fleet by sea which had
come to the aid o f the G reeks whilst by land the Emperor Alexis
himself did his best to avert the fall o f Durazzo But nothing
could save the city and Robert having captured and arriso ne d it
advanced resolutely with his army into the interior o f the empire
where no o ne dared to resist him Castoria where the Emperor
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R V III
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0
4
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THE LI F E AND TI MES O F G RE GO RY VI I
222
had placed three hundred Varangians with orders to defend
the place to the last extremity was seized with a panic and
capit u lated ; and its example was followed by all the surrounding
country
A f ter giving an account o f this march which resembled a
triumphal progress rather than a war M alate rra adds that the fear
inspired by the very name of Robert Guiscard was so great that it
“
caused all Constantinople and the entire empire o f the East to
”
tremble and shake
It was while marching from Castoria upon Thessalonica that the
Duke checked his advance and summoning the o fli cers o f his
army in f or med them that matters in Italy required his immediate
return and presented to them his son B o émo nd as their General during
his absence The Duke himself hastened to the coast of Illyricum and
taking with him only two vessels landed at O tranto accompanied
by his wi f e Si k e lg ai ta William o f Apu le ia relates that the Duke was
absent in the East an entire year consequently we must place his
return about the month o f May 1 0 8 2
The first care o f Robert Guiscard after disembarking at O tranto
was to restore peace in Apu le ia and Calabria Without loss o f
time he set o u t f o r O ria which was then besieged by Geo ff rey o f
Conversano and when the assailants learned that the Duke had
returned to Italy and was marching against them in person they
abandoned the siege without waiting for his arrival The Du k e
was received with acclamations at O ria by the inhabitants who were
overj oyed at their deliverance
Robert now proceeded to threaten his nephew Jordan of Capua
who had entered into an alliance with Henry IV against the Holy
See Whenever the Norman Barons revolted against their Duke
it was always at Capua that they f o u nd support and sympathy The
Duke to crush Jordan found it necessary to call in Roger o f Sicily
to his assistance and the united brothers then invaded the Cam
pagna They were unable to gain possession of either Capua o r
Aversa but Jordan hiding in his fortified towns was obliged to
witness the devastation o f his principality while he was powerless
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THE LI F E AND TI MES O F G REG O RY VII
2 24
an accide nt made him master o f the Leonine part o f Rome
On
”
June writes L and u lf in his H istory of M i la n
2 nd
while
both parties were in profound repose two foll o wers o f the
Archbishop o f Milan stole under a part o f the walls which had
been slightly broken They climbed up f ound the sentinels asleep
killed them got possession o f the tower and made a signal to the
”
royal army which advanced rapidly to their support
It is probable
that L and u lf exaggerates the prowess of his compatriots the
Milanese in the taking o f Rome But whoever was responsible f o r
the first success that o f Henry was assured when his troops
had once made their way into the Eternal City the Leonine city
was wo n but the Pope withdrew into the strong castle of
St Angelo and the whole o f Rome on the left bank o f the Tiber
still defied the Germans It has been incorrectly stated that a f ter
the taking of the Leonine city Grego ry took refuge finally in the
Castle o f St Angelo for the chronicler Lupus states the contrary
and says that the Pope afterwards changed his quarters to the Lateran
and the Coelian Hill During Henry s occupation o f the Leonine
city Gregory in the grip of a real danger proposed that a gene ral
”
“
Synod sho u ld be held in a safe place ( that is to say outside
Rome) where clergy and laymen frie nds and enemies might
assemble to deliberate : to find a way o u t of the troubles which
oppressed and to discover who was responsible for the strife
between Church and State G regory it would seem inclined to
lay the blame not upon Henry but upon G uibert The assembly
however was never held
Henry meantime showed that he still supported G uibert and
oblivious of his last royal proclamation to the Romans allowed him
to o ffi ciate in St Peter s
Certain authoriti e s have concluded that
Guibert was e nthroned in 1 0 8 3 but this is clearly an error f o r the
ceremony did not take place until the following year
”
“
The G e ne ral Council from all parts o f the world that Gregory
wished for was not possible and the Synod held at the Lateran
i n November 1 0 8 3 was but poorly attended ; for besides Italian
bishops and abbots o nly a few prelates f rom F rance were present
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‘
THE LAST STRUGGLES OF GREG O RY V I I
22
5
Hugh Archbishop of Lyons Anselm Bishop o f Lucca and
Reginald Bishop o f Como were stopped o n their way and pre
vented from attending as were also the Ambassadors o f the anti
King H ermann and O do Cardinal Bishop o f O stia wh o was
charged with a diplomatic message to Henry from the Holy See
The council lasted three days
Gregory s allocution treated o f the
faith and li f e o f a Christian and the firmness and constancy
The R eg i strum does not
necessary under the present circumstances
say that sentence o f excommunication was l e velled anew against th e
King but merely details the complaints and accusations against him
AS Gregory s allocution breathed o f the virtue o f constancy a
letter o f this date expresses his thankfulness that he has remained
i nflexibly firm unmoved by outward pressure from the path he h ad
decided to tread
”
We thank God he writes the F ather of O ur Lord Jesus
Christ He has been O ur shield and buckler against the snares o f
O ur enemies and the violence o f O ur persecutors He has mad e
use o f O ur hand for the defence o f j ustice according to the witness
of O ur conscience His strength has fortified O ur human weak
ness so that neither false promises nor the terrors of persecution
have been able to p e rsuade Us to make a t ruce with iniquity All
O ur most profound thanksgivings then go up to Him who h as
enabled Us to remain firm in the midst o f our torments and
wh o se will it is that We should await more tranquil times without
aband o ning O ur liberty without acting contrary to j ustice withou t
deserving the reproaches o f O ur conscience or the blame of thos e
religious and serious persons who know the circumstances o f O u r
case
Henry had temporarily left Rome to reappear there in
F ebruary o r in the beginning of March 1 0 8 4 The Romans at
length grew weary of enduring the manifold miseries of a siege
there seemed no hope o f speedy relief from the Normans and th e
resources o f Gregory began to fail Negotiations were commenced
between them and the oppressed Romans agreed that at an
appointed time either Grego ry himself or another P ope elected f o r
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I
S
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VII
2 26
that purpose should present Henry with the Imperial crown
Nothing is said o f the anti P o pe Guibert and it would seem
that the Romans even in that hour o f need clung firmly to their
right o f election although th e y must have been aware that if Henry
bore hard upon them their ch o ice must fall upon Guibert
The oath taken by the Romans was disc o vered in London
in the British M useum in a manuscript formerly belonging to
the family o f Lord Arundell o f Wardour It has been printed
in the M G SS vol viii p 4 6 1 The text runs as follows
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Sa cramentu m: Ti hi d i cimu s, rex Henri ce, q u i a nos i nf ra termi num
i llum q u em tecumponemus ad 1 5 d i es p ostq uam K omam v eneri s, f aci emus
te coronare p ap am Greg ori u m, si v i v us est, v el si forte d e R oma non
Si
centu m mortu u s fu eri t v el si f u eri t et rev erti nolueri t ad
u eri t
f g
g
nostru m consi li u m u t te coronet, et i n consti tutum termi nu m, nos papa m
.
mus
m
t
u o consi li o secu nd u m canones, et ipsu m ap a m stu d ehi mu s
p
g
er honam fi d em u t te coronet et nos stu d ehi mus
e
r
h
o
n
a
d
e
m
m
u
t
fi
p
p
R omani faci ant ti hi fi d elitatem Haec omni a ohserv ahi mus ti hi ahsq ue
fraud e et malo ing eni o nisi q u antum commu ni consi lio nostro et tu o
ad d atu r v el mi nu atur
ele e
cu
,
,
.
,
.
B e rno ld
relates an extraordinary anecdote with reference to this
oath When Gregory heard of it ( according to this chronicler) he
released the Roman nobles from their oaths When therefore
the King demanded the fulfilment o f the treaty they evaded it by
pitiful casuistry They had promised they said that the Pope
S hould give the crown
not that he should crown and anoint the
Ki ng They proposed if the King S hould make satisfaction he
should receive the crown with the Papal benediction If not he
should still receive the crown — it was to be let down upon a ro d
from the Castle o f St Angel o
B e rno ld alone has this story which lacks all inherent proba
”
b ility
it has a fabulous ring as H ef e le remarks I f B erno ld s
Obj ect as is m o st probable was to belittle the King he only
succeeded in belittling the Pope in his stead
The oath itself ho w ever was never kept f o r when Henry
returned to Rome the fickle Romans were once more faithful
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF G RE GO RY VI I
22 8
to him by the people Henry accompanied by the anti Pope
Guibert at length took possession of the L ate ran and Gregory
hastily retired into the Castle o f St Angelo The bridges over
the Tiber however were still occupied by Gregory s soldiers as
was the ancient Se ptiz o ni u m near the Palatine by a certain Rus
Near the Arch of Titus
ti c u s a relative and friend o f Gregory s
the F rangipani held the C artu larian tower and finally o n the heights
o f the Capitol the family of the Corsi had barricaded every exit
to bar the passage o f the troops of Henry IV
I n spite o f this Papal resistance which lasted f o r two months
Henry was practically master of the situation and Gregory from
the Castle o f St Angelo could see the King with his anti Pope
enter in triumph through the Lateran Gate and the procession
pass first to an assembly of prelates to elect another Pope F rom the
Lateran Henry convoked a synod in the time honoured residence
of the Popes Three successive summonses were sent to G regory
to require his presence at the assembly but it may readily be
imagined that he returned no reply to them The meeting no w
declared him excommunicate pronounced sentence o f deposition
against him and formally chose Guibert for his successor Henry
wrote to Theodoric Bishop o f Verdun that all the cardinals and
the entire people had declared against Gregory and for Guibert
but this can only mean that the oppressed Romans dared to o ff er
no resistance to Henry s will
It is not correct to assume that Henry acte d at this j u ncture in
his quality o f Roman patrician The patriciate deserves even less
emphasis here as the Henrician writers di ff er widely among them
selves O n this point The Vita Henri ci relates that the Emperor
when crowned was by the new Pope named Patrician which is
quite erroneous while Sig b e rt o f Gembloux makes the nomination
come from the Romans themselves I n these two accounts some
apparent analogy is observed with the events o f 1 0 4 6 when the
Emperor Henry I I I was j oyfully welcomed as Patrician by the
Romans
As a consequence of the forced election in the synod Guibert
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VII
THE LAST STRU GG LES O F G REG O RY
22
9
was enthroned o n March 2 4 1 0 8 4 at St Peter s O n his e n
t h ro ne me nt Guibert was given by Henry IV the na me o f Clement
I
I
I
which
name
Henry
IV
doubtless
intended
to
recall
the
Pope
( )
Clement
I
I
whom
his
father
had
nominated
in
the
year
1 04 6
(
)
Deusdedit makes a j est of the name o f the anti Pope and says that
a better o ne for him would have been that of P apa D emens o r
mad Pope
Seven days afterwards o n Easter Day March 3 1 Clement I I I
placed the Imperial Crown upon the head of H enry IV and c o n
se crate d him Emperor amidst the acclamations o f
the multitude
Thus the King at last reache d the goal o f his ambition and from
this time forward called himself d i v i na f av ente clementi a R omanoru m
tri hus
I mperator Aug u stu s
He is likewise no w th e defender o f
”
the church ; and is filled with the consciousness that he ranks
above all other men — constat nos d iv ina d i sponente clementi a cu ncti s
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aecellere
r
p
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mortali hus
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Af ter
having received the Imperial Crown Henry remained at
Rome in order to acquire possession o f those strong strategic points
o f the City which still held o u f
O n April 2 9 he was master o f
the Capitol but to f ake the fortress o f St Angelo by storm was
beyond his power ; so he caused his troops to raise another circle
o f fortifications outside the o ld fortress
in such a way as to bar all
egress and all relations with those without and then waited until
fatigue and famine should open to them the gates o f the last refuge
o f Gregory VI I
Tidings however were received which at once changed the aspect
o f a ff airs
Didier the Abbot o f Monte Cassino arrived in Rome
and communicated to the Emperor and the Pope the f act that the
formidable Robert Guiscard was advancing at the head o f a reat
“
army to Rome
It was a strange army o f the faithful ; from
every quarter men had rushed to his banner some to rescue the
Pope others from love o f war The Saracens had enlisted in great
”
numbers
Gregory had in the hour o f his distress turned to the Duke
H nry I n r b m Emp r r H n H nry IV i a Emp r r H nry I II
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1
e
ev e
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eca
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e o
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e
ce
e
s,
s
e o
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e
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TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VII
230
and se nt in embassy to him an Abbot f rom Dij on named J are nto
The Duke s great army was a response to this appeal According
to William of Apu le ia this army consisted o f no t less than six
—
thousand horse and thirty thousand foot soldiers Norma ns L o m
bards Greeks Calabrians Apu le ians Saracens — all welded into one
as an engine o f war by the military genius o f the great commander
At the news o f the approach of this formidable army Henry IV
left Rome ( May
without striking a blow O n May 2 7 a f e w
days after the departure o f the Emperor the vanguard of the
Norman army appeared before the walls o f Rome and encamped
near to an aqueduct no t far from the Gate o f St John It was
composed o f o ne thousand picked men and was followed at a short
distance by a body o f troops three thousand strong Robert Guiscard
himself bringing up the rear
Not yet aware o f the flight o f Henry IV and expecting an
attack the Duke advanced with prudence keeping his troops in
readiness f o r battle When he reached the walls o f Rome he
learned the truth O pinions di ff er as to the date o f Robert s entry
into Rome According to M alate rra he waited outside Rome for
three days ; W id o o f F errara o n the other hand says that he
entered Rome o n arriving while B o nith o says that he entered the
day after his arrival May
Then two gates the F laminian
and o ne in the direction o f Pi ncian hill were opened to the soldiers
“
who precipitated themselves into the C ity shouting Guiscard !
Guiscard
a terrible and sinister c ry which had bee n heard to
ring through the streets of many an Italian and Sicilian city on
the day o f their fall Palermo Bari Salerno Durazzo and many
others in Illyricum had trembled at the sound as the victors entered
the vanquished cities
A nt mp r ry m nk l i ing t G r tt F rr t gi th d t f th ntry f
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1
R b
co
e
o a
o
N
v
,
a
o
o-
e
a a,
ves
e
a e o
e e
o
d h i s o rmans i nto Ro me i n a marg i nal no te
We g ive th e transl atio n o f th is no te , wh i c h i s i n re e , and h as een i nserte d by
“
M O TFAU CO i n h is iarium I talicum In th e y ear o f th e c re atio n o f th e wo rl d
s 1 08
i
e ra i n th e 7 th i nd i c tio n, th e 2 th o f M a , a
h
h
a
i
o
f
h
e
r
s
t
a
n
i
t
t
t
4
y
(
)
9
’
Tu esday , at th ree O c l o c th e u e ( o b ert u isc ard ) e ntere d o me, and l ai d i t
”
e d ne sd ay and no t a T u e sd ay , and as t h e
waste
Bu t as M ay 2 9 , 1 0 8 4 , was a
o
e rt an
N
N
.
G k
D
k
.
C
D k R
W
G
b
R
TH E LI F E AND TI M ES O F GREG O RY VII
232
upon the P rata Neronis where Henry IV e ncamped The heights
about the Lateran have remained almost silent and deserted while
the traces o f the passage o f the Normans are still vis ible and the
undulations o f the ground cover while they still indicate the
outlines o f ancient Rome In his history o f Milan L and u lf an
enemy of Gregory s points the bitter and amazing contrast between
—
—
f
the Pope himsel f the Vicar o Christ o n Earth and the Pope s
—
deliverer and allies ; and lays all to G regory s charge fi li i s mali
ch ri sma ti s
o
r
a
i
a
h
u
s
c
n
se
c
t
i
s
f
the
baptism
blood
for
l
u
s
o
fi
j
pe
Rome s sons the infamous laying o n o f hands f o r her daughters ;
while Paul o f Bernried a Gregorian passes over the horrors o f
the time in silence B o nith o goes further in his Gregorian sympa
thies and relates and tri u mphs over the Norman s vengeance and
with unprecedented callousness suggests that these unfortunate
Romans deserved their fate— to be sold like Jews — because like
the Jews they had betrayed their Pas tor !
SO great was the misery in Rome that Gregory dared no t trust
himself in the city without his foreign guard As Robert Guiscard
wished to leave Rome and withdrew all his troops from the city
the only course left to Gregory was to depart also in th e company
o f the Norman duke
He left the smoking ruins and desolated
streets and travelled first to Monte Cassino and thence to Salerno
To Rome he never returned ; death came slowly upon him at
Salerno
Duke Robert took part o f his troops northward to recall to
their allegiance the castles and cities which belonged to the Papal
states notably Sutri and Nepi and returned to Rome during
the last days o f June During the early days of July the Romans
witnessed the departure of the Norman troops who marched
towards the south leaving only a small garrison in the Castle of
St Angelo As the anti Pope Clement I I I was at Tivoli the
Normans e ndeavoured to capture the city by assault but Tivoli
protected by its strong walls resisted and the Duke seeing that
a siege would be necessary to subdue the town preferred to draw
o ff his troops
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TH E LAST STRUGGLES O F GREG O RY
vi i
23
3
When Gregory and Robert Guiscard arrived at Monte Cassino
the Abbot Didier received them with the highest honours and
took upon himself all the expenses o f the entertainment of the
Pope and his suite for Gregory had left Rome without resources
I n return Robert Guiscard bestowed upon the abbey many valuable
gifts which have been recorded by Peter the Deacon in his
chronicle
After some days spent at B e ne v e ntu m Gregory reached Salerno
where he decided to remain By a strange irony o f fate the Pope
had in his train the Lombard Prince Gisulfo whom the Normans
had dispossessed o f the principality We do not know the exact
date o f the arrival o f Gregory at Salerno but we know from
M alaterra that Robert Guiscard started o n his Eastern expedition in
September 1 0 8 4 and as he had previously accompanied the Pope
to Salerno he must have done so in August o r early in September
His soj ourn in Salerno must have been a humiliating and
painful trial to Gregory f o r Salerno itself had been part o f the
property o f the Church until it fell into the iron hand o f Robert
Guiscard ; and the Pope was also entirely without resources and
was obliged to depend upon the generosity o f the Abbot o f
Monte Cassino with whom h is relations had not always been quite
amicable and who had not entirely approved his censures of
Henry IV
The events o f the few preceding years and especially the
numerous attacks made by Henry IV on Rome had rendered
the situation of Gregory as ruler o f the Church very di ffi cult The
correspondence o f the Pope which was so abundant during the
early years o f his po ntifi cate becomes reduced almost to nothing
after 1 0 8 3 During the early part o f his soj ourn at Salerno
Gregory finding more leisure at his disposal occupied himself with
renewing his interrupted relations with di ff erent natio ns He
summoned a Synod here and unshaken by the horrors he had
witnessed o r the perils he had escaped thundered o u t again
the greater excommunicati o n against the anti Pope Guibert
Henry IV and all their followers ; and here he wrote his last
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THE LI F E AND TI M ES O F GREG O RY VII
23 4
“
”
“
Encyclical addressed to all the faithful
his last testament
F our legates were C harged with the duty o f promulgating the ne w
Encyclical and the anathemas pr o nounced at the Synod o f Salern o
and Peter Cardinal Bish o p of Albano and the Prince Gisulfo set
out for F rance with this mission O do Cardinal Bishop o f O stia
received a similar mission f o r Germany while the Abbot of Dij on was
sent to Spain to the valiant Si se nand who had recently c o nquered
1
the Arabs at Coimbra to gain him to the Pope s cause
The Encyclical as carried and distributed by the legates is
distinctly pessimistic in tone There is no explicit reference to
Henry IV o r to Guibert but reproaches against enemies o f th e
church are darkly hurled and the reign o f Antichrist is foretold
as near at hand I n an interesting paragraph Gregory gives as the
summi ng up o f his life and the aim o f all his eff orts that the
church should recover her ancient splendour and remain free
chaste and catholic
“
Gregory Bishop servant o f the servants of God to all th e
faithful in Christ and to all wh o truly love the Apostolic See gr eet
ing and the Apostolic Be nediction
You are no t ignorant beloved brethren that O ur time has seen
the f u lfi lme nts o f the Psalmist s words
Why hav e the Genti les
arth stood
ra ed a nd the peop le d ev i sed v a i n th i n s 2
T
t
h
e
h
e hi n s o
e
g
g f
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-
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up a nd th e
r
i
n
ces
p
met tog ether ag ai nst th e L ord
a nd a ai nst
g
Hi s Chri st
.
The princes o f the nations and the chief priests are j oined together
at the head o f a great multitude against Christ the So n o f God and
against His Apostle Peter in order to extinguish the Christian
religion and to propagate heresy But by the grace o f God they
have not been able by any fear by any cruelty or by any bribes to
gain those wh o trust in the Lord The only reason for which they
conspire against Us is that We would not keep silence as to the peril
Of Holy Church or give way to those who were no t ashamed to
make a prisoner o f the Spouse of God Everywhere on earth
B rn rd m nti n nly tw l g t P t r B i h p f A lb n nd O d B i h p
H gh f Fl igny dd th n m f G i lf nd th A b b t f D ij n
f O ti
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1
o
J
s
arento
e
a
e
a
.
.
u
o
o
s o
av
o
a
e
s
a es,
e
e e
a
,
es o
s
o
su
a o, a
o
o
a
e
o,
o
o
s o
o
,
THE LI F E AND TI ME S OF GREG O RY VI I
236
consistency ; we no longer think o f honour in this life or in that
which is to come
“
I f there are still some who fear Go d they are rare exceptions
who think chiefly o f saving their o wn souls and S how little zeal for
the good o f their brothers H o w many are there who inspired by
the fear o f G o d o r the love of G o d i n wh om we liv e and mov e and
1
hav e ou r hei ng su ff er and work even till death as so many soldiers
do for their captains and even for their friends o r their inferiors
Yet every day th o usands o f persons risk death for their earthly
masters Yet f o r the God o f Heaven for the Redeemer no t only
do men fear to expose themselves to danger o f death but they
hesitate lest they should incur the enmity o f men ! Those who
o d there are still some though alas S O few
and
thank
out
of
G
(
)
love f o r the law of Christ resist the impious even unto death are
but are even regarded as
no t only unaided by their brethren
imprudent indiscreet and senseless
“
Being no w obliged to address to you these and other similar
admonitions and earnestly desiring by the help o f God to root o u t
o f your hearts these vices and to replace them by Christian virtues
We demand We implore f o r the sake o f the Lord Jesus who has
redeemed us all by His death that y o u will carefully study the
causes which have brought about the tribulation and agony which
We su ff er from the enemies o f the Christian religion
Since the day when by the dispensations of Divine Providence
the Church placed Us upon the apostolic chair unworthy as We are
and in spite o f O ur inclinations Go d is O ur wit ness O ur most ardent
desire and the aim of all O ur e ff orts has been that Holy Church the
Spouse o f God O ur mistress and O ur mother should recover her
ancient splendour and remain free chaste and catholic But an aim
so lo f ty displeased the evil o ne
to hinder it he has set in motion
every force he could control The harm he has done to us and to
the Holy See has surpassed everything he has been able to acco m
l
i
There
is
nothing
sh since the time o f Constantine the G reat
p
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1
Ac ts
xvi i
.
28
.
TH E LAST STRUGGLES O F GRE GO RY v i i
23
7
surprising in this for as the time o f Antichrist approaches the more
ardently does the demon strive to crush and annihilate the Christian
religion
And no w beloved brethren liste n to my words I n the world
all Christians all who are instructed in their religion know and
acknowledge that Blessed Peter prince o f the Apostles is the F athe r
of all Christians and a f ter Christ the chief Pastor and that the Holy
Roman Church is the Mother and Mistress o f all churches I f
then such is your faith your firm belief in the name o f Almighty
God We your bro ther and in spite o f O ur unworthiness your maste r
also make this appeal to you and We c o mmand that you come to th e
support of your father and your mother if y o u would that they
o u i n this world and the next the absolution of sin s
O btain for
y
and the blessing o f the grace o f God
May the Almighty Lord the Author of all good enlighten your
spirit and fertilize it by His love and the love o f your neighbour
thus you will have as debto rs your f ather and your mother and th e
”
day will come when you shall be united to them Amen
Gregory could never go back to Rome unprotected but all
possibility o f his return was precluded by the action o f Robert
Guiscard who still intent upon his golde n dream of the Empire of
the East in September 1 0 8 4 started from Brindisi for his ne w cam
ai n
B
o émo nd had remained at the head o f the army after his
p g
father s return to Italy and had gained several victories over the
Byzantines but gold and the intrigues of the Imperial c o urt had
wo n over a number o f his men from their allegiance and dis
organizati o n crept into the camp Of the Normans when the strong
hand o f Robert no longer held them in check At the close of
1 0 8 4 when B o e mo nd also departed for Italy he left in the East only
some few Norman garrisons in a few fortified tow ns where they
maintained themselves with di ffi culty
I n his new campaign the Duke instead o f seeking entrance by
way o f Illyricum and M acedonia resolved to proceed by sea and to
attack and seize the coastguard towns only without penetrating into
the interior He would no t embark until he had succeeded i n
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THE LI F E AND TI M ES OF GREG OR Y VI I
8
collecting a very considerable fleet ; his S hips numbered o ne hundred
and twenty besides transports f o r cavalry and machi nes After
landing at Valona and rallying at Corfu the Duke was attacked by
the Venetian fleet which once m o re came to the aid of the Empire
o f t h e East
Beaten in the first e nc o unter the Normans continued
the cont e st with o ut losing heart and finally gained a decisive victory
which cost the Greeks and Venetians some thirteen th o usand lives
The season was now too far advanced for Robert to think of
reaching the Isles o f Greece and he therefore withdrew his fleet to
the m o uth o f th e river Gly cy s which flows int o the Adriatic near
There the plague
O ri e u s and his troops wintered in B u nd i c i a
made its appearance and during the winter no fewer than ten
thousand men were swept away and his son B o émo nd was obliged
to return to Italy
The Duke waited until the plague had spent its strength and
then rec o mm e nced hostilities but he was attacked by fever as he
set sail f o r Cephal o nia intending to con q uer this island which his
son Roger had already sought to take The ship put in at Corfu
and there o n July 1 7 1 0 8 5 — two months after the death o f
—
Gregory VI I the Duke died in the prese nce o f his wif e
Upon the death o f the great
Sik e lg ai ta and his son Roger
Norman leader panic seized his army and the s o ldiers embarked
and set sail in hot haste unexpectedly freeing the Emperor Alexis
from his m o st pressing danger
Pope Gregory died May 2 5 1 0 8 5 at Salerno No mention
i s made of a long illness and it may be assumed that the bitter
agitations and troubles of the last years contributed to his death
The attacks o f Henry IV upon Rome ; the enthronement of
the anti Pope ; the bloodshed caused by the Normans ; and his
—
forced exile to Salerno all must have shaken his health and
vitality
The accounts o f his death vary considerably O ne story relates
that Gregory foret o ld the very day and hour o f his departure and
received Holy Communion and
o n that day entered the church
addressed the people and died o n returning to his dwelling In
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF G RE GO RY VI I
Gregory according to his biographer foretold that Didier would
not be present at his death bed
Didier who had hastened to
Salerno o n heari ng o f the Pope s illness and intended to
remain to the end is naturally surprised and cannot see what
should lead to the fulfilment of this saying ; but receives the
unexpect e d information that the N o rmans are laying siege to a
Castle belonging to his Abbey o f Monte Cassino and is compelled
to leave Salerno During his absence Gregory dies
Another version is that o f William o f Malmesbury who
relates that Grego ry named two persons as his successors — Didier
and O do Bishop of O stia who both became Popes in succession
The natural reflection arises that William of Malmesbury and Paul
o f Bernried were wise a f ter the event
Anti Gregorian writers f abricate a dyi ng retractation o f Gregory s
in which he admits that he has wronged Hen ry IV and this story
won a wide circulation both in Germany and in Italy Benzo gives
the fullest details o f this imaginary scene
According to him
G regory summons the twelve cardinals to his death bed and
confesses to o ne o f them his remorse for his evil deeds and
commissions this cardinal to announce his repentance to the King
and entreat the royal pardon
Such a story needs no comment
The dying words Of the Pope are well and widely known
According to Paul o f Bernried Gregory twice asserted his love of
j ustice and hatred o f iniquity ; first when the cardinals who
surrounded his death bed spoke o f the good works he had
“
accomplished the dying Pope answered : Beloved brothers all
these things I regard as nothing ; o ne thi ng only gives me
”
c o nfi d e nc e— that I have loved j ustice and hated iniquity
F inally
when about to breathe his last his words were :
I have loved
”
“
j ustice and hated iniquity therefore I die in exile
In exile
“
said a bishop wh o was present in exile thou couldst no t die !
V icar o f Christ and His Apostles thou hast received the nations f o r
thine inheritance and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy
” 1
possessio n
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P
au l o f
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T H E LAST STRUGGLES OF GREG O RY VI I
24 1
It is curious to read the various interpretations that have been
put upon the last dying utterance o f the great Pope O ne writer
regrets that so great a man was not completely master o f his
disappointment and sel f love ; and while o ne sees in the words
a bitter expression of doubt another sees only the expression of
1
the d ying man s most intimate lifelong convictions
Another
”
“
“
cry o f oppressed innocence to the exceeding
c ompares this
2
bitter cry that rang from the cross
The real meaning o f Gregory s last words only becomes eviden t
when they are compared with the verse of the psalm from which
they are partly taken
Thou hast loved j ustice and hated iniquity
thy Go d hath anointed thee with the o il o f
t here f ore G od
” 3
4
In the Epistle to the Hebrews
gladness above thy fellows
this verse is quoted in re f erence to the Son o f Go d The Saviour
is anointed with the O il o f gladness because He loved righteous
ness and hated iniquity ; but Gregory himsel f— such was the
—
antithesis in his mind had also loved the right and hated the
wrong but had met with no gladness o n earth but humiliation ;
no praise but de f eat
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sa
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W l tg h i h t
xli v
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xlv
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c
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vo l Vi i ,
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p
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1 2
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G f rOrer,
Hb w
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vo l Vi i ,
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p
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8
95
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CHAPTER XI
T H E C A N O NI ZAT I O N
Th e
G RE G O R Y
OF
V I I— H I S
C
H ARA C T E R
C n niz ti n f G g y VI I— H i h t — Th nt t b tw n h i m nd
P t D mi ni— H i l ti n wi th h i f i nd nd pp n nt — H i d i t t f
—
n
I
V
Th i n
i ng p i mi m f th l t y
H y
f h i p ntifi t — H i
ni ty— H
pp
th
ti n f th Abb t T
m nd — G g y w l i k
h t — Th F th f th C d — G g y n th l gi n— H i n l i m
a o
a
e er
a
o
se re
to
e a
arac e r
e
o
s
c reas
e
rov e s
ac
s
o
o
e
s a
o
e
ras
co
o
o
e
e ars o
as
ras
o
e
ru sa e
e
re
s
ess
e
er o
a
arac e r
s c
s re a
a
r
e
c
re o r
o
re o r
e
s
s
o
eo o
s ru s
s
ca e
o
re o r
u
a
ee
a
’
s
s o
o
s
ar
e
e c a
n
r
e
es
a
t
s
g
.
G RE G O R Y S body remained at Salerno where it was buried in the
Church of St Matthew and was never removed to Rome Many
miracles took place according to B o nith o at his tomb and Pope
—
Anastasius IV ( 1 1 5 3 1 1 5 4 ) caused a picture to be painted re
presenting Gregory with a halo but many centuries were to elapse
before the great Pope to o k his place in the Roman Martyrology
Under G regory XI I I ( 1 5 7 2 1 5 8 3 ) it was ascertained that his
body was preserved intact and Paul V ( 1 6 0 5 1 6 2 1 ) can o nized
him in the year 1 6 0 6 At first Gregory was venerated as a Saint
only in Salerno F lorence and Siena but later this cultus was
extended to Rome and to the O rders o f the Benedictines and
Cistercians F inally Benedict X I I I ( 1 7 2 4 1 7 3 0) decided that the
F east o f Gregory V I I ( May 2 5 ) should be kept by the wh o le
church Fo r the confiessor pontif ex a special o fli ce was prepared in
which the collect refers to the v irtus constanti ae pro tuend a ecclesiasti ca
li hertate
The biographical sketch contained in the second nocturn
was written by the Benedictine Tedeschi Bishop o f Lipari but it is
full o f historical errors and is entirely valueless
O ne passage in it excited great indignation at the time The
author speaking o f Gregory VI I S resistance to Henry I V writes
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24 2
TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VII
244
view was far removed from those maintained by the later Gregory
upon the power and prerogatives o f the Papacy
Hildebrand s character and attainments were o f a very high
order he was repute dly p o ssessed o f vast theological learning ; and
Peter Damiani relates that he had a knowledge o f the poetry and
philos o phy o f the ancients He cultivated an intimate acquaintance
with b o th the O ld and New Testaments which he was fond of
uoting
and
he
refers
more
often
to
events
draw
from
Bible
n
;
q
history than to those from the history o f the Church Among the
F athers o f the Church Gregory I was an especially sympathetic
“
fi gure to him
Gregory s Latin style is vigorous pithy and full
”
and when he occasionally accuses himself o f rusticity
o f matter
t his is only the expression of his personal modesty
His two speeches in council in 1 0 7 6 and 1 0 8 0 are masterpieces
rhetoric and show a splendid natural gift o f oratory
In
of
when he spoke o f the faith o f a Christian the virtues of
1 0 83
constancy and firmness he spoke we learn no t as a man but as
”
an angel so that almost the whole assembly broke into sobs and
t ears
Gregory showed no deep knowledge of human nature no ability
to rule and use men such as is often found in the great and this is
e mphasized by B o nith o who is otherwise uncritical as far as Gregory
i s concerned
This curious lack of persp i cac i ty even o f common
He
s hrewdness shows itself again and again in the course of his life
warmly supported Guibert when Alexander I I doubted the ad v i s
abili ty o f his elevation to the Archbishopric o f Ravenna he was
throughout his P o ntifi c ate in intimate relations with a man o f the
doubtful character of Gisulfo o f Salerno he accepted the action o f
Hugh Candidus in furthering his elevation to the P o ntifi cate as a
proof o f amendment u pon the part o f that already deeply co m
promised cardinal ; he was evidently bli nded by the hypocritical
policy O f the Saxon princes and the R u d o lph ian party and he was
bitterly deceived in his estimate o f the Norman pri nces suc h as
R obert Guiscard and Jordan of Capua
Gregory made little use of the subtle policy which bordered o n
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THE CAN O NIZATI O N OF GREG O RY V I I
24
5
”
craft which has been attributed to him there was indeed ve ry
little that was subtle in his political programme and in the p o litical
sphere he was constantly blinded and o u t planned by men more far
seeing and more unscrupulous than himself Th e intrepidity which
seemed to delight in confronting the most powerful a stern single
ness o f purpose which under its name of Churchmanship gave his
partisans unlimit ed reliance o n his firmness and resolution also seem
overstated by many historians ; for throughout the period from
1 0 7 7 1 0 8 0 Gregory s policy showed manifest signs o f vacillation
and lack o f resource He was it must be admitted once and for
all no statesman and his essay to arbitrate in the a ff airs o f Germany
led eventually to the bitterness of his exile at Salerno
Amid the gross and revolting licentiousness o f a great portion o f
the clergy at this period Grego ry s private life shows an austere
virtue a simple piety The consciousness o f the purity of his life
stood him in good stead when he came to answer by ignoring the
invectives o f the Diets o f Worms and Brixen The absurd nature
o f the charges made against him at Brixen is a testimony that o f
real blots upon his private life there w e re none His domesti c
habits were o f the simplest and Peter Damiani who knew him
w ell speaks of his asceticism
O n the occasi o n o f Cenci s attack upo n his person Gregory
showed high c o urage and self—command which j ustifies his assur
a u ces when he was contemplating the possibility o f a danger
fraught j ourney to Germany that he was ready to lay down his life
f o r the liberty o f the Church
Had Gregory been placed in a
position such as that o f Pope P aschal I I in Rome in the year
1 1 1 1
never would he have been induced by fear or favour to
de ny his pri nciples or to surrender what he considered to be his
rights
Gregory was permeated with the atmosphere o f the O ld Testa
ment and though a fervent admirer o f St Peter there is no doubt
his deepest sympathies lay with the Hebrew prophets and warriors
He was likened to Elij ah his energetic campaign against the
immoral and S imoniac clergy to Elij ah s slaughter of the priests o f
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THE LI F E AND TIMES OF GREG O RY VII
24 6
Baal ; and when Gregory in 1 0 7 8 and 1 0 8 0 threatens the dis
o bedient with retributi o n in this life we are reminded o f the stern
Elij ah calling down fire fr o m Heaven to c o nsume the emissaries of
the King who would d o him wr o ng With Samuel also he has
great sympathy and it is possible that he thought o f himself as
r e sisting Henry IV as the pr o phet withst o od King Saul I ndeed
in the December letter to the young King Hen ry is warned to
av o id the fate o f Saul It is more than pr o bable that Gregory s
kingship as confessed in his two letters to H ermann
V iew o f
Bishop o f Metz is based upon the utterances of Samuel ( 1 Samuel
xii I 7 1 9 ) who to the people who ask for a king replies
Y o ur wickedness is great which ye have done in the sight of
the Lord in asking you a king
while the people in their turn
admit this saying
Pray f o r thy servants unto the Lord thy
G o d that we die not f o r we have added unto all o u r sins this evil
”
to ask us a king
”
“
The tendency to prophesy evil against an adversary is also
Of the O ld Testament ; and we see this not only in Gregory s
s peech in the Council o f 1 0 8 0 but also in Peter Damiani s prophecy
with regard to the anti Pope C ad alu s
Some aspects o f Gregory s character are brought into greater
prominence by his relations with his contemporaries Very character
i sti c and interesting is the contrast between him and Peter Damiani
Both were churchmen o f pure— nay austere— life devoted sincerely
to the interests o f the Church and anxious for the extermination of
Damiani was a
h e r crying evils but here the similitude ceases
monk at heart He had been compelled by Pope Stephen his
”
“
persecutor as he named him rather than his patron to take
upon himself the episcopate H e had been raised by the same
”
“
violence to the rank o f cardinal but had addressed an earnest
argument to Nich o las I I to be allowed to abdicate the unthan kful
o ffi ce He pens a bitter satire against the bishops of his day
“
What would the bishops o f o ld have done had they to endure
?
the torments which now attend the episcopate
To ride forth
constantly attended by troops of soldiers with swords an d lances
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24 8
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F G RE GO RY VII
by Damiani s over hasty action in calling in Hanno o f Cologne to
settle the claims of the Pope Alexander I I and the anti Pop e
The Synod o f Mantua decided it is true in favour o f
C ad alu s
Alexander ; but that the Pop e sh o uld have to appear to defend
himself before a council presided over by the Archbishop o f
Cologne was in itself a bitter humiliation which was keenly re
sented by Hildebrand and we are not surprised to find that h e
addressed a severe rebuke to Damiani for his impolitic and arbitrary
appeal Damiani answered by a letter addressed j ointly to Alex
ander and to Hildebrand in which he contrasts the tone of their
“
—
respective letters the Pope s as paternal
kindly as the Sun o f
“
Heaven
the Archdeacon s as a ngry and threatening like the
”
I n this letter we find the
furious gusts of the North wind
—
famous description o f Hildebrand as holy Satan
sanctu s Satanus
which Reumont interprets as an expression of the powerful d x moni c
influence of the Archdeacon upon the writer ; to Damiani Hilde
brand appears i n other passages of his works paradoxically as a
hosti lis ami cus and hland us ty rannu s and one epigram goes so far as
to wish that the wolf might be tra nsformed into a lamb
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onat ora cruenta leonum
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y
Q
Te nunc usq ue lupu m mihi mitem vertat i n agu am
u i ra
.
’
The bitterness of Damiani s paradoxes convinces o ne that he is
not in j est and we can imagi ne that Damiani found something
peculiarly antipathetic in Hildebrand s personality
1
Gregory has written that opinio ns varied widely as to himself
and that while some thought him over stern nay cruel others
considered him too lax and mild and it may be generally said that
he was too indulge nt towards his friends and dependents and too
severe to his enemies and O ppo nents A peculiar and it must b e
considered u ndeserved indulge nce was shown by him to B e re ngariu s
of Tours and to the princes o f Germa ny who stood in opposition to
H en ry IV When the pri nces in Ja nuary 1 0 7 7 causelessly refused
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TH E CAN O NIZATI O N O F GREG O RY VI I
24 9
an escort to the Pope and thereby rendered impossible o ne o f h is
most cherished dreams the j ourney to Germany as arbitrator in h e r
a ff airs Gregory can hardly find it in his heart to blame th e m and
he never ope nly resented the F orchheim election which was a
very severe blow to him Again Gregory showed the greatest
“
indulgence to the Norman prince Robert Guiscard
a bandit
”
with o ut religion which can only be explained but cannot be
j ustified by the exigencies o f his position during the last year s
o ntifi cate
o f his
p
His severity to his oppo nents such as Henry IV is very
1
marked and even William o f Malmesbury remarked upon h is
”
“
perhaps over great severity towards me n
The growth o f his
mistrust o f Henry IV distinctly biassed his policy towards the young
King and from the time of the Diet o f Worms ( 1 0 7 6 ) it over
rides all other feelings with regard to him That Gregory in the
F ebruary Synod gave j udgment against Henry without havin g
invited the King to appear o r heard his defence is frequently
insisted upon by Henrician writers as a proof o f his party bias and
it is impossible to clear Gregory from this imputation
Again Gregory himself admits that his o wn friends and followers
”
“
exclaimed against his cruelty in delaying to receive the royal
penitent at Canossa But after the King s renewed opposition at
the time o f the Synod o f Brixen Gregory s antipathy to the King
k nows no bounds
I n a document written in July 1 0 8 0 he accuses
the King o f having aided and supported the a nti Pope C ad alu s to
—
the inj ury o f the Church that is to say he makes a boy o f eleven
responsible f o r an act o f ecclesiastical policy
This is the more to
be regretted as Peter Damiani expressly emphasizes Henry IV S
i nnocence o n this point and B o nith o leaves Henry s complicity
entirely o u t o f the question and eve n incli nes to excuse the more
responsible Empress rege nt
Towards the later period o f his po ntifi cate from 1 0 7 7 onwards
a pessimistic strain a f eeling o f disillusion appears in Gregory s
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2 50
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GRE GO RY VI I
utterances and sometimes takes the form of unfounded complaints
such as those o f the speech o f the Cou ncil o f 1 0 8 0 where he
accuses the kings and princes o f this world o f rising up against him
to contrive his deat h o r exile A still deeper depression clouded
his mind when his Easter prophecy of 1 0 8 0 remained unfulfilled
His second
and the anti King Rudolph met with an untimely deat h?
letter to Hermann Bishop o f Metz runs over with bitterness
against kingship in general and Henry IV in particular
and in his
last letter he utters the exceedingly painful and heartfelt cry of
disappointment and sorrow that his e ff orts to ensure the freedom
purity and catholicity o f the Church are in vain
A curious side light— which has been almost universally over
1
—
looked upon his character when a cardinal is a ff orded by Leo
o f Monte Cassino
I n the monastery o f Tremito which was under
the j urisdict ion of M onte Cassino a certain Trasmu nd son of the
Count O d e risiu s was Abbot and he o n hearing complaints against
certain members o f the community acted with a barbarity not
unusual at the time the eyes of those monks were torn out the
tongue o f one cut o ff According to Leo Didier o f Monte Cassino
was bitterly moved by the occurrence and for the disgrace o f M o nte
Cassino and condemned Trasmu nd the O ff ending Abbot to do
penance f o r his misdeeds But ( and this is the extraordinary
part o f the story ) the Cardinal Hildebrand interfered and took
Trasmu nd — wh o had already been condemned by Didier — u nder his
protection and declared that he had acted no t cruelly but firmly
and worthily to evil men
and finally with some d ifli cu lty he
took Trasmu nd o u t o f the monastery ! Later o n when Hildebrand
became Pope he raised Trasmu nd to the bishopric o f Valva in
F ermo
The conduct o f Trasmu nd in his bishopric was such as to j ustify
Didier s action and a ff ords another proof if proof were needed
of
G regory s blindness to the characters o f men
The Bishop
o f V alva suddenly
in 1 0 8 0 decided to abandon his bishopric
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1
M G
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Ser VI I
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p
.
7 5
1
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THE LI F E AND TI MES O F G REG O RY V I I
252
campaign as Pope : viz the uneventful campaign agains t th e
Normans in 1 0 7 4
In connect i on W i th Gregory s military aspirations may be con
si d e re d his d e sire f o r a crusade to gain possession of the Holy
Land and to lead that crusade in person Such a bold vision had
floated before his eyes in the early part o f the year 1 0 7 4 ; and he
endeavoured to interest Henry I V in the caus e He does not
however suggest that the young King is to lead the campaign he
himsel f will be the lead er and general
I n a confidential letter to
the Countess Matilda which for good reasons was no t included in
the R eg i strum the Pope admits that his desire to lead an army
across the sea might be criticized as a proof o f worldly ambitio n
but
he
cannot
relinquish
his
C
herished
idea
He
even
l
ev i ta s
)
(
wished to associate with him the Empress Agnes and the Count e ss
Matilda
Eg o ta li hus ornatus sorori hu s li hentissime mare transi rem
.
,
’
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,
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,
-
,
,
u t ani
mam meam
,
si o orteret, v ohi scu
p
mp ro
,
Chri sto f u nerem
’
Had Gregory s cherished dream been realized the world would
have been the richer for a strange and unprecedented spectacle
that o f the head o f Christendom the representative of the Prince
o f Peace as general at the head o f an army accompanied as by a
”
staff by his sisters the two princesses
Fo r the conquest o f the Holy Lan d a zealous Pope might
alone in more favourable times have raised a great Christian army ;
he might have enlisted numbers o f nobles even sovereigns in the
cause But the cause and the time were not y e t ripe Humbler
and more active instruments were wa nted for a popular and general
i nsurrection in favour o f the oppressed pilgrims for the restoration
o f the Holy Land to the dominion o f the Cross
The great co n
v u lsio ns o f society are from below
Gregory s dream like his
scheme o f a hierarchy was no t fulfilled in his time
Yet further S ig ns o f Gregory s truculent dispositio n are shown
i n his anxiety to attack the a nti Pope G uibert and to rescue the
”
“
Church o f Raven na by force of arms from impious ha nds
thus riddi ng himself e ff ectually o f a dangerous enemy ; and in his
express predictio n o f victory to the followers o f Ki ng Rudolph
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TH E CAN O NI ZATI O N O F GREG O RY VII
2 53
with defeat in battle to the adherents o f King H enry when the
excommunication was renewed in 1 0 8 0
I n conclusion we may say that Gregory was a child o f his age
A
with his full share o f its weakness callousness and e rrors
1
sincere Christian direct simple energetic and stern he was filled
2
with a deep sense o f his dependence upon God and o f the
nothingness o f this world as we may realize from his letters but
in his policy his ambitious and warlike character and his haughty
autocratic spirit are more apparent than this milder strain William
“
Neither
the
love
o f A u le i a well writes o f him
o f gain nor
p
His life was in perfect
f avouritism had any influence with him
harmony with his doctrine ; there was nothing unstable i n it
”
He was
nothing o f the lightness of the reed shaken by th e wind
3
no theo lo gian ; and in his e ff orts f o r ecclesiastical reform he followed
i n the footsteps o f his immediate predecessors ; his o ne claim to
reatness
lies
in
his
creation
o f the hierocratic system — his undying
g
legacy to Church and State
,
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,
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,
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,
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1
He
l ay
s
r
e
e ss u
a
t
s
t
r
g
p
G
hf l n
o n tru t
y
G o d , th e c reato r o f all th i ngs,
c anno t
app ro v e a li e , i e ve n wh e n sp o en w i th go o d
ess
u
.
k
n
r
n
sci t
r
ego r c anno t
m
t
a
n
li e
i
i
e
d
e
(
)
II
I
2
i ntent
(
2 R II
V
I
2
8
II
;
;
73
9
3 O n th e
rst o c c asi o n
o u rs, h e
en h e c ame i nto c o ntac t
i t Bere ngari u s o f
a
e e rre
B
ere ngari u s to
o me
ec au se h e was c o nsc i o u s o f h i s o wn u nfi tne ss
r
r
o
p
en
ea
oc tri ne
Agai n,
o e, in
ri ti ng to th e
o i nt o f
to
i t a su t e
i
n
o amme an E mi r Anaz i r wh o h ad re e ased all C ri sti an c a ti v es i n h i s
o
m
g
(
),
i c i s o n g i v e n to
ri sti ans, and
e ssi ng ,
h e gives h i m ( 1 0 7 6 ) th e A o sto i c
w ic
e r o f I s am t o
ave any Vi rtu e
ou
no t
e e n c o nsi ere
a o o
ave
R V
.
.
.
.
fi
.
R
.
.
b bly f d
d l w h
bl p
M h
d
h h w ld
h
b
wh
R
.
.
R
d
p
l
.
w h
b
.
l
bl
wh h
d d by f ll w
wh
h
T
Pp
ly
l
w
p
h
Ch
k d
.
CHAPTER XI I
G RE G O R Y
G
P O P E ; A N D A S T H E FO U N D E R
T H E H I E R O C R A T I C S Y ST E M
VII
OF
AS
hi f Pa t
P
P
—
—
r
e
h
o
o
f
i
s
v
i
e
s
o
f
t
e
h
H
w
w
t
e
o
p
e
as c
H is d esire f o r u ni
rego
—
c
e
o
f
h
fo rmi ty i n th e servi s t e h u rch H is rel atio ns wi th th e ish o ps and wi th
h i s legates— H is re fo rms— H i s c amp aig n agai nst Si mo ny — Th e c el i b acy o f
—
—
T
h
i
n
f
v
i
r
e
a
r
n
o
cl
e
r
y
e
q
u
es
t
o
i
n
es
t
t
u
d
i
a
l
m
b
pp
u
e
r
t
a
n
o
th e
o nen t o f
g
’
—
re go ry s me asu res agai nst lay i nve sti tu re —
re go ry t h e o ri i
lay i nve sti tu re
g
e arthly P e te r — H i s v i e w s as to
re go ry th e
nato r o f th e h i e roc rati c sy ste m—
ingsh i p— Th e su o rd i nati o n o f sec u l ar p ri nc e s to th e
o ly Se e
th e o rig i n o f
e nsu re s and p u ni sh me nts d i rec te d agai nst ru le rs— Th e i nte rd i c t, th e b an, th e
’
—
h i ero cratic su sp ensio n and d e p o si tion Th e a solu tio n o f the su j ec ts o ath
o f al leg i ance — M i l i tary e xp e d i ti o ns— Th e i mp re c ati o n o f i ll- fo rtu ne and e v i l
Th e h iero c rati c p o we r o f d e p o si ti o n— Th e o p e th e a so l u te sove re ign o f
th i ngs se c u l ar and sp i ri tu al
ry
s or
e
C
C
G
k
C
b
B
H
G
G
H
b
b
P
b
.
G R E G O R Y VII e ntertained an exaggerated idea o f the P o nti fi cate
The Pope is o fli cially divinely inspired his j udgm e nt is that o f
1
the Holy Spirit ; he who obeys the Pope obeys God F rom the
divine command that God rather than man is to be obeyed Gregory
draws the conclusion that the Pope rather than the King is to be
obeyed by all Christians The Pope s hierarchic power o f binding
2
and loosing is unlimited unconditioned and the j urisdiction of the
Pope again has the widest sphere Especially can h e ordain whom
Although Gregory VI I like Pope
h e will and when h e will
Gelasius I had declared against compulsory ordinatio n yet strangely
enough he wished in o ne instance to forc e a pri e st who had been
chosen bishop but who did not wish f o r the episcopate to receive
consecration An Archdeacon had been chosen Bishop of Macon but
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1
2
i mmo verhu m Dei suscipi te
uoscun ue et uhi cun ue vult ligat et
,
q
q
q
M onita
p
Pa
a
,
nostra,
.
2
54
R
.
IV
.
ahsolv at
.
27
.
R I II
.
.
I 2
IV 6
.
VI 4
.
.
2
6
5
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GRE GO RY VI I
to disapprove the variations from the Roman rite which were
practised in Spain In the same spirit the appeal of the Bohemian
Duke W ratislas for the use o f the Slav tongue i n the oj f ci um
1
withstood by him
d i v i num was resolutely
It was a bitter trial to the fiery zeal o f the Pope that he was
constantly withstood by so many unsympathetic churchmen I n
s pite o f his dislike to compromise he was obliged to tolerate the
customs that he hated I n an interesting letter written by him at
t h e beginning of April 1 0 8 1 to Altmann Bishop o f Passau and to
William Abbot of Hirschau he recommends tolerance o n account
and because o f the small number of
o f the evils Of our times
”
but suggests that greater strictness must be observed
t h e good
when peace and tranquillity r e turn to the world
“
As to the priests with regard to whom you have asked
us certain questions it seems to us that at this moment they must
be borne with and that the rigour of the canons in their case
should be somewhat softened and this o n account o f the evils of
o u r times and because of the small number of the good for there
are indeed but few who fulfil the duties of their calling as faithful
Christians on the return of peace and tranquillity which it is to
be hoped may before long be accomplished you can more con
occupy
yourself
with
them
and
make
them
observe
v e ni e ntl
y
”
With the worldly Bishops — o f whom
t h e canonical regulations
2
—
his complaints are frequent and terrible h e inclines to no com
promise Besides general strictures which may be paralleled by
—
who in o ne passage declares
s imilar complaints o f Peter Damiani
that there is no single clerk fit to be a bishop o ne is little better
—
than another we find specific accusations o f the evil deeds of
certain bishops Thus Bishop Stephe n o f Annecy is branded
as a murderer ( homi ci d a ) Bishop J u b ellu s o f Dole is no t only a
S imoniac but a Ni colai ta i e married and Bishop J aro mis o f Prague
meets with the reproach that he has taken refuge in lies I n con
s equence o f his pai nful experiences with single bishops
Gregory
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,
1
R VI I
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.
1 1.
9
.
258
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
that Udo was right and as later eve nts proved he retain ed in
spite o f and perhaps because o f Udo s cand o ur a since re respect
for that excellent Archbish o p
Although Grego ry s relations with the bishops were not altogethe r
harmonious he was better served by his legates who were men chosen
”
“
by him for their piety and wisdom as his representatives and
entrust e d with special missions As far as we know he only o nce
employed a layman (Prince Gisu lfo o f Sal e rno) upon a legation
Among the legates dispatched by Greg o ry upon vari o us missions
were Pete r Cardinal Bishop o f Albano the Cardinal Bish o p Gerald
O stia the Cardinal Hugh Candidus the Cardinal Deacon
of
Bernard the Sub Deacon Hubert (o r Humbert) the Bish o ps Ulrich
o f Padua and Altmann o f Passau
Gregory reposed especial confidence in Hugh Bishop of Die
Hugh s fiery z e al
wh o a f terwards becam e Archbishop o f Lyons
which no doubt recommended him to the Pope led him into several
hasty and impr u dent decisions which the Pope was obliged to
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-
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,
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’
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,
,
,
re ct if
y
Ano th e r zealous legate was Richard , the successor of Bernard ,
Abbot o f Marseilles , who , with the Cardinal Bernard, had been
entrusted with a legation to Germany in the year 1 0 7 7 The
devotion o f Richard and o f Hugh o f Lyons to Gregory is counter
balanced by their disobedience to his success o r Victor I I I who
found himsel f obliged to excommunicate them both They persisted
however in their obstinacy and were n ever reconciled to the Pope
I n his e ff orts to root out simony Gregory followed in the foot
steps o f Clem e nt I I L e o IX Nicholas I I and Alexander I I his
immediate predecessors I n the first half of the eleventh century
simony though acknowledged to be a crime and a sin was deeply
rooted in the Church The layman who purchased holy orders
bought usually peace security and comparative ease What was
so intrinsically valuable began to have its money price ; it became
an obj ect o f barter and sale At this time even the acts and
decre e s o f Councils declare that f rom the papacy down to the lowest
parochial cure every spiritual dignity and f unctio n was venal The
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VI I AS
GREG O RY
P O PE
2 59
Bishopric o f Rome had ofte n been notoriously sold and Te d ald o
Bish o p o f Arezzo so det e sted simony that h e would have become a
—
l
t
at least so says D o niz o
imoniac
P
pe
himse
f
root
the
sin
o
o
u
o
t
S
and J o hn Gratian himself b o ught the papacy some say to end
the vicious po ntifi cate o f Benedict I X Clement I I who declared
that until H e nry I I I intervened the Church o f Rome had laboured
under the morhus haereti cus ( simony) forbade the sale o f spiritual
o ffi ces under the penalty o f anathema and Leo I X and Nicholas I I
also strove to root o u t the deep seated evil Alexander I I had
vigorously combated it in the synods o f 1 0 6 3 and 1 0 6 8 as als o did
the Cardinal Bishops Peter Damiani and Humbert in their work s
L i her Gratissi mu s and Contra Si moni acos ; but while Peter Damia ni
rej oiced in the salutary intervention o f Henry I I I Humbert s wish
was that the Church should refo rm itself from within
Like Damiani and Humbert Gregory was keenly alive to th e
”
plague and almost his first public act was a declaration o f war
against sim o ny and the marriage o f the clergy in the Lent Synod
e i strum is silent as to details
The
The
two
Synods
of 1 0 4
R
f
o
7
g
1 0 7 8 also deal with this subj ect and in both o f them simoniacal
priests as such are anathematized This was the last ti me Gre o ry
brought the question of simony b e f o re a Synod To the end 0 his
life however he continued to use his influence to extirpate this sin
— this commune malum aene tati us terrce 1 as he writes to his legat e
p
Hugh o f Die
An important decision is given by Grego ry in the year 1 0 7 9
that a cleric who received ordinati o n at the hands o f a simoniacal
bishop if he were unaware of the bishop s simony and if there were no
other defect in the ordination S h o uld be considered validly ordained
provided the ordination took place before the year 1 0 5 9 and that
the ordained had led a blameless life Gregory like Nicholas I I
recomm e nded the faithful to hold themselves aloof from the service s
per f ormed by simoniacal priests and attempted to enlist the powe r
of secular princes against them The Du k es of Su abia and
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‘
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’
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1
R IV
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.
2 2.
,
,
2 60
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F G REG O RY VI I
Carinthia were asked to drive the simoniacal clergy by force if
necessary from the churches and altars ; and f o r e seeing the ill
impressio n that this inter v ention o f the secular powers would cause
Gr e gory wrote very characteristically that if any protested they were
1
to g o to Rome and complain to th e Holy See itsel f
As in the campaign against simony the eff o rts o f Leo IX
Nicholas I I and Alexander I I pr e ceded those o f Gregory VI I in
the campaign against clerical marriage In the Lent Synod o f 1 0 7 4
Gregory first appears as an opponent Of any breach o f celibacy
among the C lergy The f aithful are no t to attend the divine o ffi ces
per f ormed by clergy wh o do no t respect this d ecree It was decided
that if a priest deacon o r sub deacon had a wife o r a concubine
and did no t dismiss her and do penance he should be excluded
from the service o f the altar and declared incapable o f holding any
b e ne fi c e in the Church
F urther Gregory anathemat i zed the e eti ci Ni colaita wh o
ersisted
in
their
obstinacy
together
with
the
simoniacal
clergy
at
p
and we learn f rom the R eg i strum of the
t h e Lent Synod o f 1 0 7 8
Nove mber Synod o f this year that if any breach o f celibacy among
the clerg y is condoned by th e bishop o f a diocese that bishop is to
2
be suspended
This is the last time the question is brought before
a Synod ; but as in the case o f e ff orts to uproot simony in the
C hurch he c o ntinu e d the war against the marriage o f the clergy
t hroughout the lat e r years of his po nti fi c ate
I n an Encyclical
3
a ddressed to all the clergy
and laity of Germany he again adopts
the d oubtful policy o f recommending their diocesans to withdraw
,
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-
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’
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,
Si q ui autem contra v os, q uasi i stad ofi i ci i vestri
esset, ali q uid garri re i ncipiant, hoc
respond i te
ut, v estram et
uncta v ohis ohed i enti a
o u li salutem non i m ed i entes, d e i n
j
p
non
1
i llis
utatu ri
ad nos nohi scu m d is
p
pp
— R II
45
2 Si
ui s e i sco us f orni cati onem resh teroru m d iaconoru m seu suhd i aconoru m v el cri m
e
n
q
p p
p
y
i ncestas i n sua parrce chi a, preci hus vel preti o i nterveni ente, consenseri t, vel commissum si hiq ue
com ertu m auctori tate su i o
r
c
i
c
s
t
u
u
s
a
m
n
v
r
i
t
h
o
i
o
u
n
d
n
ii
n
o
i
a
e
a
e
,
fi
fl
p
p
pg
3
Aud i v i mus, q uod q ui d am epi scoporum a ud v os commoranti u m ut sacerd otes et d iaconi et
suhd i aconi , m
uli eri hus com
misceantur aut consentiunt aut negligent H is pree cipi mus vos nullo
mod o ohed i re, v el i llorum pra ceptes consenti re E p 1 0 (p ro ab ly wri tte n ec e mb er
v eni ant
.
.
.
.
.
p
.
’
.
1 07
4)
.
b
D
2 62
THE LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VI I
the simoniacal priests from the service o f the Church ; they were
to treat those i n cri mi ne f orni cati oni s j acentes in a lik e rig o ro u s
1
manner I n his zeal indeed he occasionally uttered unfounded
accusations against the lukewarmness o f the bishops in their treat
ment o f the Ni co laitae while many in Germany and other lands
with much reason condemned Gregory s measures as too sweeping
Sigb e rt of Gembloux is discontented
t o o sudden and t o o rigor o us
2
with Grego ry ; and W e nrich accuses him of having stirred up
”
“
the madness o f the laity against the clergy Moreover the
Pope draws no distincti o n between those ecclesiastics who had
contracted marriages in the Church who were in the maj ority and
those who were leading vicious lives All are branded and c o n
Even the Archbishop Sieg
d e mne d alike as living in fornication
fried o f Mayence who declares his willingness to endeavour that
the celibacy o f the clergy S hall be observed recommends the Pope
to take milder measures and lets him know that he may break the
”
It is noteworthy however that some of
b o w by overstraining it
Gregory s bitterest opponents were at o ne with him in their desire
for clerical celibacy Among the H e nri cians Benzo was strongly
in favour o f it and G uibert the anti Pope promulgated a decree in
1 0 8 9 recommending celibacy to the clergy as a duty
It is astonishing that among Gregory s partisans Paul o f
Bernried and B o nith o make no mention o f Grego ry s e ff orts in
that direction This is the more surprising as the question is so
prominent in Gregory s correspo ndence and decrees ; and in his
last letter (E p
summing up the programme o f his life Gregory
in the phrase that describes his e ff orts that the Church should be
”
“
free chaste and Catholic makes in the word chaste a special
3
reference to his life struggle to secure universal clerical celibacy
and thus promote the aggrandizement and supremacy o f the
Pontifical authority
»
,
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’
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’
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-
,
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’
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’
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’
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,
-
,
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1
R I 3
L i b ll i I p
p
S mmp
.
2
3
.
e
u
0
.
.
o ere
.
2
87
.
rocurav i , ut sancta ecclesia ad
p pri
ro
u
m red iens
d ecus, lihera,
casta,
et
VII A S
GREG O RY
P O PE
26
3
The war o f investitures strictly speaking began af ter the death
o f Gregory VI I and ended under P o pe Calixtus I I and Henry V
During Gregory s po ntifi cate from 1 0 7 3 to 1 0 8 5 this q uestion o f
the mod u s of the secular co operation and the investiture by Ring
and Crozier was not disputed Upon the other hand the n o mina
ti o n o f churchmen to bishoprics by laymen which Gregory V I I so
sternly withstood was o ne of the burning questions o f his reign
Already befo re Gregory s accession Cardinal Humbert in his
work Contra Si moni acos had disapproved in the strongest terms the
nomination to bishoprics by secular princes as a maxi mum nefa s
and lamented that the evil was so widespread that such nominations
1
were regarded as canonical The Lateran Council of 1 0 5 9 had
decreed that no cleric o r priest should obtain a C hurch from the
h ands o f laymen
This prohibiti o n however did not prevent
Bishop Anselm (who later o n became Pope Alexander I I ) from being
present as Roman legate at the ceremony in 1 0 6 0 by which the
Archbishop Siegfried Of Mayence was invested by the King o f
Germany
2
During the P o ntifi cate o f Alexander I I a Lateran Synod
repealed the prohibition almost v erhati m but no notice was taken
o f these measures in Germany
Hann o o f Cologne for instance
upheld the royal privilege o f nomination ; and in one instance
intrigued f o r the nomination o f his relative Conrad to the Arch
b ishopric o f Treves
Hanno however was so detested that
Conrad was refused entrance into his archbishopric and when
captured he was cruelly murdered whereupon the people o f
Treves chose Udo as Archbishop a choice that the ruling party in
Germany was obliged to recognize This example is interesting
as showing that the Old right o f the Diocesans to elect was no t yet
entirely abrogated in spite of the many cases of royal appointments
In 1 0 74 Gregory himself nominated and consecrated several
Italian archbishops and in the Lent Synod of 1 0 7 5 forbade th e
,
,
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,
-
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nec
Ut per laicos nullo
reti o
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2
i s c o u nc i was
mod o
q
ui
lihet cleri cus
aut
m nec
t
r ohti neat ecclesi a
r
h
e
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pr b ably h ld d uring
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th e
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ear 1 0 6 3
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s
t
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a
g
TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F GREG O RY VII
2 64
n o mination to ecclesiastical positions by laymen Unfortunately
the text of this decree is lost and the R eg i strum passes over the
event in silence O f the November Synod of 1 0 7 8 fuller details
“
are given ; we learn that no cleric shall receive investiture o f a
bishopric abbey or church at the hands of the Emperor o r King
” 1
or any o ther lay person man or woman
I n the event of his
doing so he lies under sentence o f excommunication After a
delay of a year and a hal f t he Lent Syn o d o f 1 0 8 0 took up the
matter again and gave directions regarding the choice of a bishop
Two very important decrees which deal with investiture by lay
men in especial by princes were next considered They belo ng
to the year 1 0 8 0 These decrees prohibit lay investiture— both the
acceptance o f it by the clergy and the grant by the laity— and the
”
investi ng layman is threat e ned with divine vengea nce in this
li f e ; whereas in the Synod o f 1 0 7 8 there are no such impreca
2
tions
I n cases where the bishopric etc was not procured by
means of simony the imprecation appears far too sever e a measure
but it is accounted for by Gregory s deep and rooted distrust of
the laity in general and o f princes in particular which was i ntensi
fi e d at this j u ncture by his strained relations with He nry I V
whom he again excommunicated at the same Council Such a
prohibition no doubt appeared to him as a death blow to his
mortal enemy simony Like his predecessors Gregory did no t
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Seq uentes statuta sanctoru m atru m— si cat i n pri orihus concili is, q ua Deo mi serante
— i ta et nunc a ostolica
cel
ehrav i m
us, d e ord i nati one ecclesi asticaru m d i ni tatu m statuzm
s
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auctori tate d ecerni m
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anu
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ersona susceperi t, nu llatenu s i nter episco
p
2
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pi p
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m ei gratiam i aneti P etri et
i ntroi tum ecclesia i nterd i ci mus q uo usq ue locu m q uem suh cri mi ne tu m amhi ti onis q uam
i nohed ie ti ae q uod est scelus i d olatri ae cep it resipi scend o non d eseri t
l
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ter etiam d e
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versioni s ulti onem i n hac prm
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p ore suo q uamceteris rehus suis sentiat at in ad ventu Domi ni spi ritus salvusfi at
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,
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,
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.
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
2 66
A proof that Gregory did not wish to disturb the feudal rela
tions between bishops and their suzerains may be found in the
1
extremely interesting declaration that the bishop (when elected
without lay intervention) might give his oath o f fealty to his over
—
lord a concession that was afterwards condemned by later Popes
I ndeed in the first year o f his po ntifi cate to j udge by a letter to
Bishop Anselm o f Lucca he appears to regard the prohibiti o n o f
royal investiture as only a temporary measure directed against
H enry IV until the King should have given up his intercourse
with excommunicated persons and have become reconciled to the
2
Holy See
When Gregory adopted this strict theory is uncertain he may
have hesitated f o r some time but at the close o f 1 0 7 4 or at the
latest at the beginning o f 1 0 7 5 he must have made up his mind
to an energetic campaign against lay investiture I n his letter to
Henry IV of December 1 0 7 5 it is clear that he wished to eff ect a
3
compromise with the young King and if possible to soften the
categorical prohibition ; and that this was the case is shown by
4
the fact that such great publicity was given to the decree
Even as
late as 1 0 7 9 when the colloq ui um in Germany was i n prospect
Gregory warns his two legates Peter and Ulrich no t to meddle
with the questi o n o f those bishops who have accepted lay investi
ture— that question is to be reserved for himself But any hopes
o f compromise were
destroyed by Henry IV s threat to depose
the Pope if the Pope did not immediately condemn his rival
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1
G
y wri t
re go r
es
Di c
to t h e
o
Aq u i l e i a
d ehi tamfi d elitatem regis perti net,
e sans o f
C eteru m, q uod ad serv i ti u m et
neq uaq u am contrad i cere
aut i m ed i re v olu m
us — R
5
2
re go r sa s t o
h is a vi c e u o n th e u esti o n
nse m o f
u c a, wh o h ad as e
e t er i t
i ng
e re
e rmi ssi
th e
e to b e i nve ste d
Ut v i am q ua amhules ostulasti ti hi notifi caremus, nullum novu m, nullum exped iti orem
as ea,
v i d eli cet
h
vesti tura e isco atus
sei m
u a; na er d eli cti oni tuce si n ficav i m
s
t
a
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i
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q
g i
p p
d e manu reg is ahsti nere, d onec, d e communi one cu m excommuni catis Deo satisfi ciens, rehus
hene com
osi tis, nohis cu m acem ossi t hahere — R I 2 1
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IV 2 2 ;
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VII A S
GREG O RY
P O PE
267
Rudolph and Gregory pursued his course without any hope o f a
peaceful settlement o f the question
History proves that Gregory went to o f ar and that it was
impossible to carry out his programme His ideal o f a canonical
choice by means o f an assembly o f the clergy and laity has ceased
the laity have no w no part in the e lection The
t o exist
clergy as a body are no longer electors and only definite clerical
O n the
o rgans and corporations are entrusted with the election
o ther hand secular princes have entirely lost the right of nominating
bish o ps or o f setting aside the choice o f the P o pe in such matters
Gregory is in the fullest sense the originator o f the present
hierocratic system his e ff orts to carry o u t the ecclesiastical reforms
to which his predecessors had led the way fade before his epoch
making po s ition as hierocrat So original is Gregory in this creation
o f his that it is di ffi cult to trace the influence upon him o f any o f
his contemporaries o r predecessors Certainly no such influe nce
1
is to be ascribed to Peter Damiani who was filled with a sense o f
the eth i cal and spi ri tual pre eminence o f the papacy but had no
vision o f the Pope as appointed by Christ to be the overlord above
all the kingdoms o f the earth the universal Aut o crat ; but certain
passages from the pen o f the Cardinal Bishop Humbert speaking
2
s omewhat slightingly
o f the pr i nces of the world and their power
may no t have been u ninflu e ntial
The theory of Augustine s City of God— in which a new Rome
was to use and rule the world by religion — no doubt floated before
the mind o f the Ponti ff Augustine s theory indeed was arist o cratic
rather than monarchical o r rather the monarchical power remained
—
centred in the I nvincible Lord in Christ Hims e lf To the Pope
there could be no Rome without a C aesar and the C aesar o f the
sp i r i tual monarchy was himself in him were gathered and c o nce n
trate d all power and all j urisdiction
He was their sole source
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as th at o f th e Relati o d e rehus M ed i olanensi hus, Rom
anum Ecclesi am solus i se fi cnd avi t,
ui heato v i ta x ternx C lav igero terreni si m
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I n h i s w o r C ontra Si moni acos
1
re e rri ng o n
to th e s
’
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Po
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.
.
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GREG O RY VI I
268
We shall see upon what Grego ry s ne w doctrine was based
what he deduced fr o m his fundamental preposses si o n — that o f
the power o f St Peter upon earth — and his application o f thi s
doctrine to the system he created St Peter is the central point of
G regory s scheme and to Gregory the first o f the Apostles appear s
in a twofold light To Peter as a Saint in Heaven Gregory bows
in veneration as a man and as a subordinate in his o fli cial capacity
“
Gregory is equal to St Peter and is in some aspects the earthly
1
To Peter in Gregory s mind attributes almos t
Peter himself
2
3
divine are conceded : his power is next to that o f God
In h is
”
“
position as the Earthly Peter the Vicar o f Christ u pon earth
Gregory felt his power to be unlimited in spiritual things
How
” 4
much the more therefore in things temporal
he argued using
his favourite arg u mentum a forti ori
When we consider the relation of the State and the royal powe r
to the power of the H o ly See we are met by a contradiction at
the outset Gregory expresses two irreconcilable points o f V iew ;
that the r o yal power ( I ) owes its origin to G o d ( 2 ) to man
alone
I n an early letter to Hen ry IV Greg o ry reminds him that
5
he has received his kingship from G o d
William I o f England
”
“
and Alphonso o f Spain are princes by the Grace o f God
”
“
God G regory writes to the same William
has created th e
apostolic and the royal powers as He has created the sun and the
mo o n
SO much for the first doctrine
A second doctri ne as to the origin o f the royal power was
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B h p
H
M z G
I n a e tte r to
ermann,
is o o f
et ,
re go r
ri tes : De ali is autem rehus,
m
n
m
e,
s ond eat
su er q u i hus m
e i nterro asti , uti nam heatus P etrus
r
i
r
a
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u
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g
p
q
uali cun ue suo am
u lo, honoratus v el i n uri am ati tur — R I V 2
j
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2 A t
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d ehitoremfi zcere q ui otest v ohis huj us v i ta et fi ctura salutem et honorem d are vel tollere,
r
us
u
i
ue nesci t fi d eles suos reli n ere, sed
t
s nov i t su erhi s resistere et con
n
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,
fi
q q
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autemgrati am d are eosq ue exaltare — R
I II 6
3
B eatu m P etrum solu mmod o d omi num et i m
r
atorem ost
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THE LI F E AND TI MES OF G REG O RY VI I
270
decide whether that ruler should be deposed by mean s o f h is
hierocratic decree
The further assumption that Gregory considered himself the
o verlord o f all Christian princes and all Christian princes as his
vassals and that he set o u t to found a universal monarchy is not u n
founded The Pope did not wish to become king perhaps nor a kin g
o f kings ; the royal power was to Gregory so infinitely beneath
that o f the papacy that he would not have stooped to pick it up
F o ll o wing the example o f Christ Gregory rej ected the kingdoms
”
the insignia and marks o f royalty had for him no
o f the earth
attraction his aim was to guide and gover n the rulers of this world
”
“
Earthly Peter
to punish and chastise them if necessary as the
O n the other hand his ideal if not a universal monarchy was
a universal hi erocracy ; and whoever as prince submits to this
”
“
hierocracy is truly free whereas the vassals of secular princes are
”
in bondage
I n this the temporal powers are subordinate in rank
to the Pope the highest spiritual power as the moon is less than
1
the sun
As the State is subordinate to the Church so the laws
The
o f the State are to be subordinate to the laws o f the Church
laws o f the Church and the will of the P o pe are to be obeyed
rather than (if they run counter to) the laws o f men or the will o f
secular princes It is obvi o us also that it is incumbent upon every
ruler to protect and defend the Church to help forward the will o f the
Pope and to force those disobedie nt to the Holy See into obedience
Starting from the standpoint of the subordination o f the secular
powers to the Holy See we observe various hierocratic measures to
punish disobedient princes either directly o r indirectly Gregory VI I
made use Of the following censures and punishments directed
against secular rulers
I
The
Ban
which
is
to
be
distinguished
from
the
e xc o m
( )
(
mu nicatio n pronounced against private persons owi ng
,
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Notu m autem ti hi
1
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p p
li hertati s
Romance
R II 6 3
matri
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statu
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esse cred i
d ehere
q
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mus
,
regnu
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,
sicat et
alia nohilissi
ma
in
uni v ersali
regna
nulli regi alteri u s regni sahici nisi sanctee et
verses
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fi
.
GREG O RY
VI I As
P O PE
27 1
to its operatio n upon the relation o f obedience between
rulers and subj ects )
The hierocratic suspension and dep o sition
The annulling of the O ath of Allegianc e
M ilitary expeditions
The imprecation o f misfortune o r evil
.
( )
(3 )
(4)
( 5)
Indir e ctly the ruler might be a ff ected by throwing the whol e
—
country over which he ruled under an interdict a meas u re through
which the innocent subj ects suff ered more than the guilty prince
The ruler was expected to yield from fear o f the anger o f h is
subj ects Such a measure was never actually empl o yed by Gregory
VI I but he certainly propos e d to put the kingdom o f F rance
under an interdict because o f the misdeeds o f Philip I That
monarch ( 1 0 6 0 —1 1 0 8 ) was guilty o f simony and at the close o f
the year 1 0 7 3 Gregory began seriously to consider the condition
o f the Church in F rance
He threatened s e vere censure if the
”
“
King p e rsisted in his S ins
If he in spite of this remained
1
obstinate Gregory proposed the interdict by the anathema g enerale
as a last res o urce which he hoped would rouse the F rench to with
draw their allegiance from the King The interdict threat e ned was
never actually pronounced against F rance
The sentence o f excommunication which withdraws from
e xcommunicated persons the sacraments and the blessings of th e
Church was directed alike against princes and persons in privat e
stations o f life As however in the Middl e Ages it was f o rbidden
to hold any interc o urse with the excommunicated its e ff ect upon
rulers and persons occupying public positions was infinitely more
—
disastrous the king was deserted by his o ffi cials his generals and
his soldi e rs and go vernment was rendered well nigh impossible
Thus this ecclesiastical censure resulted when e ff ective in the de
position o f the excommunicated prince it became a hierocratic and
political measure The ban was pronounced by Gregory against
2
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,
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,
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,
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,
,
,
,
,
-
,
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,
,
,
.
Franci pro certo, nisi fi d em chri stianam ahj icere malueri nt, generalis anathematis
—
mucrone percussi , illi (i e to th e i ng) alteri us ohtem
I
s
t
R
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2
VI I
THE LI F E AND TI M ES O F GREG O RY
2
7
Henry IV
f
Germany against the usurping Emperor of the East
Nic e ph o ru s B o to niati s and agai nst several Norman princes
In
neith e r o f the last two cas e s can it be considered to have been
the censure of the Roman Church could not
an e ff ective measure
aff ect the
schismatic Greeks ; and Robert Guiscard remained
s ix years under the ban without acknowledging any of its ill results
It was utterly disregarded by the people and the C lergy the pro h ib i
t ion of intercourse with the excommunicated was set aside
and the
Duke lost n o ne of his Norman following Gregory was aware of
t his and sought in vain to render the ban e ff ective
I n the spri ng
of
1 0 7 8 he suspended the Norman bishops who had no t appeared
and added that he would remove from his sacred
at the Synod
o fli c e f o r ever any bishop o r priest who gave the sacraments to the
excommunicated Normans but all in vain
”
“
When we compare the e ff ect o f these vain thunders upon
the Normans and the extraordinary impression caused by the
excommunication of Henry IV in his o wn country we are driven
to the conclusion that this impression in Germany was to a great
extent brought about by the vast and f ormidable conspiracy of
Henry s enemies who looked upon the ban as a means to hallow
all the oth e r motives for j ealousy hatred and dissatisfaction which
prevailed in so many parts of the kingdom Had there been no
o pp o siti o n in Germany had that kingdom not been divided against
“
itself we must suppose that the canonical prohibition of inter
c ourse
would have made as small an impression there as in those
parts o f Italy subj ect to th e Normans
It is impossible to ascertain precisely at what moment Gregory
became persuaded o f his power as the successor o f St Peter
i nd e pe n
t o suspend and depose rulers from their kingdoms
d e ntly o f the suspension or deposition that resulted from the b an
i tself
The assumption of this power dates at the latest f rom the
second year o f his P o ntifi cate ; f o r in December 1 0 7 5 he threatens
H enry IV with irrevocable deposition
Again after Henry s
u nlucky venture
the Diet o f W orms Gregory proceeds in
of
o
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T H E LI F E AND TI MES OF GRE GO RY VI I
2 74
Philip I o f F rance had been threatened with the ban and his
country with an interdict ; but the Pope was obliged to consider
the eventuality o f ban and interdict being disregarded W hat
—
then remained but to use force to snatch his kingdom from him
Similarly in the case o f King Alphonso o f Spain if the ban is pro
no u nc e d
and his subj ects will not aband o n the king Gregory
1
proposes to go himself to Spain et ad v ersum eum q uemad mod u m
i
i
n
i
cu m d u ra
He
will
ch ri sti anm reli i oni s
m
et asp era
m
oli ri
g
gather an army and lead it against the King himself ! P o rtu
Had he really
nately this scheme was never put into execution
attempted the invasion o f F rance or o f Spain he would only have
aroused the anger and discontent o f the pe o ple without succeeding
”
“
in saving the soul o f the king Sigb e rt of Gembloux speaks
very bitterly o f the use (o r perversion) of violent means to attain
spiritual ends
David did not deserve to build a temple to G o d
because he was a blood stained man ; how shall the high priest
enter into the Holy o f Holies if even a drop o f blood has stained
his garment
The imprecation o f evil upo n the disobedient and the hostile
was customary long before Gregory VI I in the Councils o f the
Church At the close o f the L aiteran decree o f 1 0 5 9 he who
f alsifi e s this decree is to taste the dregs o f all worldly bitterness :
“
“
May he feel the anger o f God
May his habitation be
desolate
May his children be orphaned and his wife a widow
May the earth fight against him and all the elements be contrary
”
to him
Gregory as a child o f his age was entirely in sympathy
with such a manifestation o f its spirit The sentence o f e xco m
mu nicati o n is looked upon by him as the source of definite temporal
misfortunes o r evils I n the case o f two brothers who were at
variance Gregory (who wishes to e ff ect a reconciliation ) threatens
whichever party remains obstinate with the anathema so that he
” 2
shall in future have no victory in war and no prosperity
Gregory also used a similar imprecation in his o fli cial capacity
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R V I II
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2
2
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R
.
VI
.
1
6
.
AS
GRE GO RY VI I
P O PE
27
5
at the Synod of 1 0 8 0
Here princes who persist in investing
“
bishops are excommunicated and may they unless they r e pent
feel the force o f divine vengeance in this present life in their persons
“
and in o ther things
while may Henry IV and his adherents
”
in all battles gain no strengt h in their lives no victory
No o ne no t even those who approve the hierocratic system
and are in favour o f its fullest extension c an approve these
imprecations o f Gregory s o r fail to recognize h o w far they are
removed from the sanction o f the Church The founder o f
Christianity it will be remembered rebuked the zeal o f John
”
“
and James who woul d have called down fire from heaven to
consume the people o f Samaria
In addition to the hierocratic right of censure and the hierocratic
right to punish and chastise Gregory claimed a right hitherto
unknown to the Church o f disposing o f kingdoms which is a
distinct increase and advance in th e Papal power He considered
himself j ustified in granting territories as a reward f o r services to
th e Pope o r as a recognition o f good co nduct
H o w he arriv e d at
this theo ry we do no t know but in 1 0 8 0 it was already familiar to
him and was for the first time brought into th e sphere o f practical
politics The conclusion o f his great speec h in the council o f that
year brings forward the statement that St Peter and St Paul (and
therefore Gregory as the Earthly Peter) as they possess the p ower
o f binding and loosing in heaven have also the power o f taking
away and granting the kingdoms o f this world principalities
” 1
duchies marquisates earldoms and the possessions o f all men
The Pope becomes thus an absolute sovereign over all things
spiritual and temporal the d omi nus d ominanti um His power is a
otestas ord i nari a and d i recta
h
e
t
By
this
assumption
proclaimed
to
p
Synod Gregory brings his hierocratic system to completion ; it
becomes incapable o f any further extension The li hid o d omi nati oni s
is satisfied
Agi t n n q m p tr
t
t mni m nd
t p ri n ip
i nt ll g t et gn
an ti i mi
t
i
t
t
t
d
i
i
i
n
l
i
l
r
t
r
m
p
r
r
r
i
n
t
i
t
r
t
n
i
i
n
i
i
m
l
e
q
p
g
g
p
p
p
m r hi
n d r
mitat
t
t m
ni m h m
i n mp e i n pr meri ti t ll r ni iq
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1
u a, s
a c
e
u c,
o es s
as, co
a
so,
cae o
us e
o
a
e: e
a e e
u
so ve
o
u
c
c
es s
,
o es s
ss
oss ss o es
,
u
s
o
a,
e
e
o
s
us
u
e
e e a
a,
o e e u
c
cu
co
a us,
ue e
osca
,
u ca u s,
co ce e e
.
2 76
THE LI F E AND TI M ES O F G RE GO R Y VI I
We may imagine that with the tremendous weight upon his
shoulders of the duty as he co nsidered it to support Atl as like
the burden o f all things secular and spiritual Gregory was often
weary and it occurred to him occasionally that the purely worldly
was really not his province But this feeling was at once suppressed
and the principle regained the upper hand— P ortamu s he writes non
-
,
,
,
,
,
.
solu
m sp i ri tuali u m
,
sed
,
mealari um i ng ens pond u s
et s
,
neg oti oru m
immense burden too heavy to be borne by mortal man
R
.
I 62
.
.
1
.
,
;
an
TH E LI F E AND TI MES O F G RE GO RY VII
278
hierocratic measures o f the year 1 0 8 0 were annulled or withdrawn
no new decrees of deposition o r of absolving H enry IV S subj ects
from their oaths of fidelity were pronounced
Victor I I I weary o f strife would have gladly come to an
understanding with Henry IV if the latter would have abandoned
his creature Guibert Upon Guibert Victor laid all the respo nsi
Hence no further cens u re was
b ility of the King s actions
pronounced against Henry IV during Victor s po ntifi cate Victor s
moderation rendered him unpopular with the extreme Greg o rians
Hugh o f F lavigny even refused to recognize him as the legitimate
Pope H ugh of Lyons writes that Victor contemplated an entire
departure from the policy of Gregory VI I and open ly asserted
that Victor I I I had consented to crown King Henry ; more
incredible still he averred that the invasio n of the patrimony of
St Peter took place with Victor s cognizance and assent The
uncompromising partisans of Henry IV and o f Guibert also
found fault with Victor III S pacific and moderate policy ; his
“
golden mean did not indeed please any faction
To Victor I I I succeeded in 1 0 8 8 O tto C ardinal Bishop of
O stia as Urban I I O tto by birth a F renchman who had been
brought up under the severe monastic discipline of Cluny had all
the resolute firmness and energy without the vacillation of Gregory
VI I tempered with caution and prudence He declared that he
followed in the footsteps of Gregory VI I but did not know of the
sentence o f deposition o f 1 0 8 0 He contented himself with insisting
that Henry IV as an excommunicated person should be avoided and
abandoned M eanwhile in Germany after the death o f Gregory
VI I the deposition o f 1 0 8 0 and the prohibition of intercourse with
the excommunicated Emperor became gradually forgotten King
William I of England recognized Henry IV as Emperor ; an
abbot speaks of him as i nv ictissimus R omanus pri ncep s monarchi am
strenu e u hernans and after the death of the anti King Hermann the
g
Sax o ns returned to their allegiance F rom 1 0 8 5 to 1 0 9 3 Henry s
power and prestige were O n the increase ; but after that date
a series of misfortu nes fell upon him The most terrible and
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A F TER E FF ECTS O F TH E H IER O CRATI C SYSTE M
-
279
saddening tragedy in his o wn family helped to break his spirit The
revolt o f his beloved son C o nrad who abandoned him and
formed an allian ce with Duke W elf crushed him to the earth and
the defection of Henry IV S wife Praxedis (whom he had married
after the death o f the Empress Bertha in
was a bitter blow
It is said that at the revolt o f Conrad Henry abandoned himself to
despair threw o ff the robes and insignia of royalty and was hardly
prevented by his friends from falling o n his o wn sword The black
accusations brought b y Praxedis at the Cou nci l of Piacen z a
March
1
1 0 9 5 struck a mortal blow at the fame and popularity o f
(
)
H e n ry and almost resulted in the total ruin o f the I mperial party
in Lombardy
Under Paschal I I another m o nk o f Cluny who showed himself
harsh and irreconcilable to Henry IV the Emperor s misfortunes
increased I n I 1 0 2 his second son H enry V (who had been
crowned king in 1 0 9 9 ) revolted from him under the pretext
that he would have nothing to do with o ne under sentence of
excommunication and succeeded in the Christmas o f I 1 0 5 in
taking the aged Emperor prisoner at Bingen At a Diet assembled
at Ingelheim the fallen Emperor stood before an assembly of his
enemies his son and the P apal legate at their head Broken by
indignities he was forced to abdicate and acknowledge that he had
unj ustly persecuted the holy Gregory wickedly set up the anti
Pope and oppressed the Church He implored if he conceded all
that he might at once be cleared from excommunication The legate
replied that that was beyond his powers the Emperor must go to
Rome to be absolved Henry IV made his escape to Cologne and
o n August
1
1
6
worn
with
fatigue
and
sorrow
he
closed
0
o
u
t
7
h is long and agitated life and his eventful reign of nearly fifty
years at L ii ttic h
During Henry s lifetime we are forced to admit that even the
ecclesiastical terms o f the ban had fallen into Oblivion O ne of the
many ecclesiastics o f high rank and character about his court was
O tto the ap o stl e o f Pomera nia O tto o f a noble Su ab ian family
who was born about 1 0 7 0 entered the S ervice of the Emperor in
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2
THE LI F E AND T IMES O F GRE GO RY VI I
80
as chaplain and instructed him in church psalmody The
Emperor even learned to sing and to compose church music O tto
prepared f o r him a course o f sermons f o r the whole year so short
as to be easily retained in the memory By accepting the o ffi ce as
chaplain to Henry he fell ip so facto under the sentence o f exco m
In
mu nicatio n and yet he took no steps to obtain absolution
1 1 0 2 he became Chancellor of the Empire ; a year later he was
appointed by He nry IV Bishop o f Bamberg While Henry had
t o admit in 1 0 7 3 that he had been guilty o f appointing unworthy
persons to high o ffi ces in the Church his later years are quite guilt
less in this respect O tto o f Bamberg honoured his memory in a
service in the memory o f the pious Emperor Henry I V
Henry IV S character has been undeservedly blacke ned by his
enemies
Numberless fables and anecdotes w ere invented to
dishonour his memory The Annales P ali d enses assert that he
worshipped an Egyptian idol and was bound by this cult to kill
a Christian o r to commit some sin upon a feast day o f the Church
while Praxedis his wife was induced to accuse him o f the most
—
o
h rrible and unspeakable o ff ences o f urging her to incest with her
o wn son among other charges which S how an almost inconceivable
depth o f malignity in Henry s opponents But while Hen ry s
weak nesses and faults are obvious he was c ertainly better than his
—
reputation He was always a convinced Christian even when he
protested against Gregory VI I S threat o f deposition he admits that
he might with j ustice be deposed if he denied the Christian faith
His kindness to the p o or erat v ald e mi sericors very compassionate
”
and pitiful in alms to the poor was often praised by the churches
“
O n his death the people mourned as though they had lost a
”
father ; they kept watch by his sepulchre and wept and prayed
f o r the soul o f their deceased bene f actor
Shortly before his death
he wrote to Philip o f F rance the beautiful words : B ened ictu s
10 3
9
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’
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,
,
.
m
n
i
a
e
D
us
p
otenti ssi mu s
p
er
o
exaltand i
et
humi li and i
q
mcu nq ue
v olu eri t
ue
rex
.
Henry V ( 1 1 0 6— 1 1 2 5) had agreed in Rome to cease from
the investiture o f bishops Hardly was he however in peaceful
,
.
,
,
2
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF G RE GO RY VI I
82
“
is reported to have said : I am compelled for the deliverance of
the Church and for the sake of peace to yield what I would never
”
have yielded to save my o wn life
An imperialist writer strangely
compares the conduct of Henry V on thus extorti ng the surrender
with Jac o b s wrestling with the angel for a blessing To Henry V
was surrendered the right o f investiture over the bishops and abbots
the King was crowned by the
o f the Empire and upon April 1 3
—
Pope as Emperor at St Peter s within closed doors for a tumult
o f the people was f eared
Henry V r e tur ned to Germany having wrested in one success
ful campaign that which no power on earth would have wrung
from the less pliant Gregory VI I But the Pope however sincere
in his wish to maintain the treaty was unable to resist the i n
dignation o f the clergy The strong party in the Church w hich
was imbued with the principles o f Gregory VI I was loud i n co n
t e mpt o f the Papal concession of the P ri v ileg i um They called
upon him to annul the unholy compact Bruno Bishop of Segni
denounced the Pope f o r violation o f the Ap o stolic Canons and for
heresy and Paschal was brande d as an enemy and a traitor to the
Church At length the violence of the cardinals and the general
discontent o f the clergy overpowered the unfortunate Pope who
was obliged to declare that he had acted f rom compulsi o n that he
had yielded up the right o f investiture only to save the City o f
Rome f rom total ruin He declared the whole treaty null and void
At the same time the wavering Pope kept the promise he had mad e
to Henry V at his c o ronation that he would no t utter an anathema
against him But though Paschal re f used to take upon himsel f
this act o f vengeance certain bishops decided to do so and Henry
was excommunicated at the Council o f Vi e nne The Pope made
no attempt to hinder them — indeed had he atte mpted it his e ff orts
would have proved unavailing his pow e r and prestige had su ff ered
a mortal blow by the treaty o f 1 I 1 1 He died in th e Castle of St
Angelo recommending to the cardinals that firmness in the assertion
of the claims of the Church which he had not displayed in the year
1 1 1 8
His successor Gelasius I I reigned but one year Whe n
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A F TER E FF ECTS OF THE HIER O CRATIC SYSTE M
2 83
-
Henry V appeared anew in Rome the unfo rtunate Pope was obliged
to escape f rom Italy to his native tow n o f Ga eta wher e he was
consecrated Henry V who considere d the el e vation o f Gelasius
as a hostile demonstration against himself no w determined to set
up as anti Pope B u rd inu s Archbishop o f Braga who took the
name o f Gregory VI I I and Gelasius after a vain att e mpt to b e come
master o f Rome died in the early part o f 1 1 1 9 Guido Arch
bish o p o f Vienne de scended from the Kings o f Burgundy was
unhesitatingly c h o se n b y the cardinals as his successor and took the
—
f
name o Calixtus I I ( 1 1 1 9 1
The conclave saw in its midst
the prelate who had boldly taken the lead in the excommunication
“
of Henry V and had condemned the P ri v i leg i um as an accursed
”
writing and had sent the decrees o f Vi e nne with a letter to the
“
Pope with this threatening and significant passage : If you will
confirm these decrees abstain f rom all intercourse with and rej ect
all pre sents f r o m that cruel tyrant we will be your faithful s o ns if
no t so God be propitious to us you will compel us to renounce
”
all subj ection and Obedience
As Pope Calixtus I I did no t hesitate to excommunicate anew
Henry V But he soon realized that such measures w e re u n
availing and sought a c o mpromise and a reconciliation with the
Emperor With regard to the question o f investitur e a change
had come over men s minds since th e time o f Grego ry VI I Under
Urban and Paschal the f o rm o r symb o l of inves titure was brought
t o the f ore
It became obvious to all that the use o f the Ring and
the Pastoral sta ff in investiture by the lay prince was unsuitable as
the Ring and Sta ff were the peculiar signs o f the spiritual o ffi ce of
the Bishop An o ther symbol that of the Sceptre was hencefo rth
to be appropriated to the investiture by secular princes Thus in
the year 1 1 2 2 peace was concluded by the so called concordat of
W o rms which cl o sed one period o f the long strife b e tween the
Church and the Empire The Emperor gave up the right of i n
vestiture by the Ring and Pastoral sta ff and granted to the clergy
throughout the Empire the right o f free electi o n the Pop e granted
that all elections o f bish o ps and abb o ts should take place i n the
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THE LI F E AND TI MES O F G REG O RY VI I
84
presence o f the Emperor o r his commissioners The b ishop elect
in Germany was to receive by the touch o f the Sceptre all the
temporal rights principalities and p o ssessions o f the See and
faithfully discharge to the Emperor all duties incident to those
principalities
When in the year 1 1 1 9 Calixtus excommunicated Henry V
the Pope also solemnly absolved from their allegiance all the subj ects
of
the Emperor ni si forte reszpi sceret et ecclesi e D ei satisf aceret
This definitive deposition o f the Emperor was however not pro
no u nce d and yet Henry V had deserved deposition far more than
his father Henry V s imprisonment Of Paschal in the year 1 I 1 1
was far more seri o us than any measure take n by his father against
Gregory VI I ; and Henry V s unprovoked acti o n in setting up
B u rd i nu s as anti Pope has no t the excuse o f his father s support of
Guibert Again compare the difficulty that Henry IV had in 1 0 7 7
in obtaining absoluti o n and Gregory VI I S delay and inhumanity
during the King s penance with Henry s reconciliati o n in the y e ar
1 1 22
The papal legate the Bishop o f O stia in administering
Holy Communion to the Emperor declared him reconciled to the
Holy See and received him and all his partisans with the kiss of
p e ace into the bosom o f the Church Neither an express absolution
no r a renewal o f the oaths of allegiance of the Emperor s subj ects
was pronounced and it is clear that Calixtus laying aside his earlier
extreme policy decided to throw in his influence in fav o ur of the
Empire and to strengthen his authority by all o wing the Emperor
greater freedom and greater considerati o n Henry IV was beaten
”
with many stripes whereas we are forced to admit that his son
whose character has many repulsive traits who sinned in his dis
graceful treatment o i his father in his harsh imprisonment o f Pope
”
Paschal and by his hypocrisy was beaten with few
Calixtus had restored peace to Christendom ; his strong arm
during the latter part o f his po ntifi cate kept even R ome in quiet
Obedience ; hence there were no opportunities f o r a considerable
period after the Concordat o f Worms for the exercise of hierocratic
measures by the Pope The theory however was not dead though
-
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2
TH E LI F E AND TI M ES OF GRE GO RY VI I
86
.
—
vassal
a relation however that lasted
declared himself the Pope s
but a S hort period
Th e Emperor F rederick I I was excommunicated by Gregory I X
his subj ects were released from their allegiance and he w as deposed
by I nnocent IV in a General Council which met in 1 2 4 5 at Lyons
Boniface VI I I who meddl e d incessantly in foreign aff airs and
put forward the strongest claims to temporal as well as spiritual
supremacy put forward the hierocratic theory in a special Bull
which however has not found a place in the actual Corp us j uris
I n this Bull ( Unam Sanctam) the th e ory that every
canoni ci
Christian is subj ect to the Pope is treated as a dogma and the
“
traditional interpretation o f the symbolic meaning o f the two
”
swords is explained away by afli rming that this temporal sword
borne by the m o narch is borne o nly at the will and by the
permission o f the Ponti ff ( ad nutum et pati enti am sacerd otis)
With the death o f Boniface fell also the Papacy o f the M iddle
—
Ages both in theory and in fact in theory through the ascendency
ut forward in the D e M onarch i a
o f counter theories such as those
p
o f Dante and in the writings o f IE i d iu s Colonna and John o f
g
Paris which enforced the reasonableness and necessity o f the
supremacy o f the political power ; in fact from the manner in
which the F rench King succeeded in eventually reducing the
Roman See itself to a mere agent o f his will The period o f the
so called
Babylonian captivity o f the Popes at Avignon where
Pope a f ter Pope held his court f o r nearly seventy years was no t
suitabl e f o r furth e ring the hierocratic system Nevertheless both
John XXI I and Clement VI in their bitter war against the Emperor
Ludwig the Bavarian set the machinery o f hierocratic measures to
work with r e sults that le d lat e r to the so called Golden Bull of
’
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6
35
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The o utbreak o f the Great Schism in I 3 7 8 struck deeply at the
sentiments o f veneration and deference which had been wont to
gather round the successor o f St Peter
I n a period o f thirty
eight years Europe was scandalized by the spectacle o f two rival
Popes —the o ne holding his co u rt at Rome the other at Geneva ;
.
.
,
,
A FTER E FF ECTS OF THE HIER O CRATIC SYSTEM
287
-
each hurling anathemas and the foulest accusations at the other
”
“
and compared by Wiclif to two dogs snarling o ver a bone
a j est which in itself aff ords S ignificant proof o f the low estimation
into which the Papacy had fallen Though however the power of
the P ope sensibly declined the theory o f the Bull Unam Sanctam
Obtained a wide literary c u rrency and in the fifth Lateran Council
IE
i
i
1 7 the Abbot and Cardinal
d
u s o f V iterb o
o f the year 1
5
g
assert ed the power o f deposing princes to be a necessary attribute
”
o f the Papacy
It is curious that as the Middle Ages drew to their close o ne o f
the w orst o f all Roman ponti ff s made a very wide application of
the unconditioned power o f the Pope over things temporal I n
May 1 4 9 3 Alexander VI addressed to F erdinand of Aragon and
Isabella o f Castile a Bull containing this paragraph
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
D e nostra mera li herali tate
et ex certa sci enti a a c
d e apostoli ca potes
tati s p leni tu d i ne omnes i nsulas et terras fi rmas i nv entas ac i nv eni end as,
a uctori tate omni otentis D ei
n
ohi s i n henta P etro concessa i n
er etu o
p
p p
d onamus
)
.
I n this utterance we get the last glimpse o f what has been
described as the cosmic authority o f the Papacy
In the latter half o f the fifteenth century the Popedom retires alto
gether into the background of the history Of Europe The Ponti ff s
pretensions were no t indeed in any way modified but his actual
p o licy was no l onger commensurate with them and the weap o ns o f
the interdict and anathema fell into disuse It is however a curious
phenomen o n that during the Ref o rmati o n period inaugurated by
Luther Zwingli and Calvin which so greatly reduced the numbers
o f the Roman Catholic Church
and erected an insuperable barrier
betw e en the c o mmunion o f Rome and the separated churches the
o ld hierocratic weapons were again unsheathed by the m o re energetic
and powerful Popes
Princes who came int o c o nflict with
R o me or wh o supported the new beliefs were forced to realize
that their high stati o n did no t pr o tect them fr o m Papal
censures and punishments Af ter Henry V I I I o f England had
been excommunicated by Clement VI I ( 1 5 2 3
Paul I I I
.
’
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF G RE GO RY VI I
288
d
e
m
o
u
m
R
e
t
r
in
a
Bull
reverts
to
the
medi
eval
u
a
Q
p )
( 5 3 4 5 4 9)
(
standpoint and like Gregory VI I releases vassals from their oaths
and forbids subj ects under pain of anathema to obey the king
Paul it is true no longer comes forward as suzerain o f England
for the short—lived relation o f allegiance to I nnocent I I I had long
been forgotten Again the action of Paul IV ( 1 5 5 5 — 1 5 5 9 ) in
emphasizing the theory contai ned in the Bull Unam Sanctam is
highly significant O n F ebruary 1 5 1 5 5 9 appeared the Bull Q u um
ex ap ostolatus ofli ci o of which the most important heads are these
1
The
Pope
as
representative
of
Christ
on
earth
has
complete
( )
authority over princes and kingdoms and may j udge the same
2
All
mo
n
archs
who
are
guilty
are
o f heresy or schism
( )
irrevocably deposed without the necessity of any j udicial form
They are deprived for ever of their right to rule and fall
aliti e s
under sentence of death If they repent they are to be confined in
a monastery for the term o f their life with bread and water as their
only fare
No
man
is
to
help
an
heretical
or
schismatical
prince
The
(3 )
monarch guilty o f this sin is to lose his kingdom in favour of rulers
obedient to the Pope
Paul IV i n his zeal had gone beyo nd al l his predecessors as
we see by the Bull whose provisio ns were so exorbitant that they
remained a dead letter None o f his successors dared to make a
practical application of his prete nsio ns
—
—
St Pius V ( 1 5 6 6 1 5 7 2 ) and St Sixtus V ( 1 5 8 5 1 5 9 0) trod in
the footsteps o f Paul I I I The former who in I 5 6 9 had ex pleni
tu d i ne apostoli cmpotestati s named Duke Cosmo de Medici Archduke
o f F lorence
turned the weapons of the hierocratic system against
Elizabeth the
Q ueen Elizabeth of Engla nd ( F ebruary 2 5 I
”
prete nded Q ueen of E ngla nd is excommunicated her subj ects are
released from their oath her ki ngdom is take n from her
G regory VI I began the series of hierocratic depositions by the
contrad i cti o o f Henry I V of Germany and Sixtus V c l osed the series
with his deposition o f the F rench king Henry IV Like Gregory
VI I o f humble birth Sixtus was the las t exponent o f the Gregoria n
—1
1
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
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.
.
,
,
,
.
.
.
.
.
,
,
,
’
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
THE LI F E AND TI MES OF GRE GO RY VI I
288
d
o
R
e
e
m
t
r
m
in
a
Bull
u
u
reverts
to
the
medi
eval
a
Q
p )
(
( 5 3 4 5 4 9)
standpoint and like Gregory VI I releases vassals from their oaths
and forbids subj ects under pain o f anathema to Obey the king
Paul it is true no longer comes forward as suzerain o f England
f o r the short lived relation of allegiance to I nnocent I I I had long
—
been forgotten Again the action of Paul IV ( 1 5 5 5 1 5 5 9 ) in
emphasizing the theory contai ned in the Bull Unam Sanctu m is
highly significant O n F ebruary 1 5 1 5 5 9 appeared the Bull Q u um
ex ap ostolatus ofi ci o o f which the most important heads are these
I
The
Pope
as
representative
o f Christ o n earth has complete
( )
authority over princes and kingdoms and may j udge the same
2
All
monarchs
who
are
guilty
are
o f heresy or schism
( )
irrevocably deposed without the necessity o f any j udicial form
They are deprived for ever o f their right to rule and fall
aliti e s
under sentence of death If they repent they are to be confi ned in
a monastery for the term o f their life with bread and water as their
only fare
n
No
is
to
help
an
heretical
or
schismatical
prince
The
m
a
(3 )
mo narch guilty of this sin is to lose his kingdom i n favour of rulers
obedient to the Pope
Paul IV i n his zeal had go ne beyo nd al l his predecessors as
we see by the Bull whose provisions were so exorbitant that they
remained a dead letter None of his successors dared to make a
practical application o f his pretensio ns
—
—
1
St Pius V ( 1 5 6 6 1 5 7 2 ) and St Sixtus V ( 5 8 5 1 5 9 0) trod i n
the footsteps of Paul I I I The former who in 1 5 6 9 had ex pleni
tu d i ne apostoli cae potestati s named Duke Cosmo de Medi ci Archduke
o f F lorence
tur ned the weapons of the hierocratic system agai nst
Elizabeth the
Q uee n Elizabeth of England ( F ebruary 2 5 1
”
prete nded Q uee n o f England is excommunicated her subj ects are
released from their oath her kingdom is take n from her
Gregory V I I began the series o f hierocratic depositions by the
contrad i cti o o f Henry IV o f Germany and Sixtus V c l osed the series
with his deposition o f the F rench king Henry IV Like Gregory
VI I of humble birth Sixtus was the last expone nt of the Gregorian
—1
1
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
-
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
.
.
,
,
,
.
.
.
.
.
,
,
,
’
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
A F TER
-
E FF ECTS
OF THE H I ER O CRATI C SYSTEM
28
9
System His death marks another great crisis in the history o f the
Papacy At the close o f the decree o f deposition o f Henry I V o f
F rance there stands an important protest against the new d o ctrines
He had elaborated a theory
o f the great Jesuit Cardinal Bellarmine
of the so calle d potestas i nd i recta i n temp ora lia and denied that the Pope
had o fli cially the power to rul e all things secular as well as sacred (as
Gregory VI I had assumed) and in especial that the Pope had the
p o w e r to dep o se princes Bellarmine s theory was that the P o pe
only had the right in special and extrao rdinary cases when the
spiritual condition o f the subj ects demanded such a step This ne w
p o we r he designat e d the potestas extraord inari a or relati v a
Bellarmine s theory was strongly opposed by Sixtus V who in
It is a mistak e to suppose
I 5 9 0 placed the Book upon the Index
—
with Scheeben that Sixtus V was over hasty in this pr o hibition
The last o f the really great Ponti ff s and a man o f str o ng charact e r
and good sense was no t liable to hasty and unc o nsidered impulse
Shortly after Sixtus V s death Bellarmine s theory won a wid e
currency It was owing to his influence that in 1 6 0 3 a work
received ecclesiastical censure in Rome which expounded the
hierocratic doctrine of Gregory VI I The Paduan Carriero in his
book d e potestate R omani P ontifi ci s ad v ersus impi os poli ti cos o ff ers
the following statements
.
.
,
.
,
-
,
,
,
’
.
,
.
.
’
,
.
,
.
,
,
.
,
’
’
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
P apa hahet p leni ssi mampotestatemi n u ni v ersum orhem terraru m,
tum i n rehu s ecclesi asti ci s tum i n rehu s p oli ti ci s
2
P apa, si ex causa reg es et i m
atores d esti tu i t orti u s eos i nsti tuere
e
r
p
f
1
.
.
.
otest
p
.
Im
erator i n
p
3
SO
.
mnihus
o
su h est
R oma no p ontifi ci
.
Paul V condemned the very principles that his predecessor
Sixtus V had wished to maintain
Later the power o f the ruler increased while the authority o f
the Pope in political matters sensibly decreased Very S ignificant
are the relations between Pope Pius VI ( 1 7 7 5 9 9 ) and the Emperor
Joseph I I In spite o f the Emperor s opposition to the Roman See
—f o r Joseph suppressed half the monasteries and priories throughout
the Empire declared the Bulls Unig eni tus and I n Cce na D omini null and
.
,
,
.
-
’
.
,
1
9
THE
2 90
L I F E AND
T I M E S O F G RE GO RY V II
id withi n th e l im its of t he Empi re and forbad e the i ntrod u cti o n
u nl ess it c oul d be sho wn th at th ey were
o f P apal di s pe nsati o ns
e nt— h e was mo st co ns i d erate l y treat e d by
ym
o b tai ne d wi tho u t
a
p
e ct e d agai nst him
t h e P o pe and no ce nsure s of t h e C h urc h are d ir
H is su ccess o r P i u s V I I had to cope wi th t he all-po we rf u l
N apole o n W h en N apo l eo n com pelle d th e Po pe to di so wn all
claim to rank as
r ul er P ius V I I issu e d a B u ll of
e xco mm u ni cati o n i
by nam e Those w ho had bee n act iv ely
P apacy were censured in gene ral t erms
th at t he b an ( u nli k e th at pro no u nce d
nst
H e nry I V o f Ge rmany) bri ngs with i t
no
n at u ral d e trim ent ; th at i s to say Napo l eo n i s not dc
by
N apoleo n as
t h e ban o f hi s posi ti o n o f Empe ror
kno w nev er so u ght absol u tio n from thi s cens u re ; and was
certai nly nev er absolv ed i n f ore externo y et P iu s V I I after the
Empe ror di ed i n S t H el ena celeb rat ed mass f o r t h e re po se of
hi s so u l
Leo X I I I w ho o n his accessio n fo u nd th e Papal S tat es removed
fro m h is co ntro l d i d no t exco mm u ni cat e th e Ki ng o f
nam e but o nly d ecl are d th at th e o cc u pi er o f th ose S tat e s
Al th o u h h e f el t th e loss
u nd er se nt e nce o f excommu ni cati o n
of t h e t em o ral soverei nty ke enl y
a
s t h e re prese ntati ve of th e
p
g
P ri nce o f P eace h e was adve rse to all vi olent att empts at Resto ra
ti o n I n th e impo rtant E ncy cl ical o f N ove mber 1 1 8 8 5 w hi ch
be gins wi th th e w ords I mmorta ls D ei w hi ch d eal s amo ng othe r
m atte rs wi th th e relatio ns be tween C h urch and S tat e we read
vo
,
,
,
.
.
,
.
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
g
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
ci li cet ecclesiasti cum ct civ i lem alteram ai v i ni s
’
s
certos,
,
,
q
u i hns conti neatu r,
,
m
mhm
altera
ai s rehu s
i nes
.
VI I
and
B ull
th at the
th e
AP PE N DI X
THE
S
ECO N D
L E TTE R
OF
G
M E TZ ,
RE G O R Y V I I
M A RC H 1 5
,
H E RM A N N
TO
,
BI S
HOP
OF
108 1
G RE G O R Y B I S H O P servant o f the servants o f God to O ur
well —beloved brother in Christ Hermann Bis hop o f M etz health
and the Apostolic Benediction
We know your desire to employ yourself and to confront
dangers in the defence o f truth and We see in your good—will
the action o f Divine Provid e nce The ine ff able grace o f Go d and
His marvellous bounty never permit His chosen ones to lapse
into complete error nor do they allow them to be altogether
conquered and enslaved by sin After the salutary trials o f per
th e elect
se c u ti o n and the anxieties which they have experienced
come forth stronger than be f ore F ear makes cowards shamelessly
rival o ne another in flight in like manner those inspired by manly
courage strive to be in the front rank and to obtain the palm o f
valour and bravery If We address this language to your charity
it is because you too wish to be in the front rank in the Christian
army ; that is amongst those who you know well are closest to
and most worthy o f the God who gives the Victory
You ask Us to come to your aid by O ur writings and to refute
the insanity o f those who maintain with their guilty tongues that
the Holy Apostolic See had not the right to excommunicate
King Henry that despiser of the Christian law that destroyer
o f Churches
and o f the Empire that abettor and accomplice of
heretics and that it had not power to absolve from the oath
It does not seem very
o f fidelity which had bee n sworn to him
necessary f o r Us to do this for this power is establ ished by ma ny
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
'
.
,
,
.
,
,
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,
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,
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,
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,
,
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,
,
.
,
,
29 2
APPENDI X
29
3
authentic texts o f Holy Scripture We cannot indeed believe
that those who for their o wn damnation and with unblushing
impudence oppose and fight against truth can in their ignorance
have had the audacity to use these texts as their
o r madness
j ustificati o n There would no t however be anything astonishing
in that f o r it is the custom o f the wicked to seek protection for
their vices and to defend their acc o mplices ; it matters little to
them if they ruin themselves by their lies
“
To quote o ne proof from among many Who does not
know that saying o f O ur Lord and Savi o ur Jesus Christ in the
Gospel Th ou art P eter and upon this roeh I will huild My ch u rch ;
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
I
.
,
,
,
i
1
i
l
l
v e to y ou
w
h
ell sh all not p rev a i l a a i nst i t
g
f
g
g
th e key s of th e Ki ng d om o
H
ea v en, a nd wh atsoev er y ou sh all hi nd
f
on earth, shall he hou nd also i n h eav en, a nd wh atsoev er y ou sh all
1
loose up on earth , shall he loosed also i n h ea v en
Are kings an
a nd
th e
a tes o
.
.
exception ? Do they not form part o f the flock confided to
2
?
St Peter by the Son o f Go d
Then We ask wh o will dare
to claim that he has nothing to do with the power o f St Pete r
that the universal power o f binding and loosing given to St
?
NO o ne would act in this
Peter has no reference to him
manner but that unhappy man who unwilling to bear the y o ke
3
o f the L o rd
would submit to that o f the devil and renounce
his right to belong to the fold o f Christ By this proud denial
o f t h e power divinely granted to St Peter he would obtain liberty
a sad liberty indeed for the more he denied the power the more
heavily would his eternal damnation weigh upon him o n the day
o f j udgment
As the Holy F athers accepted with the greatest respect this
institution ordained by the divine will this fundamental basis o f
the constitution o f the Church this privilege granted by a decree
from heaven to blessed Peter prince o f the Apostles they have
always given to the Holy Roman Church in their general councils
as well as in their decrees the title o f Universal Mother Just as
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
1
St
.
M att
.
xv i
.
1
8,
1
9
2
.
St
.
J hn
o
xxi
.
1
7
3
.
St
.
M att
.
xi
.
o
3
.
2
APPENDIX
94
they have acknowledged her authority in matters of faith and inthe
teaching o f holy religion so they have also bowed down before her
j udgments They have been unanimous in thinking and declaring
that the most important questions the most weighty matters
the declarations of all the Churches were withi n her j urisdiction
because she is the Mother and head o f all the Churches They also
declared that it was no more allowable to appeal from her decisions
than to modify o r rej ect them Thus Pope Gelasius speaking in
the name of a divine authority and writing to the Emperor
Anastasius to show him what his attitude should be towards the
h e ad o f the holy Apostolic See expresses himself in these terms 3
If i n g eneral all the fai thf u l oug h t to he s u hmi ssi v e to the p ri ests when
th e latter are the fa i thf u l i nterpreters of God wi th mu ch more reason
r
ou ht the P ont
o
t
S
l
c
a
h
o
a
h
e
H
o
ee
o
h
e
o
h
e
e
d
e
d
h
e
i
G
d
t
s
s
ifi f
ly
y
y
p
g
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
h onou red hy the Ch urch wi th h u mhle a nd conti nual
Human wi sd om, h owev er p erfect i t may he, cannot ri se to
su hmi ssi on
k
n
owled e, as h e wh o en oy s th e ri v i le e o hei n ra i sed
su ch h eig hts o
f
g
p
g f
g
j
a hov e a ll hy
Chri st H i mself , and whom the Ch u rch consi d ers and
a hov e a ll
i
r
ests, and
p
.
has alway
s
he h er P ri mate
Bishops o f the
h eld
to
a similar manner Pope Julius ?
East concerning the power of the
1
.
writing to the
Apostolic See speaks as follows
In
,
M y hrethren, si nce y ou were sp eak
,
H oly R oman and flpostoli c Ch u rch y ou oug h t to hav e
i
t
h
r
ex ressed y ourselv es, not wi th i ron
h
t
w
es ect, as ou r L ord J es u s
u
y
p
p
Ch ri st Hi mself spoke to H i s Church wh en He sai d to her Th ou art P eter,
a nd u on th i s rock I wi ll hu i ld M ch urch a nd the ates o hell sh allnot re
p
y
f
p ”
g
v ai l a ai nst h er ; I wi ll i v e to th ee th e key s o th e Ki n d om of h eav en
g
f
g
g
i ng
th e
to
,
,
,
,
.
By a unique privilege she can indeed open and close to whom she will
the gate o f the heavenly kingdom I s not he who has such power he
who can open o r shut Heaven itself compete nt to j udge o f the things
The contrary cannot be maintai ned Do y o u remember
o f earth
9
a
d
a
l
the words of St Paul : Know y ou not that we sh llj u g e ng e s h ow
3
The blessed Pope Gregory
much more th e thi ngs of th i s world ?
,
,
,
.
.
.
.
,
1
2
I t i s,
j
'
St
.
J l
h w
o
M
p 41
M ign
Regesta P ontif : roman 6 3 2
igne , P atr lat 5 9 ,
n
1 6;
u i u s 1, 3 4 1 —5 2 ;
afi e , Reg esto Fautif rom
a
J
9
ever, a a se
ec re ta
c f H i nsc h i u s,
4 64
afi e ,
.
.
.
'
.
.
fl d
l
.
p
.
.
.
.
3
p
1
P atr lat 8 ,
8
9
I
o ri nth v i
3
e,
C
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
APPENDI X
296
instituted to bring honour to Him and which in His mercy
H e has granted to the whole world If the Son o f this all powerful
G o d is undoubtedly God and Man He is also the H ig h Priest the
chief of all priests and He is now seated at the right hand o f the
1
F ather where H e intercedes for us with o u t ceasing
The Son o f
God despised the earthly kingdoms of which the sons o f this world
are so proud it was o f His o wn accord that H e chose and
embraced the priesthood of the Cross Every o ne knows that the
first kings and the first dukes were men ignorant o f Go d who
influenced by bli nd cupidity and intolerable presumption aided
moreover by the Demon prince o f this world strove by the help
lies and h o micide and almost every vice to have
o f robbery
dominion over their equals that is over other men When these
kings and dukes sought afterwards to draw the priests o f the Lord
int o their ways to whom can o ne more fi tly compare them than to
2
him who is the head o f all the sons o f prid e to him wh o tried
to tempt the Sovereign o f Ponti ff s Himself the Chief o f Priests
the Son o f the Most High by showing Him all the kingdoms o f the
world and saying to Him I will g i v e y ou allth i s y oufall d own at my
3
feet and ad ore me Who can doubt t h at the priests o f Christ are the
fathers and masters o f kings that they are the princes o f all
?
the faithf u l
I s it not an act o f utter madness when the son
tries to rule the father the disciple the master when he wishes to
reduce him to submissio n by imposing on him iniquitous conditi o ns
though he knows well that this father and master has the power o f
binding and loosi ng o n earth as well as in heaven
The blessed
“
G regory reminds us o f this in a letter to the Emperor M au rice f
The Emperor Constantine the Great chief of almost all the kings
and princes o f the world thoroughly understood the power o f the
priesthood At the Ni ce an Council he wished to be placed bel o w
the bishops nor did he try in any way to maintain his opini o ns
against theirs o n the contrary he styled them God s and protested
that it was for him to follow their opinions and not for them
Go d
,
,
,
,
-
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
-
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
1
R
o
mans vi i i 3 4
4
fi
e
1
a
J
.
2
.
,
Reg
.
1
3 59
J
o b xi i . 2
M i gn
e,
5
3
St
.
P atr lat 7 7 ,
.
.
p
.
76 5
.
.
M att
.
iv 9
.
.
APPENDIX
297
yield to him I n the letter o f Pope Gelasius to the Emperor
Anastasius already quoted in order that the Emper o r might not be
the Pope adds : Oh
o ff ended by the truths he had j ust heard
to
.
,
,
,
,
twop owers g ov ern the world , th e sa cred authori ’
E mperor fl ug ustu s
g
h
ower of thi n s
u t the auth ori t
o
o th e
ontif s a nd the
r
i
e
s
t
s
i
s
t
h
e
y f p
p
g
f
p
ore the ud ment- seat o God th e
r
i
e
st wi ll he held
sup eri or one, heca u se he
f
f
j g
p
1
t
h
e ici n
And
a
little
farther
on
resp onsi hle f or th e cond u ct o
Y
o
u
f
g
see hy th is, that th ey are not to su hmi t to y ou r wi shes y ou , on the contrar ,
y
a re to how to thei r d eci si ons
.
.
Supported by such facts and by such authority several
P o nti fi s have excommunicated kings and emperors
The blessed
Pop e Inn o cent excommunicated the Emperor Arcadius f o r having
2
allowed St J o hn Chrysostom to be driven from his See
The
Roman Ponti ff Zachary made the king o f the Franks descend from
his throne not so much on account o f the evil deeds he may have
committed as because he was no t doing any serv i ce 1n the high
positi o n he held He released the F ranks from their oath Of
fidelity which they had taken to their king and he put in his place
Pepin the father of the Emperor Charlemagne The Church acts
in the same way when by right o f her apostolic authority she
deposes bishops from their episcopal sees and releases the soldiers
o f Christ fr o m the oath o f fidelity s w
orn to them The bless e d
Ambrose who was a saint but was never P o pe excommunicated
and kept out of the Church the Emperor Theodosius the Great
for a crime which did no t appear very serious to other priests
He proved in his writings that the sacerdotal dignity is as much
above the royal dignity as gold is superior to lead Thus he
writes concerning the very principle o f the pastoral o fii ce There
,
,
‘
.
,
.
.
,
,
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
i s noth i ng ,
mp ared
my hrethren, worthy of hei ng
M
M
p
p
co
to the
,
h onou r
a nd
r
1
2
i
n
a
t
G
e
e
6
P
R
3
J
g ,
5 9,
4
g
2
h
t
e
n
I
t
o
o
e
t
h
r
f
I
nn
e
o
afi e , Re
2
0
P
a
t
r
6
2
T
e
e
t
t
i
2
0
n
e
G
,
J
g
g ,
9
9
VI I a u d e s, i s a
E m ero r Arc ad i u s and th e E m ress E u o xi a, to
i
rego r
i gne , P atr Gr I 1 4 6 ,
d o c u me nt no w a mi tte to b e a o r
a
se e t i s e tter i n
103 7
i t o rms th e 3 4 th c a ter o f th e 1 3 th o o o f th e E cclesiastical H istory of
Ni cephorus C alli stas
1
'
afle ,
.
.
p
p
.
f
d
d
.
.
.
.
p
d
p c yph l
hp
.
.
.
.
.
l
wh ch G
y
h l
M
b k
c
ll
.
.
.
APPEND I X
298
g
fi
the ep i scopal o
f
reatness o
ce
;
li ken i t f or example
to
,
,
to th e splend our
tate, to the d i ad em of pri nces, is li ke com
ari n j he hri ht
S
p
g
g
f
D o we not i nd eed see ki ng s and
ness of g old to the d ull lu stre of lea d
t
h
ei r h and s and
r
i
n
ces throwi n them
selv es at th e feet of pri ests, ki ssi n
g
p
g
ray ers ?
a sha re i n thei r
A
little
farther
o n, he says
im
l
ori n
p
p
g
av e wri tten to y ou at su ch
reth ren, th at,
I
h
Y ou u nd erstand , m
h
y
t
a
n
e
u
n
a
t
n
n
l
d
c
r
s
s
o
o
t
h
o
h
i
i
n
t
h
i
w
o
r
leng th, i t i s solely to i m
u
s
p
p
y
g
1
rand eu r of the e i sco a cy
t
h
e p ri esth ood and th e
e ua l the excellence o
f
g
p
p
q
the roy al
o
.
.
Your fraternity must remember that no layman receives
2
power equal to that granted to the exorcist since the latter is made
3
a spi ri tual emperor for the purpose o f casting o u t demons
Kings
and princes who neither live in accordance with their religion nor
perform their actions from the fear o f God place themselves in
the power of the devils and are held by them in the trammels of
bondage If truly God fearing priests desire to rule it is because
i nflamed by Divi ne Love they desire to promote the honour o f
God and the salvation o f souls Princes such as those mentioned
above seek power only in order to gratify their passions and to
give f ree course to their indomitable pride
“
The blessed Augustine says o f them in the first book Of
4
Whoev er aspi res to rule those who are natur
Chri sti an D octri ne
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
-
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
hi s
a ll
y
e uals,
q
that
h
i s,
ot er
i
v es p roo
f
g
men
,
i ntolerahle prid e
f
o
.
S ince as has been said exorcists have received f rom Go d power
5
over the demons much more have they power over those who
,
,
,
k
i s an e xtrac t fro m a w o r o ften e nti tl e d De d ignitate sacerd otali ,
f o r a lo ng ti me attri u te d to St
mb ro se : c p M igne, P atr lat T xvii p 3 6 7 ,
e ne d i c ti ne e d i to rs o f
A endi ce aux ce nt/ res d e Sai nt Amhroise
c c o rd i ng t o th e
St Amb ro se , th i s treati se i s no t by t h i s Fath er o f th e h u rc h
2 Th e e x
o rc i st i s a c l e ri c , wh o h as re c e iv e d th e th i rd o f th e fo u r mi no r o rd e rs,
wh ic h h e mu st rec ei ve e fore arrivi ng at th e su b-d iac o nate, d iac o nate, and p ri esth oo d
3
h en o rdai ning exo rc ists th e isho p says : eum otrem d eprecemur, at has
d
t
t
s
t
r
s
i
a
a
m
l
o
s
s
o
s
h
n
t
r
u
m
r
c
s
t
r
u
m
u
s
i
n
r
r
a
o
d
u
u
d
c
i
u
n
o
c
i
x
o
i
a
i
t
u
a
l
s
i
m
e
e
r
n
i
e
i
e
e
i
e
e
e
e
,
fl
f
p
g
p
n
s d ae m
n
ci staru m
ah
c
o
o
n
C
P
n
t
m
n
d
r
d
i
n
a
t
i
o
x
o
r
e
i
i
d
s
o
R
o
a
O
e
e
e
e
f
j
p
i
4
Li b I c 2 , 3
Opp S Augusti ni , e d C aellan, 1 i v p 4 3 5
5
h en th e b ish o p o rdai ns exo rc ists, h e say s : omine hened icere d ignare hos
‘
—
l
u
s coercend i
m
s
a
u
o
s
t
:
u
t
i
m
r
m
h
a
t
r
t
s
m
m
n
d
o
t
c
m
a
n
l
u
n
R
o
i
h
a
i
i
u
i
P
n
o
c
i
e
u
e
o
f
y
1
Th i p a
ssag e
s
b
pp
.
A
.
A
.
b
W
.
.
W
.
.
.
.
p
B
.
B
C
p
.
.
.
D
.
p
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
D
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
APPENDI X
0
0
3
may reign eternally with the Supreme Emperor : the power of
the second is exercised in such a way that they w ill be lost f o r
ever with the prince o f darkness the king o f all the sons o f pride
It is not surprising if bad bishops make commo n cause with an
impious king ; they receive their honours from that king in an
unlawful way hence they both love and dread him at the same
time By th e ir consent to perform simoniacal ordinations they as
it were sell God at a low price The elect are indissolubly united
to their head the reprobate in like manner cli ngs tenaciously
round him who is the author o f evil especially when the matter at
stake is to resist the good To argue with them is of little avail
rather weep over their sad fate that the all powerful God may
deliver them from the snares o f Satan and that He may in the end
open their eyes to the truth
So much for kings and emperors who intoxicated by earthly
glory reign not f o r God but for themselves Now the duty o f
to exhort each o ne according to his position and
o u r o fli ce is
dignity
We must therefore with the help o f G od speak of
humility to emperors kings and other princes in order that they
may resist the waves of pride which impel them like the moti o ns
Earthly glory and worldly cares rapidly develop pride
o f the sea
especially in those who rule carried along in its current they cast
aside humility ; and filled with desires o f their o wn gl o ry they
long f o r dominion over their fellow men It is most important
f o r emperors and kings to lear n to practise humility when their
minds aspire to great things and when they wish to shi ne with
resplendent glory in the eyes of the world Let them seek m o tives
See
o f fear in all that has hitherto been to them a subj ect o f j oy
what danger is involved in the royal o r imperial dignity how liable
it is to fill the heart with uneasiness
Very few o f those invested
with royal greatness attain to salvation and those who by the help
o f God
are no t lost eternally by virtue Of a j udgment o f the
Holy Spirit are no t glorified in Ho ly Church as are such numbers
,
,
1
,
,
.
‘
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
-
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
2
,
.
,
,
-
.
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
1
J
o
b
xli
.
2
5
2
.
Ps
.
xc i i
.
4
.
APPENDIX
the poor F rom the beginning o f the world down to o u r o wn
times it is imp o ssible to name seven emperors o r kings whose
lives have been such models of religious perfection so filled with
miracle as the lives o f innumerable persons who were nothing in
the e yes o f the world We believe however that through the
mercy o f the omnip o tent God several o f them have been able to
save their souls What emper o r o r king could be compared we do
no t say to the Apostles and Martyrs but to blessed Martin o r
?
r
Antony o Benedict in regard to the gift o f miracles
What
emperor o r king ever rest o red the dead to life cured lepers o r
gave sight to the blind ? We have the Emper o r Constantine o f
pious memory the Emperors The o d o sius Honorius Charles and
Louis who loved j ustice spread the Christian religi o n and defended
the Church the Church praises and venerates them yet she d o es
no t say that they had to a striking extent the gift of miracles
What altars or basilicas are there dedicated to a king o r an
emperor ; has the Church ever allowed Mass to be celebrated in
honour o f any o ne o f them
Kings and princes so proud o f being
ab o ve other men in this life ought to fear all the m o re lest they
should b e condemned to eternal fire in the life hereafter Thus it
is written The mig hty sh all he mightily tormented
They will have
to render an account o f each subj ect under their sway If it
is no small lab o ur f o r any ordinary mortal fill e d with the spirit o f
religion to save one single soul that is his o wn how great is not
the responsibility o f princes who have the charge of thousa nds o f
s o uls ! H o ly Church punishes severely the sinner who has c o m
mitte d homicide what then will happen to those who have caused
death to th o usands o f persons for the sake o f the glory o f this
world
It sometimes happens that after having been the cause o f
death to many they utter with their lips a mea cu loa ; but in th e
depths o f their hearts they rej oice at the extensi o n o f their glory
and power They are very far from wishing that they had left
their great deeds undone ; the fact of having sent their fellow
o
f
0
1
3
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
1
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
1
Wi d
s o
m vi 7
.
.
AP
2
0
3
PEND IX
creatures to Tartarus fills them with no compu nction Their
repentance is worthless in the sight o f God it is no t inspired by
true c ontrition of heart as they do not wish to give up what they
have acquired by conquest and at the cost of so much human
blood They have reas o n to fear ; they ought often to recall to
their minds what we have already said that a very small number o f
saints is to be found amongst the multitude o f kings who have
succeeded o ne an o ther o n the di ff erent thrones o f the earth since
the beginning o f the world O n the other hand in o ne single line
o f P o nti fls as f o r instance the Roman Ponti ff s from the time o f
St Peter more than a hundred are distinguished for eminent
1
sanctity
What reason is there for this unless as has been already
said it is that kings of the earth and princes fascinated by a vain
desire o f glory subordinate their spiritual interests to the temporal
interests o f themselves and their kingdoms Truly godly ponti ff s
o n the contrary allow no earthly matters to come between them
and the ca u se o f God The fi rst mentioned are remorseless in
avenging personal a ff ronts ; but when the o ff ence is committed
against G o d they seem to lack energy to punish the o ff e nders
the secon d easily forget the wrongs done to themselves but with
d ifli c u lty pardon the inj u ries done to God
The former engrossed
i n the things o f this world set little value on spiritual things the
latter having their thoughts constantly directed towards heaven
feel nothing but contempt for all that is of this earth
“
All Christians therefore who desire to reign with Christ
must be cautioned against seeking power from motives o f earthly
ambition ; they must no t lose sight of the warnings given by the
2
holy and blessed Pope G regory in the Pastoral
the li ne of acti on to he
followed is he says not to accept power u nless we are forced to d o so
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
’
,
,
,
.
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
-
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
u nless
in
moreov er we p ossess the
,
1
2
v i rtues
necessary to
,
not y i eld ,
exercise that
w
er ;
p
o
me a uth ori ty
and assu
,
He
who
is
filled
with
the
fear
j
God will take his seat o n the Apostolic See with feelings of the
e v en
of
,
wanti ng we must
case th ese v i rtues a re
we
,
,
,
a re su h ected
to v i olence
.
,
,
Gr g y w
e
or
as t h e
1
h
t
55
I n th e Regula P ast
’
.
,
P
.
P p
o
I
.
c
.
e
of
p d
w
d
his re e c e sso rs 7 5 ere venerate
n
r
r
e i c t, II
10
S
e
d
e
o
G
e
O
,
,
9
g
pp
.
.
.
.
B
d
.
.
as
Saints
.
APPENDI X
0
3 4
the Gospel I seek not My own g lory and that other saying o f His
2
Whosoev er sh all he th e fi rst among y ou shall he the serv ant of all Let
them always place God s honour before their o wn let them practise
j ustice by being faithful in r e specting the rights o f every o ne ; let
3
them not frequent the assemblies o f the wicked ; let them o n the
contrary adhere with fidelity to the advice o f godly men They
ought never to seek to rule the Church and make a slave o f her
instead o f acting thus they must duly honour the priests o f the
Lord who are the eyes o f the Church and see in them masters and
fathers If we are obliged to honour o u r fathers and mothers
acc o rding to the flesh much more are we obliged to honour o u r
parents according to the Spirit If he who curses his o wn father or
mother is to be punished by death h o w severely ought not he to
be punished who curses his spiritual pare nts
Under the impulse
o f their carnal love princes must no t try to place any so n of theirs
at the head o f the flock f o r which Christ shed His blood if they
know o f some one more fitted and more use f ul than that son by
their inordinate love for that son they might inflict o n the Church
a grievous wrong It is a clear proof that we do not love God and
o u r neighbours as Christians ought to love them if we are unwilling
to do all we can to assist o u r Holy Mother the Church in such an
important matter Without the love of God and one s neighbours
that is without charity —all the good which is done is absolutely
worthless f o r salvation Those o n the contrary who act with
humility and give proof of a constant love o f God and their neigh
bours may hope in the mercy o f Him who said L earn of M e
4
heca use I am meek and h umhle of h eart
Imitating Him i n His
humility they will rej ect this ephemeral royalty which is nothing
b u t slavery exchanging it f o r another sovereignty o ne of true
liberty to last for all eternity
“
Reasons such as these may help kings and princes to fortify
themselves against pride and vainglory
We have thought it
right to lay them briefly before your fraternity and those who
1
,
,
.
’
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
’
.
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
.
.
,
1
3
St
.
J hn
o
P lm i
sa
.
v
I
iii 5 o
.
2
.
4
.
St
St
.
.
M ark
M att
.
x
4
4
,
x1 2 9
.
.
.
APPENDIX
0
3
5
speak through the mouthpiece o f the Church to enable you to pay
a courageous and persevering homage to truth — that truth no w
almost abandoned and left to the defence o f but a f ew brave
champions Y o u remember what blessed Gregory says in the
1
Seventh Book o f his Morals
in explaining the verse They that
fear the hoar frost the snow sh all fall upon th em Here are his
words : The fear of the ad v ersiti es of thi s world ca uses some to ru n
,
.
’
,
,
,
eternal
f
the ri sk o
“
.
misfortune
2
.
In the name o f the O mnipotent God and through the
authority o f blessed Peter prince o f ap o stles We grant y o u brother
Hermann permission to fulfil the Episcopal duti e s in all the
bishoprics o f the kingdom o f Lorraine in which the Bishops
have been excommunicated for having held intercourse with
Henry formerly called king
This permission will hold good
—
so long as these Bish o ps remain excommunicated that is u ntil
they have been absolved either by Us o r by O ur lawful
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
n
‘
S U CCC SSO I
L
1
2
J
vi
.
ob v
i
s
d e nc e
A
B
l
ru sse s
26
.
1
.
6
App
.
e tte r o f
of
on
p
c
Th i l
3
s
.
i
.
3
t
hi
s
G
p
c rip t
Po
manu s
fro m St
.
S Gregori i ,
.
u o tati o ns
G
e
a
o
a
c
e
e
o
s
e
e
o
e
.
.
di
e
.
.
.
T
ct
I
.
M tz
of
e
2 1
;
J
.
p
is
afle ,
.
22
to
5
be
.
f
d
oun
M on Greg
.
o
B b
f
.
l
p
.
A
.
.
f U d alri c h o f am e rg ,
th e
re at, and so me e x ressi o ns o f
meani ng o f th e e tte r We ave o lo
ro m th e
i rar
u se u m,
ru n e
th e v e rsio n
s
s
e ne
VII to t h e ish o p
reg VI I , Regi st v i i i
re go r
o
.
ve
G
B
.
B
y
and
,
.
d
reg o r
y
G
n th i ng th t ad d t
th r al
p rt th M S i n th B ri ti h M
ar t
b th t xt C f p 4 6 5
gi
q
e
ha
G
i n the
,
ve
pp
.
so
y
re g o r
co rre
45 3
me
—6
ot
h
7
.
er
VI I , b u t
h f l w d i n th i l tt r
d l L b y Jafl h a t k n
.
e
s
a
s
a e
e
'
e
I N DEX
A A A chbi h p f A l
8
Ad lb
Bi h p f W zb g
38
A d lb A chb i h p f B m 4 8 9 7
A d lb B i h p f W m 5 9 78
Ad l i d M ch i
f S
8
5
E g id i
Abb d C d i l — 8 7
A g — E mp 5 4 7 8 9 9 3
CH
RD,
r
a
ero ,
a
e rt,
r
a
e rt,
s
e a
s o
o
s
s
o
o
ne s,
s, 1
o ness o
re ss,
na
1
1
,
-
,
12
,
1 46
,
12
,
1
2
,
5 0 1 . 5 9 . 7 3 . 7 5 . 8 4 . 8 7 . 1 03 . 1 09 . I I I . 1 1 8 .
I 9 3 : 1 9 4 . 1 9 5 . 2 09 . 2 4 9 : 2 5 3
o e , 2 7, 2 8 , 2 9 , 3 o , 3 1 , 3 2 , 3 6 ,
e an e r 11 ,
2
6
3 7 . 3 9 4 . 4 3 . 44 . 4 5 . 4 7 . 5 0. 5 1 . 2 5 8 .
2 5 9 . 2 60. 2 6 5
o e, 2 8 5
e an er I I I,
o e, 287
e an e r I V,
is o
of
tmann,
assau ,
1 5 8 , 2 09 , 2 1 1 ,
2 1 2, 2 1 8 , 2 5 6 , 2 5 8
Altwi n, i s o o f ri en, 1 1 0—1 1 , 1 1 4
m rose o f i an, S t , 1 1 7 , 1 1 8 , 2 2 4 , 2 9 7—8
n re w, K i n o f
u n ar , 1 0
Al x d
Pp
.
Al x d
Pp
Al x d
Pp
Al
B hp P
B hp B x
A b
Ml
A d
g H g y
A l m B i h p f L cc 7 3 4
66
7
5
39
A l m f B d gi 6 7 7 63
d
Al x d II)
A c d i E mp
97
A i ld
6 3 3 34 5 89
A lf f M i l 3 4 3 8
A lf B i h p f C m
56 7
A A chb i h p f M il 3 6 7
A g i S 98
BE A T R C E D ch
7 3
4
5
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nse
22
22
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2
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u
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6 6 , 78 9 , 8 4 , 8 8 - 9 , 9 4 , 9 5 ,
B ll mi C d i l 8 9
B d ic V I I I P p 3
B d i ct I X P p 3 4 6 5 9
B d i c t X P p 7 9—
B d ic X I I I P p 4
B 7 9 85
B
B i h p f A lb i 7 5
ne ,
t
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o
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ene
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,
10
enz o ,
s
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1
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1
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20
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I 44 ,
2,
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1
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1 9, 22
1 8 3 , 2 05 , 2 1 6 ,
—3
P
d e,
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1
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1
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o
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0, I
na
ar
-
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55,
1
,
1 4,
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1
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1
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141 ,
,
1 4 0,
Z
e a o n,
,
3 4 5,
-
1 3 9 and
151
ou
,
1 02
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1 , 1 3 6, I
3 8,
11
I 49
,
2
,
e, 2
o
,
a,
1-2
2 2 2, 2
,
1 53
77
ar nt
o
,
2
,
1
1 2 9 , 1 3 8 , 1 3 9 , 1 43 , 1 5 1
2 18
1 59 ,
Bi h p f O b g
8
Bi h p f S g i 8
d B i h p f H lb t d t 3 6 8 9
d Bi h p f L
6
B di
A bb f B g G g y V I I I
83
84
i h p f P m
B
H n i II
C
8 —9 3
C l i x t I I P p 8 6 8 3 —4
C d i d C d i l H gh
54 5 5 6 3
—
6
89 9
44
5 7
58
C ci 9 9
C ci P f c f R m 5
C l m I I P p 5 —6 5 8 5 9
C l m t VI P p
C l m VI I P p 8 7
Al x i 4 5 8—9
i
C m
3
38
—
m
i
A
n
C
3 5
3
i
I
c 9
C m
5
C d D k fL i
79
3
C d I I E mp
f G m y 86
C t ti (
f M i ch l VI I ) 9
—
4
5
C ni b t B i h p f T i n 8 — 8 8
D M
11 P p
6
—
m
i
i
t
D
P 4 5 — 5 6 8 8 9
,
ru no ,
ur
o
s
ru no ,
s
ar
o
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sna u r
o
o
s
o
s
o
n
e
o
1 02 22
,
,
1
2
2
,
12
.
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a
o,
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2,
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1 02 n
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ar
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o
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nu s,
ur
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s
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ar
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a
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e
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2 2,
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2 2 1 , 22
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2
1 00 , 1 2 1
re e t o
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,
2
2
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141,
1 4 2, 1 5 1
2 26
3 06
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s, 2 1
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n e, 2 1
saa
-
1
,
1
21
,
1
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so n
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er
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ne
22
,
0, 2 1
,
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,
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2
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2 00,
0,
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1
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er
A
AS U S
a
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,
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1
,
2,
e,
,
,
1 0,
1
1
,
1
,
2
,
2
,
2
2
2
2
2
0
1
8
8
6
.
.
.
45 .
.
.
.
7
.
4
4
3
9
3
3
5
5
2 46 - 8 ’ 2 49 2 2 5 6 : 2 5 9 2 2 6 7
i i er,
b
ts 7 s 4 6 : 5 5 : 5 7 2 6 5 2 6 9 2
1 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 3 , 2 2 9 , 2 3 3 , 2 3 9 - 40 ,
2 5 0- 1
( S ee also u nd er i to r I I I )
i o n siu s, i s o o f i a en a, 1 6 , 88 , 1 4 6
D o ni z o , 7 , 1 2 7 , 1 3 0 , 2 2 1 , 2 5 9
3 o.
2 58
I 4 1 : I 4 3 ! 1 4 73
B erno ld , 6 2 ,
n ers, 1 2 - 1
2
ot o
,
I
)
20
21
20
e re n ar u s,
o
ru no , 1 2 4
o nra
2 1 7 , 2 4 0,
A chb i h p f N b
g
B
A ch d c f A g
g i
3
93
48
B d Abb f M i ll 3 7 4
47
43
S
5
B d C di l D c 3 6 3 7 3 9
B e re g a,
I
I39
2
2
,
,
B
4
B
B
B ch
B ch
o
1
,
2 8- 9 , I 4 1
262
2
,
,
o
,
1,
e,
e,
o
,
e ne
na
ar
,
I 46 ,
34 ,
2 72
en
43 , 59 ,
1 0 3 and 1 03 —4
1
,
74 ,
I
1 0 1 , 1 02, 1 2 2
2
1 2 5 , 1 3 0, I
B o ni th o : 6 , 7 : 8 -2 1 9 9 2 4 : 2 7 2 5 1 : 5 4- 5 . 5 6 : 5 8 2
6 1 , 6 3 , 8 9 , 1 0 1 , 1 02 , 1 1 2 ,
1 3 0, 1 3 5 ,
1 5 1 . 1 6 2 . I 79 . I 74 . I 7 7 . I 8 5 . I 9 4 . I 9 5 . 20 .
5
2 1 8 , 2 3 0, 2 3 2 , 2 4 2 , 2 44 , 2 4 9 , 2 6 2
B o to ni ati s, Ni ce ph o ru s, 9 0, 1 6 3 , 2 00, 2 1 4- 1 5 ,
an
-
an,
o
1 24
,
e o
a e
a
-
o na, 1
re
o
2
1
,
o
s
u st ne ,
I
3:
0, 2
A D AL U S ,
.
an,
2
s
o
on
u
,
,
2
-
r
ar
( S ee a lso
.
—3
B h l d D k f C i h i 74 9
—
6
6
4
59 6
Bib Bi h p f T l
3
B ém nd 6 5
37
38
B if c V I I I P p 8 6 9
ur
ero r, 2
I
e
2, 2 1 7, 2 2 1 ,
1
,
an e r
e
1
rnu
u
a
u s,
ra
a,
u
2
.
a
u n er
o
2
,
o
r a
o
s
,
1 7 2-
5 5:
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48 ,
,
1 22
1 4 1 , 1 4 2 and
1
227
6 2,
and
e rt o
0,
,
o
I
1
2
,
1
,
1
1
,
u sa,
ar
,
1 02 ,
,
en,
re
or
o t an
u s,
ur
o
o
ar
e,
ur
o
B h ld
e rt
r e s, 2 0
o
Dd
D y
1.
A
.
Vc
B hp P c z
INDEX
8
0
3
L d lph (th P i ) 6 3 3
L
IX P p
6 8
6
3 87
58
L
XIII P p 9 —
L p l d f M b g 5 73
Li m
A chbi h p f B m 8 8 8 5
8
6
35
77
57
L d wi g E mp
86
M A N D k f S x y 49 6 8 9 5
M i d C d i l B i h p f Si l C d i d
35
M
A chb i h p f Rh i m 5 5 8 6
87
C
M
l
d
4 3
g
M i Th
43
—
6
6
M il d C
8
7 9
4 43 59
7
Ri ch d Abb f M i ll 5 8
R i ch d P i c f C p 4 7 4 4 3 4 7
6 4 6 6 7 6 8 79
6
98
9
R b f L i ll 6 5 8 8 9 8 3 6
f R b t G i c d 65
Rg
6
38
R l d B i h p f T i 5 6 —7 6 9 76
9
55
R d lp h f S b i 49 74
36
‘
an u
eo
o
,
eo
o
1
r
u
s
2, 2 1
1
,
a
2
,
2 0
,
e n,
1,
:
10
,
U S,
nar
u
anasses,
-
na
ar
,
a on
e o
r
s
s
,
o
o
v a-
o
e
o
an
I
s,
o
,
,
2-
o u nte ss ,
a,
8 4, 8 8
1
,
,
1 0 3 and 1 03 - 4
1 2 8 . I 44 . 1
1 23 .
2,
,
,
e s, 2
u a, 2
a
0,
:
o r te
s
,
o,
o
,
1
u s ar
2,
1
0- 1
,
1
re v so ,
o
,
21
,
,
er
o
2
,
,
21
,
21
1
,
,
,
1 8 8 . I 9 3 . 2 09 .
2 1 7, 22 1 , 2 2 7, 2 5 2
2
,
1
,
-
2 00 , 2 1
nu to
A
e ro r o
,
OL
O
,
o as
DO ,
na
ar
2
,
-
,
2
,
,
2
,
1
,
r est,
0
e, 1
o
,
-
na
ar
0, 1
1
n,
o
ast,
e
s
1
,
20, 2
,
s
o
o
2
,
a, 2 2
2
,
,
2
0
2
tto
,
tto ,
s
o
o
a
tto ,
s
o
o
o nstan e ,
e, 2
o
or
o o
e
er
,
o,
,
-
2
0
-
1, 1 1
,
,
11
2 , 1 02
1
,
o
o
ua
a,
,
1 22, 1
,
—
I 3 7—
1
2
1
1
6
1
6
4 7. 4 9 5 4 . 5 9 .
.
7 9 . 1 74 . I
1 8 2-
1 8 6 9 2 04 —5 7 2 09 1 2 7 3
3,
I V, D u
au
,
k
G bl x
l
Pp
x V Pp
ph
Pp
y ch P p
A chb h p
T d ch B h p L p
Th d c B h p V
Th d
G
A bb M
A c hb h p T
au
au
,
au
o
I
.
,
2
2. 1
,
2
2
,
.
I
,
.
,
1
1 . 20
10
1 02 ,
,
.
21
1
,
s
e te r,
ar
1
2-
,
o
na
us
2
9
us
u s,
ra e
,
.
ano ,
,
1
e e
11
,
0,
-
,
o
s, 2
r
,
11
o
2-
,
2 2 7,
.
,
1
I
.
1
2
2
,
1. 1
1
,
o
,
1
,
22
1
11
1,
,
2.
2
,
2
,
av ar a ,
s
.
-
1
,
,
e o
r
I
e,
12
2
,
1
e,
,
1 36,
,
2
2
a
o
ur
e
,
1,
,
9 2,
1
o
o
rs
s o
o
re
,
20
au ,
,
2 1 1,
2 1 8,
10
1 1 3,
2
0
0
2 0
s
.
,
a
e, 2
1
,
a
,
e, 2
o
u
e nr
2
ran e ,
2
,
e, 2
,
OU L,
2
,
2
0,
-
o
o
o
1. 2
,
s
,
n
o
,
-
21 1, 2
,
2
o re n e ,
o
.
o
,
L F,
.
o
,
or
,
— 1 1
,
1
u a,
1,
,
e, 2
o
,
O
1
e te r,
os e
o
I
a
o
2
,
r
2
e rnr e
1
,
o
s
r an
e, 2
o
,
1 - 2, 2
2
e, 2
o
,
2
-
e, 2
o
,
e, 2
o
78
N pl
g f d A chb h p
My c
E
r
L
,
S RG I U S
a
e of
e s, 8 0
r
is o
a en e,
S i e ri e ,
of
3 o , 49 ,
6
8
1
6
2
2
, 9
75 ,
5
3 , 1 0 1 , 1 1 0, 1 1 9 , I 3 6 ,
1 3 8 , 1 5 9 , 2 1 8 , 26 2, 26 3
em o u ,
1 43 , 2 05 , 2 2 8 , 2 6 2,
S ig b e rt Of
2 74
Si v este r I I I , o e , 3 , 4 - 5
S i tu s , o e , 2 8 8—9
S te e n I X , o e , I 5 , 1 6 , I 7
S mma us, o e , 3 03
TE D A L D O ,
r
is o o f
i an, 9 5 , 1 5 6 -7 ,
I 6 9 . I 7 6 . I 9 4 . 2 1 6 . 2 24 . 2 5 9
i,
is o o f
i ari , 2 4 2 —3
e es
is o
e o o ri ,
of
er u n,
1 02 ,
1 1 4- 1 5 ,
1 19.
1 89 . 2 27. 2 28
e o osi u s th e
reat, E m ero r, 1 1 7, 2 9 7
Trasmu nd ,
o t of
o nte
assi no , 2 5 0- 1
r
is o
of
re v es, 1 0 1 , 1 1 4 , 1 1 5 ,
U Do ,
1 2 2 —3 . 1 4 9 - 5 0 . 1 5 1 . 1 5 2 1 5 8 9 1 6 2 2 5 78 .
1
S
,
0. 2
f th E
63
M i ch l VI I E mp
9
4
5
Ml
M i J h C di l P i 3 5
N P E N 9
N i ch l I I P p 8 9
4
3
5
58
d
C di l Bi h p f O ti 5 3 4 3 9
O
p
4
IV P p
C
O
85
O
Bi h p f B mb g 7 9 8
O
Bi h p f C
c 8
9
8
f N d h im 3
O tt
6
6
8
3
9
49
5
U l i ch B i h p f P d
69 7
7 3
S9
83
84
66
P A C H A I I P p 6 5 79 8
58
P l III P p 87 8
U l i ch f G h i m 5
73
7
9
35
II P p
83
P l IV P p 88
U b
78
V CT R I I P p 3 4 5
P lV P p 4
Vi ct I I I P p 3 3 9 5 8 7 8
P l f B i d 4 56 9 9
9
35
W
E
D
k
f
B
i
6
8
8
4
9
9
39
43
49
5
5
8
67
46
7
79
7
3
W i ch 7 7 7 7 8 6
P B i h p f Fl c 3 7 8 3 9 4 4
W z l A chbi h p f M g d b g 6 8 9
P C d i l B i h p f A lb 5 9 6 9
66
7 3
78
5
S9
34
58
Ph il i p I Ki g f F c 6 9 7 76 7 8 8 W i ll i m A bb t f H i ch
9
8
7
57
74
56
Pi V P p 8 9
Wi ll i m B i h p f Ut ch t
3
P i VI P p 8 9
7
4
9
P i VI I P p 9
il 4
Will i m f M
43 4
P x di 79 8
W ill i m f N m dy 4 4 5 4 7—8 7 8
RA
W
i
l
6
A chb i h p f T
D
k
6
6
4
5
5
5
ae
,
-
1 1 1 , 1 1 2 , 1 1 4,
71 .
e r, so n o
9:
e re sa, 2
ar a
at
o u nt, 1
o
u
1
ane
e rt o
a,
1
,
o
9
o
1
1, 1 1
,
,
3
o an
2
,
rn e
,
arse
-
1,
re
ot o
,
ar
e ro r, 2
,
G
,
,
o
o
ar
.
1
ur
o e rs
I
,
0
e, 2
1
,
1 2, 1
,
o
o
ar,
e
-
e,
,
eo
atar ne
e
c
h a rd C lay
11
d r’ S o ns , L i mi ted
,
,
o
o ntre u
a
o
or
L o nd on
u
a nd
e,
,
1 02
,
22
1 22
a
rat s as,
o u rs, 1
o
,
,
,
an
11
B u ng ay
2,
2,
,
,
.
-
I
,
,
2
,
,
2 78