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President Lyndon B. Johnson
April 7, 1965
Over this war and all Asia is another reality: the deepening shadow of communist
China. The rulers in Hanoi are urged on by Peking. This is a regime which has
destroyed freedom in Tibet, which has attacked India and has been condemned by
the United Nations for aggression in Korea. It is a nation which is helping the forces
of violence in almost every continent. The contest in Vietnam is part of a wider
pattern of aggressive purposes.
Why are these realities our concern? Why are we in South Vietnam?
We are there because we have a promise to keep. Since 1954 every American
president has offered support to the people of South Vietnam. We have helped to
build, and we have helped to defend. Thus, over many years, we have made a
national pledge to help South Vietnam defend its independence.
And I intend to keep that promise.
To dishonor that pledge, to abandon this small and brave nation to its enemies, and
to the terror that must follow, would be an unforgivable wrong.
We are also there to strengthen world order. Around the globe from Berlin to
Thailand are people whose well-being rests in part on the belief that they can count
on us if they are attacked. To leave Vietnam to its fate would shake the confidence of
all these people in the value of an American commitment and in the value of
America's word. The result would be increased unrest and instability and even wider
war.
We are also there because there are great stakes in the balance. Let no one think for
a moment that retreat from Vietnam would bring an end to conflict. The battle would
be renewed in one country and then another. The central lesson of our time is that
the appetite of aggression is never satisfied. To withdraw from one battlefield means
only to prepare for the next. We must say in Southeast Asia, as we did in Europe, in
the words of the Bible: "Hitherto shall thou come, but no further."
There are those who say that all our efforts there will be futile -- that China's power
is such that it is bound to dominate all Southeast Asia. But there is no end to that
argument until all the nations of Asia are swallowed up.
There are those who wonder why we have a responsibility there. Well, we have a
responsibility there for the same reason that we have a responsibility for the defense
of Europe. World War II was fought in both Europe and Asia and when it ended we
found ourselves with continued responsibility for the defense of freedom.
Our objective is the independence of South Vietnam and its freedom from attack. We
want nothing for ourselves -- only that the people of South Vietnam be allowed to
guide their own country in their own way.
We will do everything necessary to reach that objective and we will do only what is
absolutely necessary.
In recent months attacks on South Vietnam were stepped up. Thus, it became
necessary for us to increase our response and to make attacks by air. This is not a
change of purpose. It is a change in what we believe that purpose requires.
We do this in order to slow down aggression. We do this to increase the confidence
of the brave people of South Vietnam who have bravely born this brutal battle for so
many years with so many casualties. And we do this to convince the leaders of North
Vietnam -- and all who seek to share their conquest -- of a simple fact: We will not
be defeated. We will not grow tired. We will not withdraw either openly or under the
cloak of a meaningless agreement.
We know that air attacks alone will not accomplish all of these purposes but it is our
best and prayerful judgment that they are a necessary part of the surest road to
peace.
We hope that peace will come swiftly. But that is in the hands of others besides
ourselves. And we must be prepared for a long continued conflict. It will require
patience as well as bravery -- the will to endure as well as the will to resist.
I wish it were possible to convince others with words of what we now find it
necessary to say with guns and planes: armed hostility is futile -- our resources are
equal to any challenge -- because we fight for values and we fight for principle rather
than territory or colonies, our patience and our determination are unending.
Once this is clear, then it should also be clear that the only path for reasonable men
is the path of peaceful settlement.
Such peace demands an independent South Vietnam -- securely guaranteed and able
to shape its own relationship to all others -- free from outside interference -- tied to
no alliance -- a military base for no other country.
These are the essentials of any final settlement.
We will never be second in the search for such a peaceful settlement in Vietnam.
There may be many ways to this kind of peace: in discussion or negotiation with the
governments concerned; in large groups or in small ones; in the reaffirmation of old
agreements or their strengthening with new ones.
We have stated this position over and over again fifty times and more to friend and
foe alike. And we remain ready with this purpose for unconditional discussions.
And until that bright and necessary day of peace we will try to keep conflict from
spreading. We have no desire to see thousands die in battle -- Asians or Americans.
We have no desire to devastate that which the people of North Vietnam have built
with toil and sacrifice. We will use our power with restraint and with all the wisdom
that we can command. But we will use it.
!
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Position Paper: On Vietnam
(1965)
The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee has a right and a responsibility
to dissent with United States foreign policy on any issue when it sees fit. The
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee now states its opposition to the
United States' involvement in Vietnam on these grounds:
We believe the United States government has been deceptive in its claims of
concern for the freedom of the Vietnamese people, just as the government has
been deceptive in claiming concern for the freedom of colored people in other
countries as the Dominican Republic, the Congo, South Africa, Rhodesia, and in
the United States itself.
We, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, have been involved in the
black peoples' struggle for liberation and self-determination in this country for
the past five years. Our work, particularly in the South, has taught us that the
United States government has never guaranteed the freedom of oppressed
citizens, and is not yet truly determined to end the rule of terror and oppression
within its own borders.
We ourselves have often been victims of violence and confinement executed by
United States governmental officials. We recall the numerous persons who have
been murdered in the South because of their efforts to secure their civil and
human rights, and whose murderers have been allowed to escape penalty for
their crimes.
The murder of Samuel Young in Tuskegee, Alabama, is no different than the
murder of peasants in Vietnam, for both Young and the Vietnamese sought, and
are seeking, to secure the rights guaranteed them by law. In each case, the
United States government bears a great part of the responsibility for these
deaths.
Samuel Young was murdered because United States law is not being enforced.
Vietnamese are murdered because the United States is pursuing an aggressive
policy in violation of international law. The United States is no respecter of
persons or law when such persons or laws run counter to its needs or desires.
We recall the indifference, suspicion and outright hostility with which our
reports of violence have been met in the past by government officials.
We know that for the most part, elections in this country, in the North as well as
the South, are not free. We have seen that the 1965 Voting Rights Act and the
1966 Civil Rights Act have not yet been implemented with full federal power and
sincerity.
We question, then, the ability and even the desire of the United States
government to guarantee free elections abroad.
We maintain that our country's cry of "preserve freedom in the world" is a
hypocritical mask, behind which it squashes liberation movements which are not
bound, and refuse to be bound, by the expediencies of United States cold war
policies.
We are in sympathy with, and support, the men in this country who are unwilling
to respond to a military draft which would compel them to contribute their lives
to United States aggression in Vietnam in the name of the "freedom" we find so
false in this country.
We recoil with horror at the inconsistency of a supposedly "free" society where
responsibility to freedom is equated with the responsibility to lend oneself to
military aggression. We take note of the fact that 16% of the draftees from this
country are Negroes called on to stifle the liberation of Vietnam, to preserve a
"democracy" which does not exist for them at home.
We ask, where is the draft for the freedom fight in the United States?
We therefore encourage those Americans who prefer to use their energy in
building democratic forms within this country. We believe that work in the civil
rights movement and with other human relations organizations is a valid
alternative to the draft. We urge all Americans to seek this alternative, knowing
full well that it may cost them their lives -- as painfully as in Vietnam.
Source: "SNCC: On Vietnam." The Sixties Project.
http://lists.village.virginia.edu/sixties/HTML_docs/Resources/Primary/ Manifest
os/SNCC_VN.html.
!
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S e n t t o State Dept.
N o v . 26, 1969
P. 0. Box 50202
Biggs F i e l d
Ft. B l i s s , Tx. 79918
November 17, 1969
P r e s i d e n t Richard M. Nixon
The White House
I k s h i n g t o n , D. C
.
Dear Fk
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. President :
We t a k e t h i s o p p o r t u n i t y t o r e p l y t o your r e c e n t a d d r e s s and t o o f f e r
some thoughts on your Viet Nam p o l i c y .
I n your speech of November 3, you r e f e r r e d t o t h e " s i l e n t m a j o r i t y v o_'
kJCeri c a n s who back your conduct of t h e war i n V i e t Nam. It i s undeniable
t h a t a m a j o r i t y of people i n this c o u n t r y do back you. But r e b e l i e v e It
i s a l s o t r u e t h a t t h e y s u p p o r t you because you a r e our P r e s i d e n t and n o t
because t h e y f u l l y a g r e e w i t h your war p o l i c y . I n 1968, you made i t perfect!:,.
c l e a r t h a t t h e main r e a s o n t h a t t h e Democratic a d m i n i s t r a t i o n should Se v o t ~ d
o u t was because t h e y had f a i l e d t o end t h e war. Americans voted f o r y ~ iun
t h e t e n s of m i l l i o n s because you promised them a l1ne;.r team," a team t h a t
would be a b l e t o b r i n g t h e boys home. The people o f t h i s c o u n t r y s t i l l want
t o b r i n g our f i g h t i n g men home - arid b r i n g them hoirie q u i c k l y . In October of
t h i s y e a r , t h e Gallup P o l l i n d i c a t e d t h a t 57 p e r c e n t of t h e American peopie
favor bringing a l l t r o o p s home from V i e t N a n b e f o r e January 1971. The peoplc
support you - n o t because t h e y want t o endorse t h e c o n t i n u a t i o n of -che war b u t because you a r e t h e P r e s i d e n t o f o u r country. The m a j o r i t y of people ::111
be behind you, and back you even more s t r o n g l y , i f you a c t d e c i s i v e l y t o ond
our presence i n V i e t Nam.
A s f o r t h o s e of u s i n t h e "vocal minority!' who have d e ~ o n s t r a t e df o r
peace, most o f u s a r e n e i t h e r b a s i c l y anti-Americai nor even a n t i - ? i k o n .
Despite t h e h a r s h language i n your speech, .;re do n o t s e e k t o '!defeatu 01' f h w n i l i a t e f fAmerica. We want our c o u n t r y t o be s t r o n g . And we b e l i e v e
:kiok'ncar-tedly t h a t , t h e p o l i c i e s we advocate t r i l l b e n e f i t -i,.el-i.cc? 21;. t~:c::.:'i
:... .ting h e r from a war which i s sapprng both h e r i11terna-l;ioilal ~ n dc,::.c:;tL.:
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s t r e n g t h . Furthermore, we support your pledge t o change t h c Jo!u-iso!: ?.:::.:..i s t r a t i o n p o l i c i e s , and Tre a r e g l a d t o n o t e your d e c i s i o n t o rcmo-ri! h:?,C.l^: .,
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t r o o p s from V i e t Nam this y e a r . But 60,000 from 5,40,000 si;-L!-1 1 e z . v ~!;?z,
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and a ~ r i t h d r a w a la t such a r a t e b r i l l t a k e n i n e y e a r s t o c o n p l e t e .
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want our c o u n t r y t o !!bug out'! on h e r f o r e i g n commitments.
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American s u p p o r t f o r f r e e governments a.nd t o c o n t i n u e our comrai.tner:ts t o >-:
Our a l l i e s i f t h e y a r e s u b j e c t t o e x t e r n a l a g g r e s s i o n . Ho!;ever, r.Ic do ::st,
s e e horf it i s i n our n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t t o comm?t U.S. t r o o p s f o r i;l.~tt<::: dc;.:;
i n t e r n a l r e b e l l i o n s o r f o r s u p p o r t i n g c o r r u p t ,r?. r e p r e s s i v e gover!-mr!ks.
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t o s t a t e Dept.
Viet Nam a f t e r
that killing.
t h a t it i s t h e
the killing i n
we leave, bxb it i s time f o r us t o end our p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n
FYoin t h e k i l l - r a t i o f i g u r e s r e l e a s e d by our arny, it i s p l a i n
United S t a t e s and n o t t h e Viet Cong t h a t a r e doing most of
Viet Narn today. We urge you t o end our p a r t i n this massacre.
And, M r . President, we wish t o add t h a t those of us who a r e demonstrating
f o r peace a r e not "an e f f e t e corps of impudent s n ~ b s . ~Although
f
a good
percenta,ge of us a r e c o l l e g e graduates, many of us have worked a s common
l a b o r e r s t o h e l p p u t ourselves through c o l l e g e . We do not advocate "constant
c a r n i v a l . " We do believe it i s our duty t o continue t o speak out and demonstrate,
not unlike t h e men who founded our country, u n t i l our goal has been achieved.
The government of t h e P h i l i p p i n e s has r e c e n t l y decided t h a t it can no
longer allow i t s men t o k i l l and be k i l l e d i n Viet Nam, and it i s t h e r e f o r e
withdrawing a l l i t s f o r c e s . We urge you t o f o l l o ~this
~ example. The m i l i t a r y
c o n t r o l of South Viet Nam exercised by t h e Thieu-Ky regime i s n o t worth one
hundred American l i v e s a Freek. We rant t o support you; we want t o be a b l e t o
be proud of our country. But ve cannot support o r be proud of p o l i c i e s which
we consider t o be d i s a s t e r o u s t o both America and t o t h e l i v e s of thousands
of Americans. Please reconsider. Please end our p a r t of t h e k i l l i n g and
b r i n g t h e boys home.
S i n c e r e l y yours,
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Excerpts from The Feminine Mystique by Betty Friedan
Chapter One: “The Problem That Has No Name”
The problem lay buried, unspoken, for many years in the minds of American women. It was a strange stirring,
a sense of dissatisfaction, a yearning that women suffered in the middle of the twentieth century in the United
States. Each suburban wife struggled with it alone. As she made the beds, shopped for groceries, matched
slipcover material, ate peanut butter sandwiches with her children, chauffeured Cub Scouts and Brownies, lay
beside her husband at night--she was afraid to ask even of herself the silent question--"Is this all?"
For over fifteen years there was no word of this yearning in the millions of words written about women, for
women, in all the columns, books and articles by experts telling women their role was to seek fulfillment as
wives and mothers. Over and over women heard in voices of tradition and of Freudian sophistication that
they could desire--no greater destiny than to glory in their own femininity. Experts told them how to catch a
man and keep him, how to breastfeed children and handle their toilet training, how to cope with sibling rivalry
and adolescent rebellion; how to buy a dishwasher, bake bread, cook gourmet snails, and build a swimming
pool with their own hands; how to dress, look, and act more feminine and make marriage more exciting; how
to keep their husbands from dying young and their sons from growing into delinquents. They were taught to
pity the neurotic, unfeminine, unhappy women who wanted to be poets or physicists or presidents. They
learned that truly feminine women do not want careers, higher education, political rights--the independence
and the opportunities that the old-fashioned feminists fought for. Some women, in their forties and fifties, still
remembered painfully giving up those dreams, but most of the younger women no longer even thought about
them. A thousand expert voices applauded their femininity, their adjustment, their new maturity. All they had
to do was devote their lives from earliest girlhood to finding a husband and bearing children. …
The suburban housewife--she was the dream image of the young American women and the envy, it was said,
of women all over the world. The American housewife--freed by science and labor-saving appliances from the
drudgery, the dangers of childbirth and the illnesses of her grandmother. She was healthy, beautiful, educated,
concerned only about her husband, her children, her home. She had found true feminine fulfillment. As a
housewife and mother, she was respected as a full and equal partner to man in his world. She was free to
choose automobiles, clothes, appliances, supermarkets; she had everything that women ever dreamed of.
In the fifteen years after World War II, this mystique of feminine fulfillment became the cherished and selfperpetuating core of contemporary American culture. Millions of women lived their lives in the image of those
pretty pictures of the American suburban housewife, kissing their husbands goodbye in front of the picture
window, depositing their stationwagonsful of children at school, and smiling as they ran the new electric waxer
over the spotless kitchen floor. They baked their own bread, sewed their own and their children's clothes, kept
their new washing machines and dryers running all day. They changed the sheets on the beds twice a week
instead of once, took the rughoolag class in adult education, and pitied their poor frustrated mothers, who had
dreamed of having a career. Their only dream was to be perfect wives and mothers; their highest ambition to
have five children and a beautiful house, their only fight to get and keep their husbands. They had no thought
for the unfeminine problems of the world outside the home; they wanted the men to make the major
decisions. They gloried in their role as women, and wrote proudly on the census blank: "Occupation:
housewife."
If a woman had a problem in the 1950's and 1960's, she knew that something must be wrong with her
marriage, or with herself. Other women were satisfied with their lives, she thought. What kind of a woman
was she if she did not feel this mysterious fulfillment waxing the kitchen floor? She was so ashamed to admit
her dissatisfaction that she never knew how many other women shared it. If she tried to tell her husband, he
didn't understand what she was talking about. She did not really understand it herself. …
Gradually I came to realize that the problem that has no name was shared by countless women in America.
Just what was this problem that has no name? What were the words women used when they tried to express
it? Sometimes a woman would say "I feel empty somehow . . . incomplete." Or she would say, "I feel as if I
don't exist."
Sometimes a woman would tell me that the feeling gets so strong she runs out of the house and walks through
the streets. Or she stays inside her house and cries. Or her children tell her a joke, and she doesn't laugh
because she doesn't hear it. I talked to women who had spent years on the analyst's couch, working out their
"adjustment to the feminine role," their blocks to "fulfillment as a wife and mother." But the desperate tone in
these women's voices, and the look in their eyes, was the same as the tone and the look of other women, who
were sure they had no problem, even though they did have a strange feeling of desperation.
A mother of four who left college at nineteen to get married told me:
I've tried everything women are supposed to do--hobbies, gardening, pickling, canning, being very social with
my neighbors, joining committees, running PTA teas. I can do it all, and I like it, but it doesn't leave you
anything to think about--any feeling of who you are. I never had any career ambitions. All I wanted was to get
married and have four children. I love the kids and Bob and my home. There's no problem you can even put a
name to. But I'm desperate. I begin to feel I have no personality. I'm a server of food and putter-on of pants
and a bed maker, somebody who can be called on when you want something. But who am I? … It's as if ever
since you were a little girl, there's always been somebody or something that will take care of your life: your
parents, or college, or falling in love, or having a child, or moving to a new house. Then you wake up one
morning and there's nothing to look forward to.
A young wife in a Long Island development said:
I seem to sleep so much. I don't know why I should be so tired. This house isn't nearly so hard to clean as the
cold-water Hat we had when I was working. The children are at school all day. It's not the work. I just don't
feel alive. …
I began to see in a strange new light the American return to early marriage and the large families that are
causing the population explosion; the recent movement to natural childbirth and breastfeeding; suburban
conformity, and the new neuroses, character pathologies and sexual problems being reported by the doctors. I
began to see new dimensions to old problems that have long been taken for granted among women: menstrual
difficulties, sexual frigidity, promiscuity, pregnancy fears, childbirth depression, the high incidence of
emotional breakdown and suicide among women in their twenties and thirties, the menopause crises, the socalled passivity and immaturity of American men, the discrepancy between women's tested intellectual abilities
in childhood and their adult achievement, the changing incidence of adult sexual orgasm in American women,
and persistent problems in psychotherapy and in women's education.
If I am right, the problem that has no name stirring in the minds of so many American women today is not a
matter of loss of femininity or too much education, or the demands of domesticity. It is far more important
than anyone recognizes. It is the key to these other new and old problems which have been torturing women
and their husbands and children, and puzzling their doctors and educators for years. It may well be the key to
our future as a nation and a culture. We can no longer ignore that voice within women that says: "I want
something more than my husband and my children and my home."
Letters to Betty Freidan
14 May 1963
Brookline, Mass.
My life spans the two eras—the ebb tide of feminism and the rise of the “mystique.” My parents were
products of the early 20th century Liberalism and believed firmly that everyone—poor, Negroes, and women
too—had a right to have a “rendezvous with Destiny.” …My feelings of betrayal is not directed against
society so much as at the women who beat the drums for the “passionate journey” into darkness…My
undiluted wrath is expended on those of us who were educated, and therefore privileged, who put on our
black organza nightgowns and went willingly, joyful, without so much as a backward look at the hard-won
freedoms handed down to us by the feminists (men and women). The men, in my experience, were interested
bystanders, bewildered, amused, and maybe a bit joyful at having two mommies at home—one for the
children and one for themselves… My children grew up in the mystique jungle but somehow escaped it.
13 March 1963
Ridgewood, NJ
...[I am] the mother of five and the wife of a successful partner in an investment banking firm. In seeking that
something “more” out of life, I have tried large doses of everything from alcohol to religion, from a frenzy of
sports activities to PTA…to every phase of church work… Each served its purpose at the time, but I
suddenly realized that none had any real future. Out children are all in school except for the baby… However,
I felt that if I waited until she’s in school I’ll be too close to forty to learn any new tricks. I’ve seen too many
women day they would “do something” when the last child went to school. The something has usually been
bridge, bowling, or drinking.
24 August 1963
Pittsburg, PA
…I entered graduate school at Yale, met a man, left school, and married in 1951. I have since then moved
thirteen times, lived in eight states, had four miscarriages, and produced two children… Finally, when I fill
out the income tax now, it is occupation: Painter, not housewife… My one advantage over the rest of my
generation is, I suppose, the fact that I was raised in a family of feminists… I still tend, belatedly and
belligerently, to champion women’s rights. The cloying and sentimental public effort of the last decade to
raise the prestige of the home and represent it as demanding all that we have to give has more than once
precipitated me into incoherent outrage…
21 January 1963
New York City
…Since scientific findings reveal the strong effect of the child’s environment upon the child, the poor mother
has been made to replace God in her omnipotence. It is the terror of this misinterpreted omnipotence that in
many cases keeping women at home. I still remember the tear-stained face of a brilliant young woman
economist who had earned a Ph.D. in her field when she had to give up a newly discovered exciting job
because her pediatrician convinced her that her six- and three-year-old children would become social menaces
without her presence 24 hours a day…[Quoting a school official:] “Show me a delinquent child and I’ll show you
a working mother.”
Rockaway, New York
…What is wrong with the women trapped in the Feminine Mystique is what is wrong with men trapped in
the Rat Race… Isn’t it true that one of the problems, the biggest really, of our present day society is that there
isn’t enough meaningful creative work for anyone these days? Isn’t that one of the reasons mothers are taking
their parental role with the seriousness of a career?
23 April 1963
Leicester, Mass.
For the last few years, I have been on the “old housekeeping merry-go round.” …I cleaned and cleaned…and
then I cleaned some more! All day—every day. My mother had returned to teaching school when I was
twelve, and I had resented it, and consequently vowed that when I married and had children I would make it
my vocation. I was quite convinced that I was very happy with my role in life as we had our own home and
my husband is a good husband and father and a very sufficient provider. However, one night last November,
all Hell broke loose in my psyche. I was sitting calmly reading when I became overwhelmed with waves of
anxiety. I couldn’t imagine what was happening… I visited my family doctor. He put me on tranquilizers and
diagnosed it as a mild state of anxiety. However there was no explanation…I chose security over everything
else…I felt I had something about it…I now have a goal and no longer feel like a vegetable.
23 October 1963
Queens Village, NY
[Written by a woman recalling the realities and perspectives of her emigrant family in the 1930s.]
…The emigrant mother often had to work not only in her home, but outside as well, under the most
harrowing conditions…For the son, it was important and necessary to obtain an education, so he could
escape the sweatshop labor of his father. For the daughter, however, the most precious legacy was an escape
from the hard work and drudgery of her mother and the attainment of leisure—the very leisure this emigrant
mother never knew herself, and which she so desperately needed…To this emigrant mother, education was
only necessary for her son to get a better job, and the daughter, with nothing else beside her femininity,
would, with luck, marry well and thereby achieve the leisure her mother never knew.
4 August 1964
Glen Ridge, NJ
Most of us would be delighted to chuck the wage earning back in our husbands’ laps and devote ourselves
exclusively to homemaking and community projects. We worry about the children when we’re at work. We
don’t really like to throw the last load of clothes in the washer at 11:30 PM, and set the alarm for 6:00 so we
can iron a blouse for a school-age daughter, fix breakfast and school lunches all at the same time, do as much
housework as possible before bolting for the office, and face the rest of it, and the grocery shopping and
preparing dinner when we get home. This isn’t out idea of fulfillment. It doesn’t make us more interesting
people or more stimulating companions for our husbands. It just makes us very, very tired.
29 May 1964
Folcroft, PA
Believe me, a modern woman of today would have to be four women to be everything that is expected of
her…My husband wants me to work not for the satisfaction I might get out of working, but for the extra
money he will have for himself…But, how about the extra burden it would put on me? I would go out to work
if possible, but I cannot do that and come home to a house full of screaming kids, dishes piled in the sink,
and mountains of laundry to do. It is no fun to come home and see the sweet, dear, lazy bum asleep on the
couch after being on my feet all day. He still likes his home-made pies, cakes, and appetizing meals…I have
worked in stores; the post office; given dinners for a pot and pan outfit; minded children; and sold things
door to door. At present, I take in sewing and ironing…If I work, then my housework suffers and I get told
about that. I would like nothing better than to just do my own work, have some time to myself once in a
while so I could just go downtown once in [a] while without having someone else’s work staring at me. I get
very tired of reading about women working outside the home…I cannot divide myself into more than one
person…I have plenty to occupy my time and I happen to enjoy being a housewife…My husband…thinks
it’s great for women to work, but until men get some of their Victorian ideas out of their heads then I cannot
go to work. He thinks he would lose some of his masculinity if anyone saw him hanging out the wash, or
washing dishes. And if he had to give up any of his fishing or hunting or running around visiting his buddies
to keep an eye on the kids, well, I’m not killing myself for the almighty dollar.
Education – Republican Party Platform (1980)
Next to religious training and the home, education is the most important means by which
families hand down to each new generation their ideals and beliefs. It is a pillar of a free society.
But today, parents are losing control of their children's schooling. The Democratic Congress and
its counterparts in many states have launched one fad after another, building huge new
bureaucracies to misspend our taxes. The result has been a shocking drop in student
performance, lack of basics in the classroom, forced busing, teacher strikes, manipulative and
sometimes amoral indoctrination.
The Republican Party is determined to restore common sense and quality to education for the
sake of all students, especially those for whom learning is the highway to equal opportunity.
Because federal assistance should help local school districts, not tie them up in red tape, we will
strive to replace the crazy quilt of wasteful programs with a system of block grants that will
restore decisionmaking to local officials responsible to voters and parents. We recognize the
need to preserve, within the structure of block grants, special educational opportunities for the
handicapped, the disadvantaged, and other needy students attending public and private nonprofit
elementary and secondary schools.
We hail the teachers of America. Their dedication to our children is often taken for granted, and
they are frequently underpaid for long hours and selfless service, especially in comparison with
other public employees.
We understand and sympathize with the plight of America's public school teachers, who so
frequently find their time and attention diverted from their teaching responsibilities to the task of
complying with federal reporting requirements. America has a great stake in maintaining
standards of high quality in public education. The Republican Party recognizes that the
achievement of those standards is possible only to the extent that teachers are allowed the time
and freedom to teach. To that end, the Republican Party supports deregulation by the federal
government of public education, and encourages the elimination of the federal Department of
Education.
We further sympathize with the right of qualified teachers to be employed by any school district
wishing to hire them, without the necessity of their becoming enrolled with any bargaining
agency or group. We oppose any federal action, including any action on the part of the
Department of Education, to establish "agency shops" in public schools.
We support Republican initiatives in the Congress to restore the right of individuals to participate
in voluntary, non-denominational prayer in schools and other public facilities.
Our goal is quality education for all of America's children, with a special commitment to those
who must overcome handicap, deprivation, or discrimination. That is why we condemn the
forced busing of school children to achieve arbitrary racial quotas. Busing has been a
prescription for disaster, blighting whole communities across the land with its divisive impact. It
has failed to improve the quality of education, while diverting funds from programs that could
make the difference between success and failure for the poor, the disabled, and minority
children.
We must halt forced busing and get on with the education of all our children, focusing on the real
causes of their problems, especially lack of economic opportunity.
Federal education policy must be based on the primacy of parental rights and responsibility.
Toward that end, we reaffirm our support for a system of educational assistance based on tax
credits that will in part compensate parents for their financial sacrifices in paying tuition at the
elementary, secondary, and post-secondary level. This is a matter of fairness, especially for lowincome families, most of whom would be free for the first time to choose for their children those
schools which best correspond to their own cultural and moral values. In this way, the schools
will be strengthened by the families' involvement, and the families' strengths will be reinforced
by supportive cultural institutions.
We are dismayed that the Carter Administration cruelly reneged on promises made during the
1976 campaign. Wielding the threat of his veto, Mr. Carter led the fight against Republican
attempts to make tuition tax credits a reality.
Next year, a Republican White House will assist, not sabotage, Congressional efforts to enact
tuition tax relief into law.
We will halt the unconstitutional regulatory vendetta launched by Mr. Carter's IRS
Commissioner against independent schools.
We will hold the federal bureaucracy accountable for its harassment of colleges and universities
and will clear away the tangle of regulation that has unconscionably driven up their expenses and
tuitions. We will respect the rights of state and local authorities in the management of their
school systems.
The commitment of the American people to provide educational opportunities for all has resulted
in a tremendous expansion of schools at all levels. And the more we reduce the federal
proportion of taxation, the more resources will be left to sustain and develop state and local
institutions.
!
A Nation at Risk (1983)
Our Nation is at risk. Our once unchallenged preeminence in commerce, industry,
science, and technological innovation is being overtaken by competitors throughout the
world. This report is concerned with only one of the many causes and dimensions of the
problem, but it is the one that undergirds American prosperity, security, and civility. We
report to the American people that while we can take justifiable pride in what our
schools and colleges have historically accomplished and contributed to the United
States and the well-being of its people, the educational foundations of our society are
presently being eroded by a rising tide of mediocrity that threatens our very future as a
Nation and a people. What was unimaginable a generation ago has begun to occur-others are matching and surpassing our educational attainments.
If an unfriendly foreign power had attempted to impose on America the mediocre
educational performance that exists today, we might well have viewed it as an act of
war. As it stands, we have allowed this to happen to ourselves. We have even
squandered the gains in student achievement made in the wake of the Sputnik
challenge. Moreover, we have dismantled essential support systems which helped
make those gains possible. We have, in effect, been committing an act of unthinking,
unilateral educational disarmament.
Our society and its educational institutions seem to have lost sight of the basic purposes
of schooling, and of the high expectations and disciplined effort needed to attain them.
This report, the result of 18 months of study, seeks to generate reform of our
educational system in fundamental ways and to renew the Nation's commitment to
schools and colleges of high quality throughout the length and breadth of our land.
That we have compromised this commitment is, upon reflection, hardly surprising, given
the multitude of often conflicting demands we have placed on our Nation's schools and
colleges. They are routinely called on to provide solutions to personal, social, and
political problems that the home and other institutions either will not or cannot resolve.
We must understand that these demands on our schools and colleges often exact an
educational cost as well as a financial one.!