‘Cartoon Democracy – Authoritarian Rule and Elections in Ethiopia’
High-level conference held in European parliament on 23 April 2015 Brussels, Belgium.
The Oromo Struggle for freedom and Democracy: Current situation and future scenarios
Speech delivered by OLF representative (Dr. Shigut Geleta)
Dear Mr. Chairman,
Esteemed members of European Parliament, b
Representatives of ONLF, Sidama Diaspora community, Ginbot-7,
Distinguished guest speakers,
Ladies and gentlemen,
I would like to express my deepest gratitude to the organizing committee for having
organized such a timely and high level conference entitled ‘Cartoon Democracy –
Authoritarian Rule and Elections in Ethiopia’. This conference is aimed at consulting
and coordinating various voices on the ever worsening political landscape in Ethiopia. As
we all recognize, nowadays it is not as simple as it appears to assemble such a
diversified gathering that brings opposition leaders, international experts, politicians and
human rights advocators. I am sure the organizers namely: UNPO and esteemed
members of European Parliament Julie Ward MEP (S&D), Soraya Post MEP (S&D), Ana
Gomes MEP (S&D) and Jordi Sebastià MEP (G/EFA) and Bodil Ceballos (G/EFA) must
have been through many ups and downs to organize such an event to take place. To say
the least, the thought and initiation to organize such a meeting requires standing against
the established mind set-ups and traditional working system of politics in the Ethiopia
Empire. It is a first step to tackle together the broader interwoven major socio political
problems of Ethiopia.
In view of this, I congratulate the individual organizers for their efforts and should say
such a breakthrough move in bringing together different political organizations and civil
societies to deliberate on common agenda of liberty, freedom, justice, democracy and
peace in Ethiopia. This timely conference taking place ahead of the Ethiopian National
Election will enable us to attempt in reshaping the alternative approach for the political
constellation of Ethiopia through dialogue, if not for election but for the future prospect.
It is also my hope that through such dialogue various possibilities for fundamental
political solution in Ethiopia will be explored. Given the diverse nature of participants at
this Conference, I have every reason to look forward for achieving tangible cooperative
framework on the most practical and actual socio-political issues by addressing the
existing empire’s challenges.
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The existing problems and challenges:1. Deep rooted historical problem of the Ethiopian empire
As we all know, Ethiopia is an empire state, comprising more than 80 nations and
nationalities. As it has been the case with all empires, the making of the Ethiopian
Empire has been characterized by the attempt to establish a single nation-state through
violently subduing all other nations and nationalities at the end of 19th century. As
building the Ethiopian empire was related to domination and suppression, exclusion and
exploitation of the conquered peoples by the conquering nation was harsh and cruel, it
became the prime cause for the chronic and fundamental political problems of the
country. That is precisely the reason why the inner dynamics of politics in Ethiopia
always lie in the question of nations and nationalities. Take any socio-political issue, be
it economic, cultural, legal or social, it would be difficult to address any of these aspects
without having recourse to the issue of nations and nationalities, since the latter makes
in my view the political context.
It was not accidental therefore that almost all past major political forces, including the
Ethiopian Student Movements (ESM) in the 1960s, and later multi-national political
parties such as Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) and All Ethiopian Socialist
Movement ( MEISON) though they tried much to sideline, couldn’t avoid the issue of
nations and nationalities as the cornerstone of every socio-political issues they used to
raise, such as for example, the question of land to the tiller, equitable distribution of
education, health, development and etc.
Accordingly, the emergence of national liberation fronts such as the Eritrean People’s
Liberation Front (EPLF), Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), Oromo Liberation Front
(OLF) and Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) etc. have their root in the ever
sharpening nature of that foundational problem of national-colonial question in
Ethiopian politics. They came to play crucial role in the dynamics of Ethiopian politics.
The demise of the last two governments (His Emperor Haile Selassie and Mengistu
Hailemaria’s military rule), for example, cannot be fully explained without giving due
value to the role played by those liberation movements.
2. The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) ruling
system and the consequence of its hegemony
In May 1991, as Eritrea was liberated and the Transitional Government of Ethiopia was
ratified the Transitional Charter with core principles: the right to self-determination of
nations and nationalities, Decentralization of State (devolving of power with Federal
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setting based on nation and nationalities), liberalization of the economy and multiparty
democratic system that would embrace international Human Rights Bill as part of the
Transitional Charter for the respect of human rights.
However, these core principles were in practice reversed and nullified too soon as the
Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) came to assume monopolistic or hegemonic
posture within the coalition. This tendency of the TPLF-led Ethiopian People’s
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) eventually revealed itself not only in
marginalizing but also in its open and violent elimination of its coalition partners. As we
all remember, this all happened within one year; the moment the first popular election
process started in the attempt to lend the transitional government a democratic
legitimacy. After the Transitional Government was set up, the first snap- elections in the
transitional period were conducted in April 1992, in which the OLF won with landslide
result in Oromia Regional zones as well as a majority vote in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa).
This state of facts sent a negative and shocking signal to the TPLF. The overall situation
was not only surprising but chilling to the TPLF leadership. It came to realize that it has
no chance to rule Ethiopia in free and fair democratic election. Cognizant of this fact the
regime opted to a naked rule of the gun by violating all the principles embodied in the
Charter. Consequently, the EPRDF composed of surrogates organized from various
national groups under the full control of TPLF started to carefully plan a change in
political strategy. It mainly started to focus on politics of power protection and
consolidation at the expense of the broad based principles of the Charter. This dictatorial
attitude created confrontations over election rules, registration of voters, regulations of
candidates and many related matters. Intimidation and planned manipulation of
democratic processes eventually resulted in the forced departure of the second strong
political force, namely, the OLF, and other forces later. Other political parties and
liberation movements were banned afterwards because of their participation in the Paris
Peace Conference in 1993. Even after 1993 some political organizations have shown their
commitment to participate in the political process, if it is free and fair. However, the
TPLF/EPRDF considered these forces to be threat to its monopoly of power as they enjoy
massive popular support in their respective constituencies. Thus, TPLF not only
prevented them from operating freely in their respective but also intimidated, detained
and killed their members, supporters and constituents. This simply proved that TPLF is
always at war with any democratic force that wanted to compete freely and
independently unless its victory is assured at the end of the day. This was what
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happened in 1992, 1995, 2000, 2005 and finally in 2010 election where it claimed a
99.6% victory – a mockery of democracy.
The TPLF has systematically attempted to build its hegemony both in Ethiopia and in the
region of the Horn of Africa. Some of contributing factors for attempted hegemony are:1) The green light by the powerful western governments from the very beginning
carefully designed preparation of the main binding documents such as the
Constitution on a western standard to impress the international community in
giving itself the semblance of democratic character.
2) Portraying itself as a determinant stability factor both in the country and the
region. The regime presented itself as the primary guardian of stability of the
region. It further gave the impression that Ethiopia without them and its army
would become just another African war zone.
3) Superficial reforms and cooperation on international affairs. The regime figured
out exactly how to allow just enough superficial reforms to attract the Western
Embassies while at the same time reminding them that Ethiopia for all its faults
was still an anchor of stability in a turbulent neighbourhood.
4) Utilization of government resource such as Money and power for political gain
5) Empty promise accompanied with scare politics. EPRDF regime is perceived as
unique in Africa in that the constitution guards the right of each of its
constituents, nations and nationalities and peoples to secede and form separate
states of their own.
6) Misusing federal setting as divide and rule policy. The regime pursues a malicious
divide and rule policy by instigating a chain of conflicts between historically
peacefully coexisted nations (For example Sidama and Oromos, Somalis and
Oromos, Gedeos and Oromos, Anyuwak and Nuers, Oromo and Afar, Oromo and
Konsos, Oromo and Amharas, Gumuzis and Oromos and etc.). After instigating the
conflict the regime posture itself as a neutral peacemaker. In actual fact, however,
it works in aggravating the situation by intervening or disrupting, for example, the
traditional methods of resolving conflict peaceful political dialogue among
neighbouring communities. Eventually tries to get political support either from one
or both after bloodbath.
7) Misuse and control of Humanitarian aid and social services. For its Sham election
TPLF government is using distribution of land, fertilizer and humanitarian aid as
main instruments to get vote from the peasants
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8) Use of its Military and security force as extension of its party, since there has
never been demarcation between legislative, judiciary and executive bodies of the
state. Its military and security forces are continuously intimidating the opponents
on various orchestrated charges.
9) The EPRDF/TPLF regime not only abused the judiciary, the media and economic
sector but it possessed them as a part of its own party structure.
10)
Today what is called the private sector is mainly made up of two core groups,
the Midroc business empire, owned by Sheik Mohammed Alamoudin and the TPLF
owned enterprises.
The above mentioned factors are only a few among so many factors that led the TPLF to
its current ethnic oligarchy.
Currently Haile Mariam Desalgn being the Prime Minister of the empire does not mean
that the power base of EPRDF has been relinquished as his reliance on TPLF party
remains crucial and this seems to have been well designed. On the contrary, the TPLF
remains intact in being the home base for its power. TPLF functions still not only as the
nucleus of the ruling party, the EPRDF, but also as a nucleus to the entire
government/state machinery as a whole. This particularly pertains to the military, the
police force, the security, the media and the judiciary system. The dominance of the
TPLF within the state apparatus remains still boundless in that it even controls the
entire economy, fabric of civil society including NGOs and the economy itself. This single
nation dominant rule by force remains one of the major problems of the empire.
3. The current Socio-economic situation of Ethiopia
3.1 The Economic situation
Today, almost half of Ethiopia’s population lives in absolute poverty. Each year millions
face serious food insecurity. Scarcity, youth unemployment, inflation and ever widening
inequality are the glaring economic facts. Ethiopian Policy failures exacerbated chronic
food insecurity in terms of dependence on subsistence farming, land tenure, weak
markets, poor infrastructure and reliance on external food aid. Ethiopia relies on
development assistance for 40% of its public sector spending and is likely to remain
heavily dependent for many years to come. Ethiopia’s long-term Debt sustainability is
extremely fragile. The country’s ratio of exports to GDP is very low. Per-capita spending
on health is about one sixth the sub-Saharan averages. Safe drinking water is available
to just 15 % of the rural population.
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Most nation and nationalities including Oromo are not only deprived of their right and
resources but also threatened for their very existence. The recent land grabbing policy
jeopardized and endangered millions of lives and continuous to do so in the coming
years. The adversary nature of this policy is not only the fact that it dispossesses and
uproots settled farmers from their land but also poisons and destructs the ecological
balance of the traditional farming communities and destroys natural habitat as well as
forests in various ways.
3.2 Human rights Situation
Ethiopia is the signatory and state party of most conventions and covenants regarding
the respect of human rights. However it remained an open secret that Ethiopia refuse to
bid itself to its ratified covenants and to the constitution of Federal Democratic Republic
of Ethiopia (FDRE). Since EPRDF came to power its conducts regarding human rights
violations is characterized by mass massacre, extra-judicial killings, arbitrary arrests,
torture, displacement and forced conscription of the productive forces to non-ending
wars on political opponents. Wanton killings of Oromos, Gambellas, Ogadeni, Sidama,
Shaka-Menzengir, Omo and killings of Oromo students at various occasions are a few
out of many atrocities to be mentioned.
To mention some, the March 1992 massacre of oromos along the streets of Water town
Harrarge region, the February 1994 Massacre Ogadeni in Wardheer, the Massacre of
oromos at Babo Gambel village West Wollega in April 1995,the Massacre of oromos at
Sigmo and Gattira Districts in March 1995, the Massacre of Sheko and Majenger people
on 11 March 2002, The Locke, Sidama, Massacre of May 2002, the December 2003
mass killings of Anuaks, the Massacre after turmoil of 2005 National election in Addis
Ababa, the Massacre of Oromos Gara Sufi in February 2007, the 2009 mass murder of
Ogadeni in Kabiribayah Ogaden,the massacre of members of the Suri tribe(Omo) of
December 2012, the Massacre of Muslim protestors April and August 2013 in Asasa and
Kofele Oromia and the Massacre by special (Liyu) Police 2013/2014 on Ogadeni and
Oromos are some of the living testimonies of the state terrorist act of the TPLF regime
and are true historical records
The scale of records of Human rights violations have been reported by various human
rights organizations. The TPLF regime has never put into practice the recommendations
given to it during periodic reviews of UN Treaty bodies such as Universal Periodic Review
(UPR) and charter based covenants.
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Oromo students in high schools and higher educational institutions are targeted for
harassment, intimidation, arrest, and killing. Now days graduating students cannot find
jobs unless they are registered members of the ruling party or its affiliates. The very
recent AI Documented record with a title ‘Because I am Oromo’ Sweeping Repression
in the Oromia Region of Ethiopia” showed that Oromos are targeted deliberately to
EPRDF human rights abuse.
The situation of Human right abuse is not limited to the Ethiopian territory but extends
over trans-national borders to all neighbouring countries.
As far as Oromo (including all southern nation and nationalities) is concerned, TPLF and
their predecessors have similar standing strategy to ascend to power. Once they realized
the consolidation of their Power, they set on depriving them the minimum human rights
and perpetuate the exploitation of their resources and finally maximize their exploitation
by foreign investors (Government or private Companies). Typical examples are Chilaaloo
Agricultural Development Unit (CADU), Walayitaa Agricultural development Unit (WADU)
of Hailesilassee era, BP, AMOCO, IPC, Ethio-Libiya projects of Dergues and Todays
Indian, Saudi, Turkey and china firms.
4. Regional and Global issues
4.1 Geopolitics:
Interstate, Intra-state conflicts and effect of Global terrorism
The Horn of Africa centred by Ethiopia is geographically and demographically important
to the EU in terms of its geo-strategic significance. However, the Horn of Africa is
characterized as one of the most fragile regions in the world. Somalia being the most
fragile State, the whole Horn is affected by nine major conflicts. These are: 1)
Sudan/Darfur conflict 2) the conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia 3) the cluster of
conflicts centred on Somalia mainly related to al-Shabaab 4) tensions between the state
of South Sudan and Sudan (Abeyi conflict) 5) Ongoing conflicts within southern Sudan
6) Intra-Ethiopian conflicts 7) the destruction by the LRA through northern Uganda,
southern Sudan and elsewhere 8) Somalia-Somaliland conflict 9) Ethiopia-Egypt conflict.
The long-lasting fragmentation of Somalia and the military intervention of its
neighbours, the terrorist act of Al-shabab, the separation of South Sudan from Sudan,
and the unresolved dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea dominated the attention of
international community. Ethiopia, which is geographically at the centre of the security
complex of the Horn hottest conflict, is sitting on time-awaiting deep-rooted conflict.
However as a part of these conflicts the substantial parts of the Horn’s population where
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the region is assumed to be stable, Ethiopia, Oromos are experiencing political exclusion,
economic marginalization, persecution and targeted horrendous human rights violations.
These tensions inherent in the composition of Ethiopia itself could easily spill over into
its neighbours with their own intractable problems. According to Credenda Group index
the political risk analysis the average value for Ethiopia’s Long-term political risk during
the period of 2014 was 7 indicating high risk and its Short-term political risk is also 5.
The temporary stability of the current Ethiopia rests on the regime's total control over
the military and security forces and its readiness to use it without hesitation.
4.2 Demography and the problem of youth
Ethiopia is the most populous state in Sub-Saharan Africa. The country’s population has
been growing at a very worrisome rate decade after decade. If population growth
continues at an annual rate of more than 2%, the country will be among the world's ten
most populous countries by 2050. Ethiopia’s age structure data show that about 65% of
the total population is between zero and 25 years age. Youth unemployment is “a ticking
time bomb.” Unemployment rate and depletion of natural resources are also happening
at an even more alarming rate. The ever-rising number of people permanently relying on
international food aid is evidences of bad governance, wrong policies and squandering of
resources. The government’s glorious hope for this problem is the Construction of Grand
Renaissance Dam and implementation of the five years Growth and Transformation Plan
(GTP) that is intrigued by a conflict with Egypt.
4.3 Environment
Today, environmental problem is the subject of serious international concern. The
atmospheric and marine pollution, global warming, Ozone layer depletion, nuclear
dangers and other extra hazardous substances have threatened wildlife species. Such
pollution generated from within a particular state often has a series of impacts upon
other countries. One of the causes of environmental degradation is deforestation.
Therefore, the issue of forest destruction in Oromia cannot be considered as the problem
of Oromos alone. Since TPLF came to power a huge areas of virgin forests have been set
on fire in various parts of Oromia.
The worst has happened in 2000 and stayed for a period of two months and the last
month fire in Arsi zone. Although the TPLF always blamed and prosecuted farmers for
starting the forest fires, there are ample evidences that the fires were deliberately set by
squads of the TPLF regime with the wicked pretext that the forest is an obstacle to the
efficiency of its force against guerrilla fighters of Oromo liberation struggle. There is
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nothing more criminal than a government promoting ecological destruction in its own
country; a country which it claims to govern. Under the guise of free market economy,
the TPLF government has been awarding contracts to investors undertaking unregulated
environmental safety in ecologically sensitive and vulnerable areas. To mention some:a) Horticultural chemicals classified as carcinogenic according to the World Health
Organization used for Flower farm causes lasting damage to brain cells and the immune
system and have been known to bring about miscarriages in pregnant women.
Unregulated Flower Farm is damaging environment and causing human suffering
significantly in Ethiopia
b) Disposal of waste and obsolete pesticide Stocks
According to the recent study of FAO Ethiopia is the third country next to Botswana and
Mali having large known obsolete pesticide stocks with total tones of 3401 tonnes from
Africa and Middle East countries. Obsolete pesticides not only cause serious health risks
but also threaten food security by contaminating groundwater and soil, the most
important resources for food production. A typical example for disposal of waste that
affected human and animal lives has the severely poisoned Lake Koka and Awash River
in Oromia that was contaminated by toxic chemical waste flowing from the Pittards Plc.,
run by Ethiopia Tannery Share Company.
c) Exposure of toxic chemicals from mining area
At Laga Dambi primary gold is exploited by Medroc Company. The utilisation of
Potassium cyanide by the company to dissociate the primary gold from its mother rock,
severely, affecting the life of the local people by creating toxic chemical complex.
d) Improper use of fertilizer
Good and bad fertilizer means special meaning for the ecosystem. Good fertilizers
replenish soil depleted of essential elements needed for plant growth; application of “bad”
fertilizers or too many fertilizers can cause severe problems to plants or soil microbes.
With increased soluble salt content in the soil, the ability of the roots to absorb water
and nutrients is reduced, and the plants will wilt and die due to dehydration. Some
researchers already noted in Oromia bad fertilizers are in use and are destroying soil and
environment.
5. The land grabbing system
Today TPLF leased and sold land mainly to foreign investors, governments or individuals
by evicting peasants from their land holdings. 85% of Ethiopian population depends on
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agriculture. The population growth is very high and labour is abundant with no
alternative employment. Under this situation, evicting peasants without compensation
not only result in undesired rural- urban migration but also for evicted individuals it is
like a loss of air to breath, sunshine to warm and water to survive. Since Towns in
Ethiopia have no jobs to offer for a rapid influx of unskilled workers ultimately urban
unemployment, criminality and all associated problems of hygiene, epidemics and
human misery are the major social situation in today’s Addis Ababa and other Towns.
6. Role of International community
TPLF had conducted election in June 1992 and 1994, May 1995, 2000, 2005, and 2010.
By doing so, it claimed that it has transformed the Ethiopian state from authoritarian,
one nation dominated empire and command economy to democratic federal society and
free market economy. To the contrary, the EPRDF dominated empire is controlling the
political and economic life of the peoples of Ethiopia. In 1992 EPRDF claimed to have
won 96.6 % of the vote that aimed for establishing elected local and regional
Administrations. Eighteen years later, in the 2010 National Election, TPLF led EPRDF
claimed another landslide victory with 99.6 %. There wasn’t time where the election was
free and fair. Moreover, Oromo and Ogaden people, among other nations and
nationalities of Ethiopia, are targeted with extra-judicial killings, torture, sexual violence,
arbitrary detention and enforced disappearances.
The 2005 parliamentary elections in Ethiopia were monitored by a large observation
mission deployed by the EU and led by the socialist Member of European Parliament
(MEP) Ana-Maria Gomes. The overall report was without doubt the most critical of all.
International observer missions, concluding that “the elections fell short of
international principles for genuine democratic elections” (EU Election Observation
Mission 2005). The 2008 local elections were perceived to be uncompetitive due to strong
pressure by the ruling party to vote for or join the ruling party. International observers
were not allowed during these elections and the international community remained silent
about the conduct and results of the poll. Although the 2010 parliamentary elections did
not bring about the same kind of violence as in 2005, the EU concluded that the
electoral process “fell short of international commitments for elections, notably
regarding the transparency of the process and the lack of level playing field for
all contesting parties”.
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The partnership between Ethiopia and the EU is based on the African-EU strategic
partnership which gives emphasis to Peace and security and good governance and
human rights. Regarding the governance and human rights under the strategic priority
(b) it says,” the promotion of democratic governance and human rights constitutes a
central feature of the Africa-EU dialog and partnership”. Moreover, the Cotonou
agreement defines relations between the EU and ACP countries. Despite the fact that all
of Ethiopia’s elections were flawed and severe deterioration of human rights the EU did
not invoke Article 96. Ethiopia represents the fourth largest recipient of EU aid finance in
the world and the EU is currently the country’s single largest trade partner.
The European Union is one of the five major donor partners of Ethiopia. EU institution
contributes for about €230 million a year, representing 10% of the total Official
Development Aid received by Ethiopia. Together with the EU Member States support, the
European Union makes available around 34% of the total aid assistance to Ethiopia.
Consequently, the EU has significant leveraged over the regime, which in turn represents
an opportunity and responsibility to encourage the Government to be more accountable,
show readiness to resolve outstanding political problems, promote freedom of speech,
and develop democratic institutions and respect human and peoples’ rights and the rule
of law. On June 19, 2014 in Nairobi EU and Ethiopia signed European Union aid in
favour of Ethiopia in an amount of 745.2 million Euros to be made available to Ethiopia
for the period 2014-2020.
By providing help to the dictatorial regime in Ethiopia, the EU has breached:
1. The Africa-EU Strategic Partnership, a joint Africa-EU strategy policy adopted in
Lisbon in 2007/ Lisbon, 9 December 2007 16344/07.
2. EU International Cooperation and Development policy which is primarily based on
good governance and respect for human rights, their national country’s laws and
international human rights standards,
Currently we learned that EU is not sending observers team this time for May 2015
election despite the outcome seems highly unlikely. Unanswered question is what will be
the next strategy of EU?
THE WAY FORWARD
Ladies and Gentlemen,
All these griming political, economic and social situations suggest that Ethiopia is indeed
at a crossroad as some prominent social scientists and politicians asserted. It is at a
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crossroad between hope and hopelessness, change and disintegration. What will be the
way forward for opposition political forces to genuinely contribute for a lasting peace or
positive hope?
In what follows I shall try to address this question on behalf of the OLF. It has always
been OLF’s conviction that commitment to liberation from all sorts of national
oppression and exploitation paves a way for the peoples in Ethiopia and beyond to join
hands to form a political union on the basis of equality and voluntary association. This
ushers a process of negotiation of a constitutional order that determines a form of state
acceptable to free peoples seeking to establish a political union among themselves. The
OLF has always shown a good political will to cooperate and create mutual and all
inclusive solutions. The sacrifieses made in joining the 1991 Charter and our track
record in attempting to establish a coalition among opposition testifies this.
In regional and Global context OLF also realizes the significance of averting the disasters
currently threatening the Horn in general and Ethiopia in particular. In this regard,
demography, history and geography have placed the Oromo people in a unique position
to play a unique role in Ethiopia as well as the Horn. Speaking about perspective of
Oromia and the Oromo people explicitly means to speak about the central issues of the
Ethiopian empire. Cognizant of this fact, as long as TPLF led EPRDF is clinching on
power in Ethiopia there will be no peace both in the Ethiopian empire and the Horn of
African countries. The regime itself becomes an embodiment of the Ethiopian problems.
Today, a spectre of man-made and natural disaster hangs over the country. The
challenge to be tackled is making sure that the rights to self-determination is fully
recognized and realized not just in theory but also in practice. This can help resolve
perennial political problem and create a peaceful relationship between nations in which
the right of nations to self-determination is upheld and individual rights and political
freedom is respected. Empowerment and respect to the will of peoples can serve as a
moderating and stabilizing factor by promoting democracy and peace. Noting that, the
way forward is to exert diplomatic pressure on the government so as to resolve political
conflicts peacefully and address legitimate demand of different peoples and political
groups.
Despite OLF’s primary task is defending the Oromo people and itself, it is laterally cooperating with other political forces (such Paris Conference on peace, joint co-operation
work and forming an alliance). In addition the OLF never ceased calling TPLF for a
negotiated peaceful settlement to the Oromo quest for freedom. However like all its
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predecessors, TPLF led government showed no real courage to take a remedial step
towards solving the basic problem that kept the country in tragic economic, political and
social mire.
As far as alliance with other political forces is concerned, after the Paris Conference
failed, as a primary step along the derive for collective solution, the OLF met on April
20th 2000, with some political forces (Benishangul People’s Liberation Movements
(BPLM), Ethiopian Democratic Forces United Front (EDFUF), Ethiopian Peoples’ Patriotic
Front (EPPF), Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), Sidama Liberation Front (SLF)
and Some interested Ethiopian individuals and other organizations as observer); across
the North-South, East-West without any exclusion and arrived at a joint agreement to
work towards eradicating the root causes of the endemic tyranny, national oppression
famine and arrested development that bedevils the Oromo and other peoples in Ethiopia.
As an extension of the April 2000 agreement, it formed an alliance in May 2006 named
an Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD) against much unfavourable political and
organizational conditions. Despite all these, the opposition forces are long away from the
co-operative united act that positively changes the course of politics in Ethiopia.
Experience told us the stumbling block lies on the question and respect to the rights of
nations and nationalities.
On the one hand, the policy that TPLF pursues in this regard is unfortunately the policy
that was based closely on Stalin’s theory of nationalities, applied in the Soviet Union
under which each nationality would have only a nominal right to internal selfgovernment, with secession as an ultimate resort. In fact the policy has a dangerous
mismatch between the development of social and political forces on the one hand, and
the opportunities for these to be incorporated into the political structure on the other.
On the other, the opposition political forces that see themselves as Pan-Ethiopians still
remained in their traditional juxtaposition of individual versus collective rights in which
case they uphold the first while reject the latter. This means they fail to appreciate what
has been achieved even on paper as far as the right of nations and nationalities is
concerned. For this position of theirs they often refer to the authority of liberal
conception of democracy in which the individual is considered to be the only real agent
of society and hence bearer of rights. Be the liberal theory as it may be, in reality there is
no an individual without certain basic social traits such as language, social habit,
custom and ways of life, to say the least.
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This means by virtue of the fact that a human individual is brought up by a certain
family under a given social structure in a certain way; he is already a social animal.
Individuality is inseparable from that social environment in which he/she is brought up.
Had it not been the case, there would not be Ethiopianness “Ethiopiawinet” for this
Ethiopiawinet is anchored in a certain collective identity. As much as Ethiopiawinet is
the social source of nourishment for the individual, the individuals are the perpetrators
or the agents of Ethiopiawinet. So there is no way to mutually separate the individual
from the social and vice versa.
It is precisely because of this conceptual impasse, that modern liberals came to recognize
the dialectical dimension of democracy as to be anchored both in the agency of the
individual and the contextual significance of the collective identity. According to some
contemporary liberals such as Kymlicka (2002) collective rights are consistent with
liberal pluralism if they meet two conditions: they protect freedom of individuals within
the group and they promote relations of equality (non-dominance) between groups.
This comprehensive political view could be the stumbling block to forge a very
meaningful alliance between the Pan-Ethiopian and various nationalist forces.
Our recommendation to this concern and change the extreme asymmetry of power
between the ruling party and opposition movements in order to attain the long lasting
peace can only be achieved by genuine collaboration of opposition political forces in
forging common understanding on the right of nations and nationalities. OLF believes
that cultivating democratic culture of working together closely, without interfering the
internal matter of the other. In the course of this collaboration process not only
alignment of political forces but also the similar democratic traditions of some of the
peoples of Ethiopia have to be explored and geared in the way they have served for
centuries for peaceful coexistence of these nations.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I would finally like to bring to all of your attention that the Oromo Nation and Oromo
Liberation movement are no avengers at all. Our history and culture will not permit us to
indulge in such acts as can be evidenced by our past deeds. Consequently I call on the
nations and nationalities in Ethiopia as well as in the horn to realise the true nature of
EPRDF and join hand in hand together to bring long lasting peace and justice to all
peoples in Ethiopia as well as the Horn.
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Any attempt of stakeholders, be it international community or/and Political forces of
Ethiopian empire, to weaken the Oromo liberation struggle by isolation, marginalization
and splitting of OLF will never bring the aspired peace, democracy and development.
Either the TPLF as it is now or opposition’s attempt to create Oromo named
“Comprachicos” will never help in solving the problem of Oromo’s vis-a-vis Ethiopia’s.
To attain stability and peace in Ethiopia, the Oromo demand for freedom, equality and
democracy must be met. The Oromo are not only the largest group in Ethiopia but they
are also the most centrally placed with whom the unity of the country would be under
question.
This simple fact lends the Oromo issue a peculiar sensitivity. Without sustainable peace
in Ethiopia, regional peace is inconceivable. Therefore, to bring genuine peace and
stability to the Horn, the starting point is to deal with the dynamic situation in Ethiopia
by resolving peoples’ demand for the right to self-determination. As long as this is
ignored or orchestrated, sustainable peace in Ethiopia and the region will continue to be
very elusive.
The Oromo liberation struggle is not directed against the masses of a particular nation or
nationality, nor against individuals, but rather against oppressive system of successive
Ethiopian regimes. Oromo’s quest is the quest for freedom, democracy, justice and peace
as the case with most colonized and oppressed peoples. I loudly say that empowering of
Oromo people for fulfilment of their aspiration is support for justice but suppressing the
will and quest of Oromo people because of fear for their demography and natural
resource is a fear of democracy and justice. Assisting of minority regime for the sake of
this fear is a paradoxical and it is negating the very basic democratic values on which
western countries are founded. Regulating minority rights, collective rights and
individual rights of human kind are the main objectives of international bills upheld by
democratic governments. Therefore, if principles are our guidance I don’t see any
obstacle in our own way not to stand united against the TPLF/EPRDF brutal and
undemocratic regime.
Justice, Democracy and Peace shall prevail!
Thank you for your attention!
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