Allegheny College
Allegheny College DSpace Repository
http://dspace.allegheny.edu
Projects by Department or Interdivisional Program
Academic Year 2016-2017
2017-04-17
The Reach of Our Voice: An Analysis of Social
Movement Theory and Afro-descendants in
Argentina and Mexico
Olaiya, Yemi
http://hdl.handle.net/10456/42899
All materials in the Allegheny College DSpace Repository are subject to college policies and Title 17
of the U.S. Code.
[1]
ALLEGHENY COLLEGE
POLITICAL SCIENCE 610
&
MODERN AND CLASSICAL LANGUAGES 610
SENIOR PROJECT
YEMI T. OLAIYA
THE REACH OF OUR VOICE: AN ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY
AND AFRO-DESCENDANTS IN ARGENTINA AND MEXICO
&
LAS EXPRESIONES DE NUESTRA IDENTIDAD: LOS ARTEFACTOS CULTURALES
DE ARGENTINA Y MÉXICO
Department of Political Science &
Department of Modern and Classical Languages
APRIL 17, 2017
[2]
[3]
For TaMa-Re
&
Michael Allen
Always in Loving Memory
[4]
CONTENTS
Acknowledgements
List of Illustrations, Maps, and Tables
Part One: The Reach of Our Voice: An Analysis of Social Movement Theory and Afro-descendants in
Argentina and Mexico
Introduction
Chapter 1. Argentina and Mexico: The Invisibility of Blackness
The Roles of Race and Ethnicity
Argentina’s Grey Conflict in Black & White
Mexico’s Black Closet
Why Argentina and Mexico Are the Same
Chapter 2. Setting the Stage for Change
The Purpose of a Movement
The Power of Shared Identity
A Robust Social Movement
Current Movements
Chapter 3. Turning the Tide: Possibilities for Argentina and Mexico
Divergent and Parallel Factors
The Prospect of a Robust Movement
References
La segunda parte: La expresión de nuestra identidad: los artefactos culturales de Argetina y México
Capítulo 4. Reflexiones del pasado: la cultura de los afrodescendientes en Argentina y México
Dos países, una conexión
Argentina: el significativo del soldado afro
México: la identidad y la expresión
El legado
Anexos
Obras citadas
[5]
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This semester has been the hardest semester of my academic career thus far. Quite
possibly, every challenge imaginable was put in my path as an obstacle. There were many times
from January to April that I felt I did not have the emotional strength to complete this project.
However, through the patience, encouragement, and guidance of my loving family, dearest
friends, extraordinary professors, and remarkable advisors, I was able to complete this invaluable
academic contribution.
First and foremost, I must acknowledge my Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ whom without
reaching the end of this project as well this semester would not have been possible. Many days
and many nights, prayer and meditation were the only things getting me to the next task or the
next deadline. My faith gave me the belief that somehow, some way this project would be fully
realized when it seemed as if there was little to no possibility within myself to make that happen.
I will never be able to thank God enough for what He has done for me and how he has enabled
me to put in the countless hours and enormous effort to making my goal of composing such an
in-depth work into a reality. In addition to my life overall, I completely owe this semester and
these past four years to God. Without God, it is no question that I would not have made it this far.
Secondly, I have to thank and acknowledge my amazing readers who have greatly helped
me and been incredibly patient with me throughout this entire process, Dr. Shannan Mattiace and
Dr. Wilfredo Hernández. Dr. Mattiace, you were one of the first people I came to with the
unimaginable hardships that I was experiencing towards the beginning of the semester. I came to
you quite vulnerably and not only were you understanding of my plight, but you also reassured
me of my inner-strength, that would help me overcome what I was facing. I will always be
grateful to you for that. In addition, being in your classes have truly inspired me as an academic.
[6]
Watching and listening to you teach is a true form of deep intellect, grace, and humility. Every
class with you has pushed my scholarship to heights I did not realize were possible. Thank you
for being such a wonderful professor and an excellent advisor.
To you, Dr. Hernández, although this was our first time working together, I can honestly
say I have learned a lot from you. You expect nothing less than perfection, and rightfully so. I do
wish that we had spent more time together throughout the course of my work, however, the time
we did spend together was immensely helpful and certainly raised the bar for me. I am in debt to
you for your patience and assistance throughout this process. Thank you for taking me seriously
as a scholar and offering the constructive criticism to make this project academy worthy. The
Spanish language has always had a special place in my heart. However, under your tutelage I
have come to appreciate it in a new academic light that I could not see until now. I write with
complete conviction that this project would not have become a meaningful piece of work without
the amazing support I had from both of you. I thank you both for your amazing scholarship and
caring enough to share your immeasurable wisdom with me. Each of you pushed me to be a
better scholar and this project reflects that. I am proud to have worked with both of you through
this long, challenging, yet rewarding process. No matter how far I go, I will always look back at
your mentorship for guidance. As your pupil, I truly hope that I have made you both proud.
To the other meaningful professional individuals that have significantly impacted my life
at Allegheny, I thank you: my second advisor, Professor Verónica Dantán, Dr. Andrew Bloeser,
Dr. Sharon Wesoky, Dr. Brian Harward, Dr. Barbara Reiss, Dr. Rachel O’Brien, Dr. Stephen
Onyeiwu, Dr. Barbara Shaw, Dr. Armenta Hinton, Gilly Ford, Megan Lenherr, Pam Higham,
Jenny Kawata, Jim Fitch, Amanda Mangine, Rebecca Guanzon, Gretchen Kerr, Kristin Black,
and Jennifer Kessner. I thank each one of you, as you have supported me and helped me to grow
[7]
throughout my four years of higher learning. I acknowledge you all as contributing factors to the
overall success of this project.
Unabashedly, I must acknowledge my amazing mother, Loretta Payne, for always being
in my corner and being a warrior for me, even when I did not realize that I needed one. You have
always been a great mother. You have never hesitated once to sacrifice your time, energy, or
finances for the well-being of your children. Throughout my life, you have shown an
incomparable type of love, loyalty, kindness, empathy, intelligence, warmth, and honesty that I
have yet to find in another human being. You have been that way my entire life. That did not
change this semester, which truly has been the most difficult time in my life. Your presence and
support, whether in person or by phone, has never ceased. I have never needed you more than I
did in the past few months and I thank you so much for being a pillar of love, holding me up
when I could not do it myself. You are an amazing person and I am so grateful to have you as my
mom. Every day I thank God for making us a family and I pray that I will fulfill the aspirations
that you made possible for me to have.
My brother, Eugene “Sammey” F. Olaiya, has also been an irreplaceable part of my life.
Sammey, you will always be my role model and someone that I look to for motivation and
inspiration. Not only are you an amazing big brother, but you are also a loving son, an effective
leader, a compassionate advisor, a trusted confidant, a loyal friend, a deeply thoughtful
individual, and an honest person. One day soon, you will make an amazing psychologist and I
know you will deeply touch people’s lives in the same way you have touched mine. You took on
a lot of hard responsibilities when we were growing up. You always looked out for me and I
know you still live by that principle today. I only hope that I can show my appreciation for your
unwavering love and dedication, not only by acknowledging you in this work, but also in the
[8]
years to come. You will always be my big brother and I will always be your little sister. The love
we have for each other is cherished and perpetual.
To my wonderful aunt and uncle, Peggy and Michael Payne, you both have been
powerful, loving forces in my life since the day of my birth. You both wasted no time in adopting
me as your own child. You each played unparalleled roles in my discipline and development. A
large part of the woman I am today is due to the love that you each have showed me, not only as
family members, but also as surrogate parents. Thank you both for always encouraging me and
reassuring your pride in me with the person I have become. Neither of you have ever shied away
from building up a positive self-outlook for myself with the praises you have always given me,
while at the same time instilling humility and humbleness in me as you raised me in God. I thank
you both for impressing the enormous value of scholarship throughout my entire life. None of
my academic strides and accomplishments, chief of all being this project, would have possible
without you two giving me the gift of love for scholarship. I admire you both for the people you
are, individually and collectively. You always remind me of how wonderful a person I am, but I
hope you realize every day that my inner light shines because you each have taught me how to
do so by being a living, breathing example every day of my life.
Thank you to all of the Payne, Olaiya, and Ursua families. All of you have shown me
love and kindness throughout the years. So many salient things that I learned outside of the
classroom came from you all. Due to your collective humor, wit, closeness, and unapologetic
honesty, the core of my being has transformed throughout the years with so many of you being
there to nourish it and watch it grow. I am elated that I have brought those characteristics, which
all have helped to this project bring to fruition, into my life of academia. The very nature of this
[9]
project holds pieces of each of you within it and I thank you for the unattainable love that you all
have brought to it and my journey thus far.
I would also like to acknowledge the genuine connections that I have made at Allegheny
College, which I hold so closely to my heart and have impacted me in numerous ways for a
lifetime. Imani Prince was the first friend I made at Allegheny. Imani, through our four years
together I cannot begin to describe all the laughs, tears, accomplishments, failures, late-night
rants, and Domino’s orders that we have been through together. It was always as if whatever one
of us went through, the other was right there taking on the same emotional hardship and
frustration. Only two months into our friendhood and I knew we were two peas in a pod. These
past four years have been phenomenal and I look forward to the many more to come. Thank you
for always respecting and loving me as a person, supporting my every endeavor, and shooting
down all my self-doubt. I acknowledge you in this work because your friendship has been
invaluable in helping me to complete it. Thank you for always being there for me when I needed
you and even in our brief rough patches continuing to be a true friend. You have made my time at
Allegheny worth remembering and I thank you for it.
To Mamina S. Norman-Wokoma, it would be completely amiss if I did not acknowledge
you and all the ways in which you have been essential in helping me to complete this project.
“The struggle”, as our generation likes to refer to especially challenging circumstances, was very
present with both of us this semester. However, the fact the we were able to encourage one
another, in spite of the odds not always being in our favor, speaks volumes. Thank you, Mamina
for working with me, checking in on me, and literally encouraging me on a day-to-day basis.
From our first years at Allegheny, you have always been a kind and honest person towards me.
Throughout our junior year, we grew even closer together bonding over life obstacles and our
[10]
Nigerian culture. I am so grateful for all the meaningful conversations, late-night heart-to-hearts,
and sincere love that our friendship has brought us. Thank you for always being a true confidant
and sage counselor whenever I needed one. I hope you know how much your astounding
character has influenced me, and how much our deep friendship has meant to me. Thank you for
being such an important part of my time at Allegheny. Thank you for being such an important
part of my life.
Andrew Nunn, I still remember meeting you freshmen year. In that moment, I never
would have been able to predict how close we would be become. Each of us has experienced our
fair share of trials and tribulations together. However, the love and understanding that we always
showed each other helped to get us through. Ironically through these hardships, I have come to
witness firsthand the very kind, genuine, strong, honest, intelligent, and immensely caring person
that you are. thank you so much for all of the constant love, patience, and kindness that you have
shown me. I am extremely proud of you and all that you have accomplished, and overcame. I
acknowledge you in this work due to the unwavering encouragement you have shown me
throughout our friendship, and certainly throughout this semester. You truly are a wonderful
person and I am so blessed to have call you my friend. You also have been present during this
very difficult time in my life and I will never be able to thank you enough for that. Although this
semester was a pivotal time for me, our friendship goes way beyond such difficult moments. All
the stories, jokes, anxieties, fears, and joys that we have shared rest firmly in my heart. Our
friendship is incredibly invaluable to me and I know that it stretches past these last four years.
Lynsey Brame, you have always been my comrade in scholarship since our the very first
semester on the road to higher learning. Our mutual love for the Spanish language has brought us
together but our genuine care and love for each other has blossomed our friendship and became a
[11]
sisterhood. Our time together in Argentina made us so much closer and that will always be a
wonderful chapter of my life that I will remember fondly as you have added so many amazing
memories to it. Over the years, I have seen you grow as an amazing academic as well as a
beautiful person. I know you will go far in life and I look forward to the expansion of our
friendship as time continues. Together we have experienced a lot of ups and downs. Ironically,
whatever hardships we were experiencing we always seem to be going through the exact same
things. In spite of this, we always supported and encouraged each other through our most
difficult times. I cannot express the gratitude I owe you for all the ways you helped me when I
needed people in my life that I could trust. Thank you for helping me to believe that I was not
alone and that somehow, I would make through the semester. I acknowledge in this work as we
have worked side-by-side throughout this process, completing together what seemed like the
impossible. I will always be in debt to for you that and all the other countless ways you have
been an incredible friend to me.
Lastly, to Allen Baugh, Nia Burnett, Lynsey Brame, Natalia Han, LaVerne Thompson,
Christina Thomas, and Brian Jimenez, I would also like to thank all of you for making my time
at Allegheny richer, fuller and more meaningful. All of our friendships have meant a lot to me
and taught me things that I did not realize I needed to learn. Thank you all for constant
encouragement, love and support. Each of you are dear to me and I acknowledge you and thank
you in the fulfillment of this work.
[12]
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS, MAPS, AND TABLES
Illustrations
Las Castas Painting…………………………………………………………….Pg. 38
La pintura de la batalla de Chacabuco…………………………………………Pg. 48
Maps
El mapa geopolítico de Argentina y países envolventes……………………….Pg. 47
Tables
Data from Eight Censuses of Buenos Aires, 1787-1887………………………Pg. 8
1
PART ONE:
THE REACH OF OUR VOICE: AN ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY AND
AFRO-DESCENDANTS IN ARGENTINA AND MEXICO
[2]
INTRODUCTION
We are embarking on the important conversation of Afro-descendants in Argentina and
Mexico and why there has not been a robust social movement that they have created. For the
purposes of this composition, I define Afro-descendant as an individual with genealogical ties to
Africa. Indeed, for this term to be applicable to this project it goes deeper than physical
appearance and does not simply apply to the hues of a person’s skin. To clarify, while it is
noteworthy that all humans have some biological connection to the vast continent as the origin
place of human life, with respect to this research, I have limited Afro-descendant to mean direct
lineage to Africa (Palmer, 2000). This direct lineage is most commonly manifested through the
descent of African slaves and the ongoing continuation of their descendants within the extensive
ethnic groups that African slaves belonged to, or through the interethnic relationships between
African descendants and other racial groups, such as indigenous people and Spaniards. I use
Afro-descendant and Black interchangeably when referring to individuals of African descent in
this composition. In addition, I would also note that I use Afro-descendant in specific reference
to Afro-Argentines and Afro-Mexicans within this work. Furthermore, it is also important to note
the intersectionality that is present in the identity of Afro-descendants within Argentina and
Mexico.
The term intersectionality was coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1991 in order to frame
the dual discrimination that Black women faced at the intersection of their identities by way of
gender and race. Apart from this, intersectionality has matured in academic discourse in order to
encompass the innumerable identities that individuals possess and why the intersection of those
identities matter. In this case, there is an intersection of two ethnic identities, which Afrodescendants in Argentina and Mexico possess. Not only do Afro-descendants of this region have
[3]
an African-based heritage, but also these Afro-descendants belong to other ethnic groups that
were influenced by Spanish colonial impact. As a consequence of colonial prowess, the largest
human displacement in human history took place, which situated people of European, American
indigenous, and African backgrounds to commingle and ultimately create new ethnicities and
racial categories. From this manifestation, identities such as Afro-Argentine and Afro-Mexican
became possible and as such became very much present in today’s world. Being at the
intersection of a Black and Argentine or Mexican identity, creates a microcosm in which the
histories of colonial legacies, slavery-derived institutions, and the politics of racial categories all
play a significant role in shared identity and political representation simultaneously.
With respect to intersectionality, I discuss here and in the first chapter the numerous
racial categories that were present in Mexico during its colonial period. These “identities” were
part of a social caste system known as 1castas, which were fabricated racial identities used to
described mixed-race or multiracial people. Castas served to rank the races amongst the each
1
The casta categories and their meaning are as follows: Albarazado (the combination of “lobo”
and indigenous), Albino (the combination of Spaniard and “morisco”), Barcino (the combination
of indigenous and “albarazado”), Cambujo (the combination of Chinese and indigenous),
Calpamulato (the combination of “lobo” and “sambiago”), Castizo (the combination of
“mestizo” and Spaniard), Chamizo (the combination of “castizo” and “mestizo”), Chino
(Chinese), Cholo (the combination of indigenous and “mestizo”), Coyote (coyote; the
combination of “mestizo” and indigenous), Criollo (Spanish-American; the combination of
mixed European descent and Black), Español (Spanish/Spaniard), Gíbaro (the combination of
indigenous and Chinese), Indio (Indian, Native American, indigenous), Lobo (wolf; the
combination of indigenous and Black), Mestizo (mixed), Morisco (the combination of Spaniard
and “mulato”), Mulato (mule, donkey; the combination of Black and Spaniard), Negro (Black),
Peninsular (of the Iberian Peninsula), Pardo (the combination of Spaniard, Black, and
indigenous), Salta Atrás (the combination of Chinese and indigenous), Sambiago/Zambiaga (the
combination of indigenous and “barcino”), Tente en el Aire (the combination of indigenous and
“cambujo”), Torna Atrás (the combination of “albina” and Spaniard), and Zambo (the
combination of Black and indigenous). This list was adapted from the Native Heritage Project
(2013).
[4]
other, ultimately serving to give more rights to whiter populations and little to no rights to
populations of color (López, 2007).
I use Argentina and Mexico as contrasting case studies for the inquiry into Afrodescendants in these countries and the absence of their self-created, robust social movements. I
chose these two countries because while they have uniquely different histories in terms of
trajectory of their colonial periods, racial classification, wars for independence, and immigration
patterns, both countries have a deeply-rooted silence when it comes to the existence and
significance of their Black populations - both past and present. One of the biggest and most
obvious commonalities that these countries share are the nonexistence of large social
movements, in which legal and political representation as well as agency of their Black
populations are the main objective.
In accordance with this research, social movements can be defined as a consistent
campaign, in which individuals convene around a shared cause or identity in order to achieve
social, cultural, and/or political change (Diani, 1992). As a point of clarification, I do discuss that
there are several organizations and movements present in Argentina and Mexico, which
specifically focus on the equal rights and political representation of Afro-descendants in these
countries. However, I use the term of robust purposefully, to describe the type of social
movement that Argentina and Mexico have yet to see from their Black populations. In chapter
two, I use the United States Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s to illustrate the idea of a robust
social movement. I use this example to both designate how a robust social movement looks in
terms of organization and trajectory, and also success and a legacy of precedents for the
obtainment of equal rights for marginalized groups, especially those belonging to a Black
identity.
[5]
This research consists of two sections and four chapters. The first section takes a social
science approach through the lens of political science as I delve into the more nuanced aspects of
social movements and social movement theory. The second section consists of an approach from
the humanities perspective, exploring varying points of the Afro-Argentine and Afro-Mexican
culture. Apart from this, the first chapter deals with Black identity in Argentina and Mexico. It
covers the historical chronology that the two countries’ Afro-descendant populations experience.
The chapter also looks at colonial racial classifications, social hierarchies, and cultural norms
surrounding Black identity. In the second chapter I focus on social movement theory. Here is
where I discuss how social movements are formed, the commonalities that individuals must
acknowledge themselves as sharing in order to create and sustain the movement itself. I also look
at the role of the state, looking at the relationship between the state and the designated group as
well as the type of state that the social movement is taking place. The relationship between
democratic states and social movements will be a key component. The third chapter ends the first
section and ties together the factors of colonial legacies, an erasure then disregard of Blackness,
a struggle for solidarity around a common identity, the perplexed nature of demographics and
how each of these elements have contributed to the hinderance of a robust social movement for
the Afro-descendants of these countries. The second section, which contains the fourth and final
chapter, focuses on two cultural artifacts of Argentina and Mexico. For Argentina, I analyze the
Argentine film Revolución: El Cruce de los Andes, which focuses on the Afro-Argentine soldiers
who fought on the frontlines of a defining battle that was crucial to Argentina’s independence
from Spain. More importantly, the film symbolizes the complicated relationship between AfroArgentines and their patria. The second cultural artifact I analyze is a song by Afro-Mexican
singer, Alejandra Robles. The song of hers that I have chosen is El negro de la costa. In addition,
[6]
I will also be analyzing a poem entitled, El negro del bailongo by an Afro-Mexican poet named
Eloy Juvencio Guzmán Velasco. Both the song and the poem portray significant factors of AfroMexican life and culture through music, dance, societal critiques and self-reflection of their
multifaceted position in Mexican culture.
This work holds an immeasurable significance to academia with respect to Political
Science, Latin American and Caribbean studies, Black studies, Pan-African studies, and social
movement theory. Even though Argentina and Mexico are large countries in and of themselves,
they are modest examples of the world as a collective and how it deals with its intercontinental
perspective on Black identity - how it is seen, how it is talked about, how it is manifested, and
how it matters to the varying societies that it is placed in. My contribution is miniscule in
comparison to the multiple scholars that I have cited and that have helped me to pursue and
complete this research. However, my contribution is relevant in that it looks at the
intersectionality of two identities within two very different countries, and how their Afro-descent
populations both share the need and the right to have their voices heard.
[7]
Chapter One
Argentina and Mexico: The Invisibility of Blackness
The Roles of Race and Ethnicity
The question of why there has not been a robust social movement by Afro-descendants in
Argentina and Mexico has a multilayered background that must be discussed and understood.
The first factor to consider of this layered question is racial identity. Argentina and Mexico both
have long, multifaceted histories with respect to racial identity and how it exhibits itself in the
social as well as the political institutions of the two countries. As I will discuss throughout this
chapter, race has a nuanced display in the political and cultural histories of Argentina and
Mexico. Grasping these important factors are key in understanding race in these contexts. While
ethnicity in this case focuses on the Afro-Argentine and Aro-Mexican heritage, I want to first
draw attention to the common denominator of the Black race or African descent of which both of
these racial groups share. Apart from this, I will delve into what being Black looks like
historically, culturally as well as politically and what it means to be both Black and Argentine or
Mexican in these countries with differing histories yet similar situations in the social as well as
political displacement of their Afro-descendant populations.
Identities in the Colonial Period
Argentina and Mexico were comprised of different ethnic groups before colonial powers
and the slave trade were introduced into the countries. The varying ethnic groups that occupied
the regions were specifically indigenous groups such as the Yucatec and Zapotec in Mexico and
the Toba and Wichí in Argentina (Carozzi, 1988). Indigenous groups of Latin America such as
these have become largely referred to through the overarching term of indio, meaning Indian,
[8]
which derives from Christopher Columbus’ supposed discovery. This term applies to both
Argentina and Mexico as well. Due to the preexisting presence of indios, these indigenous
groups are an integral part of the ethnic profile that is present in Mexico today. However, the
same does not necessarily apply to Argentina. Even though there are about 955,000 indígenas in
Argentina (PERLA, 2010), those that have sustained their existence in spite of genocidal
conquests such as the Campaña del Desierto in the 1870s (Delrio, 2010) many have remained in
their regions of origin. Furthermore, African slaves and their descendants also consisted of a
significant amount of the Argentine population during the colonial era.
*Table 1.1 Data from Eight Censuses of Buenos Aires, 1778-1887
Year
White
Indio/Mestizo
Afro-Argentine Unspecified
Total
Percentage Afro-Argentine
1778
16,023
1,104
7,236
0
24,363
29.7
1806
15,078
347
6,650
3,329
25,404
30.1
1810
22,793
150
9,615
0
32,558
29.5
1822
40,616
1,115
13,685
0
55,416
24.7
1827
34,067
152
8,321
0
42,540
19.5
1836
42,445
-
14,906
5,684
63,035
26.0
1838
42,312
-
14,928
5,717
62,957
26.1
1887
425,370
-
8,005
0
433,375 1.8
*Adapted from George Andrews’ The Afro-Argentines of Buenos Aires (1980)
Even though many Afro-descendants were killed off through institutional and social repressions,
such as war and segregation in the post-colonial period, as I discuss later in this chapter, AfroArgentines have maintained a presence within the Euro-centric country. Finally, as noted in the
table above, mestizos were also a part of a categorized ethnic group during this time. Mestizos,
[9]
literally translating to those of mixed race, most often referred to people with a combination of
indio and Spanish heritage.
In the case of Mexico, the ethnic landscape was much more diverse in terms of racial
classification. Social hierarchies were common cultural practices throughout the colonized
Americas. The most visible and long lasting tool to carry out that hierarchy was race. This
hierarchical system became known as casta, which was introduced by Spanish elites (López,
2007). As interracial relationships increased within Mexico, the term casta was also used to refer
to the multiple racial categories that had been created during this period. These categories were
also used to define what racial label would be given to the mixed-race (at times multiracial)
child(ren) of an interracial couple: 2Albarazado, Cambujo, Calpamulato, Castizo, Chino, Cholo,
Criollo, Español, Gíbaro, Indio, Lobo, Morisco, Mulato, Negro, Peninsular, Salta atrás,
Sambiago, and Zambo. Image 1.1 is a prominent painting that is a displayed on a larger scale in
Mexico’s National Museum of Anthropology. This painting illustrates the different racial
categories that were created in colonized Mexico. It lists the racial identities noted above along
with what race was “created” when different racial groups procreated. Furthermore, it is
imperative to note that this painting also represented the social hierarchy that was created
through such stringent, and ultimately artificial, racial identities. This served to promote a caste
system, creating social restrictions which promoted rights for some and less, or none at all for
others (López, 2007).
2
These are a few of the racial categories denoted within the casta system. For a more in depth
consilodation and understanding of these categoris, please refer to the footnote on page 12.
[10]
*Image 1.1 Las Castas Painting
* Image adapted from the Native Heritage Project (2013)
[11]
Argentina’s Grey Conflict in Black & White
In Argentina independence from Spain was not established until 1816. Three years prior
to this in 1813, slavery was officially banned by the Argentine state. However, the actual unjust
practices of slavery did not subside systemically until the early 1850s (Andrews, 1980). A
significant note about this timeline is that until the mid 1850s Argentina maintained a relatively
large Black population. In fact, in some cases provinces such as Salta or Santiago del Estero had
a population that was fifty percent Black. Another notable factor is that the country’s capital of
Buenos Aires had 187,000 people that inhabited the city, 69,000 of which were of Afro descent
(Andrews, 1980).
Due to these large numbers of Afro-Argentines across the country, it would be expected
for these numbers continued to increase overtime. Ironically, the opposite occurred. Once slavery
had formally as well as informally ended in the country, what has been deemed the “mass
disappearance” of Afro-descendants in Argentina by scholars and historical observers alike began
around this time (Frigerio, 1993). Three major components can be attributed to this
disappearance (Andrews, 1980). The first takes place in 1865 when la Guerra de la Triple
Alianza (the War of the Triple Alliance) or the Paraguayan War began. A war that lasted a little
over five years between Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay was a long conflict with many
casualties, especially for both Argentina and Paraguay. However, with respect to Argentina many
Afro-Argentines fought on the frontlines for some of the most important battles of this war.
Indeed, what was seen as a struggle against the spreading of the Paraguayan dictatorship and for
the continued independence of these countries, including Argentina, was a fight that could not
have been won without the hundreds of thousands of Afro-Argentine men that fought in these
battles (Andrews, 1980).
[12]
As a result of many Black Argentine men going off to war and never returning, the
overall Afro-Argentine population was immensely diluted. This was accomplished not only
through the physical absence of these men, but also through the widely accepted sexual and
marital relationships that took place between Afro-Argentine women and Argentine men of
European descent (Frigerio, 1993). Although this extreme instance of racial shifting occurred, the
second and subtler component of the so-called disappearance of Black Argentines was the
institutional genocide (Andrews, 1980), which contributed immensely to the significant decrease
of Afro-Argentines in the latter half of the 19th century. During this time, an epidemic of yellow
fever hit Buenos Aires hard in 1871. The areas of the city that were most affected by the disease
consisted of high Black populations. Nevertheless, what is talked about less is the systemic abuse
suffered by Afro-Argentines through the Argentine government. Argentine President Domingo
Faustino Sarmiento (1868-1874) has been deemed the father of Argentine national identity
(Cicerchia, 2004). As such, Sarmiento saw Afro-Argentines as a worrisome nuisance that were
unfortunate residuals of slavery (Andrews 1980). While it has been purported that many AfroArgentines fought in Argentine wars out of loyalty to the patria or lived in diseased-ridden areas
due to their poverty, it has also been argued that many Afro-Argentines were also forced into the
military and onto the frontlines. Adding to this, there have been historical allegations that point
to President Sarmiento’s journal (Frigerio, 2008), which note his disdain for Black Argentines
and thereby using the Argentine government as a tool for pushing Black populations into the
poorest areas with little to no access to healthcare, ultimately helping to secure the decline of
Argentina’s Black population over time.
Thirdly, the high waves of European immigration from the late 19th century to the early
20th century also added to the whitewashing of the South American country. The Argentine state
[13]
pushed for and promoted the immigration of Western Europeans and in doing so replicated
Western Europe, with a high white profile and increasing the European aesthetic through
architecture, education, and culture, especially in Buenos Aires. It is important to note that
although most of Argentina did not follow in the cosmopolitan footsteps of its capital, the
country overall did inherit a sense of indifference and even deniability when it comes to its Black
roots.
This all ties into the third component of the Argentine government removing Black,
African descent, and Afro-Argentine from its national census, which in some ways is similar to
Mexico’s case that I also discuss. However, for Argentina the purported belief behind this was
that the number of Afro-Argentines was so miniscule (if there were even any at all, as was the
overwhelmingly accepted belief from 1870-1887 due to rapid declines of the population)
(Andrews, 1980) that the racial/ethnic category served no purpose since the population that it
represented did not exist.
This form of institutional erasure perpetuated the myth, which turned into the socially
accepted belief, that there were no Black people in Argentina - much less Afro-Argentines.
Indeed, the numbers of Afro-Argentines have severely dwindled starting from the mid 19th
century onward due to war, disease, and institutional racism and discrimination. Nevertheless,
there are approximately 150,000 Afro-descendants present in Argentina in 2010 (Santana, 2013)
of the then 40 million population of the country. It could very well be true that the Afrodescendant population is even greater than previously stated, however, another important factor
to consider when discussing the Afro presence in Argentina is the unwillingness to recognize it
and the unspoken rule of how that unwillingness is accepted. These prejudices tie into a more
nuanced outlook of Argentine society with respect to race. Both Afro-Argentines and indigenous
[14]
populations alike have historical experiences of cultural exclusion within the Argentine society.
In fact, Alvaro Bello and Marta Rangel (2002) have discussed how forms of equality have eluded
Afro-descendants and indigenous groups of Argentina through the creation of a “new
citizenship”, which was largely structured around preferential treatment toward Euro-descent
Argentines. Apart from this, Eduardo Domenech’s argument can be quoted here, stating that “La
negación del otro que primero se plasmó en el sometimiento de las culturas indígenas a las
formas culturales de la norma blanca-europea se transfiere más tarde al otro-extranjero, visto
como amenaza a la identidad nacional, y al otro de adentro, el indio o el mestizo, junto con la
definición del ethos nacional a partir de un ideal europeo o ilustrado. Fórmulas excluyentes como
civilización-barbarie fueron utilizadas -en Argentina, por ejemplo- para promover y legitimar la
"negación del otro" y los procesos de aculturación que tuvieron lugar en la región (Domenech,
2003)”. Although Domenech’s focus was exclusion of indigenous peoples, his analysis is
applicable to Afro-Argentines, in that their sharing of the Argentine profile did not coincide with
the Euro-centric vision of Argentine national identity.
Anti-foreigner sentiments persist within the Argentine state, specifically Bolivian,
Peruvian, Chilean, and indigenous groups which accompany nationalistic attitudes that continue
to exist in Argentina today (Andrews, 1979). In this regard, the idea of a “white” Argentina is not
new. As it applies to Afro-Argentines, through historic rhetoric and institutional practices,
Blackness has long been perceived as a negative in Argentine society. All the more reason that
although many white Argentines could certainly trace their ancestry back to Black roots, many
are unaware or if they are aware do not claim their lineage due the continued narrative of the
Black identity being not only equivalent to irrelevant in Argentine society, but also a silent
negative.
[15]
Afro-descendants’ history in Argentina is a long and complex one that resulted in cultural
and political legacies that are present today. However, the Afro-centric origins of the AfroArgentine identity have found ways to thrive in the very environments that have been hostile
towards its existence. Afro-Argentines are responsible for bringing some of Argentina’s most
well known cultural artifacts to the world. Dances such as the candombe and the tango, and rich
foods such as the empanada, which have been passed down and lasted throughout generations
(Frigerio, 2006). However, facts such as these are not widely shared nor therefore known. The
many microaggressive and in some cases overtly aggressive, instances committed against AfroArgentines are not widely seen as such. This indirectly attributes to the issue of the cultural and
political invisibility that Black Argentines face today. Frigerio notes that, “sabemos ahora que los
integrantes de un grupo hegemónico conocen menos, y comprenden menos, de la cultura del
grupo subordinado de lo que estos saben de la del dominante. Es frecuente que los rasgos
distintivos de la cultura subordinada sean considerados estigmatizantes y por lo tanto ocultados a
los ojos de los grupos dominantes” (Frigerio, 1993). A lack of recognition of the past inevitably
spills over into repeated mistakes and practices of the present. The general idea that Blacks in
Argentina simply disappeared after slavery ended, instead of discussing the ingenious ways and
methods in which they were killed off, not only disgraces their memories but also sustains a false
narrative. As this false narrative continues, Afro-Argentines continue to be subject to being both
overlooked in their existence and thereby stigmatized and discriminated against in their social,
cultural and political existence within the Argentine state.
[16]
Mexico’s Black Closet
There is an old saying in Mexico that goes “you hide the Black grandma in the closet”.
This adage speaks to the ways in which Blackness is often denied and even hidden in Mexican
culture. While it is safe to say that Argentina and Mexico have very different histories from each
other when it comes to their Afro-descendant populations, there are themes of invisibility, lack of
institutional acknowledgement, and a silent shame towards the Black identity overall, which are
consistent between the two countries. Even along a similar timeline as Argentina, along with
other Central and South American countries, Mexico gained its independence from Spain in
1821. Just nine years later in 1830, slavery was abolished due to an anti-slavery law being
written into the constitution. This was done by Mexico’s second president, Vicente Guerrero.
Guerrero was an Afro-Mexican, in addition to having indigenous heritage on his mother’s
side, and was the first Black as well as Indio president in the Americas (Vincent, 2001).
However, many do not know that Guerrero was of African descent. This could be due to a
number of reasons. Firstly, Guerrero projected that all Mexicans should simply be seen as
American. In fact, he was integral in erasing racial categories from formal documentation in
post-colonial Mexico. Indeed, in Guerrero’s mission of ridding Mexican society of what he saw,
as well as his other contemporaries as a racial caste system, therein his Afro-descent and
indigenous identities were lost in his overarching identity as an American. This is not to say that
President Guerrero put down his Afro or indigenous identities. To the contrary, Guerrero wanted
to end the race-based discrimination of the very groups he belonged to (Vincent, 2001). In this
spirit, he projected the importance of treating all Mexicans as equal and sought this goal through
ending formal racial categorization. Furthermore, Guerrero was adamant about the abolishment
of slavery and had several reasons for ensuring that such a great task would be carried out. Quite
[17]
simply, Guerrero saw the practice as both divisive and unjust. In conjunction with this, Levine
notes that “the work of drawing boundaries of self and other relies on constructing differences
and similarities among people, but more importantly, on marking similarity from difference in an
oppositional manner (Hall, 1989). Part of this work is done by naming, a process that assigns
meanings and values to a particular designation. Racial naming is not done in a vacuum but in
social contexts where the drawing of boundaries helps sustain systems of social inequality (Ore,
2000). Naming the other not only constructs the subject addressed with a particular name but
also endows the name caller with a position of superiority” (Levine, 1999). More than a century
later, Levine presents the perspective that Guerrero maintained in the 1820s. Creating racial
categories can be utilized to promote social inequity, thereby from Guerrero’s assessment he
maintained an objective to erase such a visible social divide such as assigning racial categories to
skin color in formal processes of documentation. In this regard, removing such processes from
Mexican society, in Guerrero’s opinion, helped to curtail the injustices of colonial legacies.
As I discussed earlier in this chapter, during this point in the early 19th century of
Mexico, there were many racial and ethnic categories. Nevertheless, at this time the Black and
“mulatto” population were almost equal to the European population. Since these racial categories
operated as a social caste system, many that fought in the war for Mexican independence were
also fighting for social justice among the races - including President Guerrero. Indeed, as a way
of ending systems of inequality Guerrero not only ensured the abolishment of slavery, but he also
abolished all racial categories from birth, marriage, and death certificates (formal
documentation). Yet an important question to ask is in a world of political and legal equality does
race matter? In Guerrero’s noble ambitions was there an error made in the tangible execution of
[18]
this logic of erasing race from from formal documentations. Did he and his contemporaries
overlook how it would affect Mexico’s future generations?
As I stated earlier, many Mexicans do not know that one of Mexico’s first presidents was
of Afro or indigenous descent, nor that Mexico’s independence is in large part attributed to the
unwavering conviction of two Black men who fought in that war, President Guerrero and his
comrade Priest Jose Maria Morelos. In addition, the erasure of their Black identity as Mexicans
did not address the centuries long disdain and discrimination against Blackness in Mexico. In
effect, Guerrero attempted to move towards a politically and socially just future during and after
the war for independence. However, it must be noted that there was an indirect failure of
addressing the relics of slavery, the social constructs of colonialism that were left behind, as well
as the institutional and social racism that endured and has subtly manifested as silence about
Black identity in Mexico.
Racial and ethnic categories did not return to Mexico’s national records until the mid
1920s. Almost a century had gone by with Mexico not acknowledging its overwhelmingly
diverse population and multicultural roots, which ultimately continued through the 20th century
and trickled into the 21st century as Mexico continues struggle grappling with its Black identity
(Aguirre, 1972).
There was also an old saying in the United States that goes “if you have one drop of
Black blood then you are Black”. This belief was certainly popular during the antebellum era.
However, it continues to be joked that if the same saying were applied to Mexico then everyone
would be Black. There are currently a little more than 122 million people in Mexico, with about
1.4 million of those people claiming their African descent in 2015 (López, 2016). Although
Mexico has had significantly less European immigration or several wars in which Afro-Mexican
[19]
men were forced on the front lines compared to Argentina, Mexico has still had issues with
acknowledging, accepting, and thereby treating fairly their Black population.
In 2005, Mexico issued a stamp with an old, yet controversial character on it known as
Memin Pinguin. The character is depicted as a dark skin, thick lipped and wide nose caricature,
which upon reaching the U.S. many African-Americans saw as offensive and overtly racist. The
attention grew so enormously that Reverend Al Sharpton went to Mexico to meet with then
President Fox. The government never rescinded the stamp or apologized for it, but it is important
to note that Afro-Mexicans were more concerned about notable figures such as Sharpton calling
attention to the social injustices that many Afro-Mexicans face in education, healthcare, and the
work force than an arbitrary character that could be left up to personal interpretation.
Until recently, a baseline of the self-acceptance of Black identity amongst the AfroMexican community has been hard to find. Many have not identified as Black or Afro-Mexican
but instead as moreno or mestizo (Aguirre, 1972). Both of these racial identities denote the
Brownness that is present in Mexican culture by way of indigenous and Spanish heritage that in
part makes up the multicultural profile of Mexico. However, in empowering the Brown identity,
the Black identity has not been embraced in Mexico, but in many ways pushed out and seen as a
negative in Mexican society.
Why Argentina and Mexico Are the Same
Argentina and Mexico have had differing yet turbulent pasts when it comes to
interactions with its Black identity and Afro-descendant populations. On the one hand there is the
case of Argentina, which maintains a historically false narrative of the purported inexistence of
Afro-Argentines. On the other hand there is Mexico, which cannot fully deny its Black heritage
[20]
so insteads promotes a mixed or mestizo identity without ever addressing the Afro-lineage that
persists within said identity. This creates the African origins within Mexican society to continue
to on as an aspect of Mexican culture that has not been fully accepted. In spite of their opposites,
both countries have produced hostile environments for Blackness to exist, let alone thrive in their
cultural and political spheres. Nevertheless, as Black consciousness continues to spread, AfroArgentines and Afro-Mexicans have been able to claim their Blackness more openly and address
the injustices that too often appears to accompany it. As Black identity, cultural and political
representation or the lack thereof for Afro-descendants of these two countries continue to be
discussed, I will answer why these seemingly opposite countries share a controversial past and
present with its Black population, and how their multilayered histories and cultures have effected
the robust social movements we have yet to see.
[21]
Chapter Two
Setting the Stage for Change
The Purpose of a Movement
Social movements do not happen in a vacuum. They proceed an event or events that are
rooted in a much larger issue. Social movements come in many forms once they have been created and are manifested through organization and strategic action. However, at the common core
that all of these movements share is the overarching objective to change the norm. Although
these norms often manifest themselves in a cultural context, such as the myth of the nonexistence
of Afro-Argentines or the mestizo/brown identity overshadowing the Blackness present in Mexico, especially that of Afro-Mexicans, these cultural norms that are akin to social norms both deriving from historical legacies that then take place through political institutions. Poignant examples for each of our countries would be the accepted notion of the nonexistence of AfroArgentines, which created a culture of invisibility around the identity, thereby solidifying the exclusion of Afro-Argentines from equal access to education, housing, or the workforce. As for
Mexico, the government did not formally recognize its Afro-Mexican population. Only recently
did the national census add Black/Afro-Mexican to its racial categories in 2015. Both of these
examples serve as a strong illustration of how a lack of political representation and institutional
racism can perpetuate cultural invisibility as a social norm.
Apart from this, it should come as no surprise that culture often influences politics and
politics often influences culture. Yet the very embodiment of change that challenges both of
these important, overarching societal factors simultaneously, comes in the form of a social
movement. However, before illustrating the manifestations of a social movement robust enough
[22]
to undermine social and political institutions, let us discuss the necessary conditions for an identity-based social movement to form and flourish.
The Power of Shared Identity
Identity can be drawn on from several different avenues, whether it be through religion,
political affiliation, language, or nationality. However, the most common yet convoluted form of
identity is either shared or distorted through race. Racial identity can be a powerful pulling factor, in that it can bring two or more individuals together by way of assumed shared experiences
through visual intake. When these shared experiences are understood to be negative by each party, a baseline of mutual understanding comes into effect. Now this baseline may serve as a foundation for acknowledging shared experiences, building an informal relationship, and even taking
action to remedy the cause and commonality of those experiences (Hanchard, 199). This is one
possible route.
The other possibility is that the assumption of shared experience never becomes a realization because the shared identity through race is not recognized. This lack of recognition could
come from several different places. In the case of Argentina, outside narratives effect the reach
of those living the story. For Afro-Argentines, their very existence - much less their internal
presence - has been undermined and overlooked since the mid to late nineteenth century. Notwithstanding the pressures of social, cultural, and political disregard, Afro-Argentines have
found and created communities amongst themselves that have lasted for generations (Frigerio,
2000). Communities such as San Telmo in the artisan district of Buenos Aires are areas today
that breathe the history of the slave trade that once took place on the wide-open ports of la Capital Federal. However, in the same breath, San Telmo represents the contemporary culture of Af-
[23]
ro-Argentines while simultaneously celebrating the history therein. Most often through song,
folklore, dance, costumes, foods, and artwork is this portrayed. The very real and very present
Afro-Argentines collectively demonstrating their heritage that dates back as far as the early
eighteenth century is an example of shared identity. Nevertheless, this brings the questions of
why there is not more widespread recognition of this specific culture within Argentine society?
The idea of invisibility is a strong, and still present, idea in Argentina. Many white Argentines stand firm in their belief that Afro-Argentines simply do not exist. Yet as historic
neighborhoods such as San Telmo thrive, why does this denial persist? The paradigm of invisibility serves as a tool of reinforcement in modern-day Argentina. Like many misconceptions,
based off of little to no factual evidence or some distorted truth, the invisibility of AfroArgentines is a reinforcement of postcolonial culture that has yet to be addressed. Although it is
true that the Afro-Argentine population significantly decreased towards the end of the nineteenth
century, once slavery and other forms of indentured servitude had been eradicated the need of the
Black Argentine had faded away too. The remnants of what was left of the Afro-Argentine culture had been viewed as a nuisance and so insignificant in size, that there was a commonly held
belief that they would have to die out (Sutton, 2008). Following this, as the commodity of Black
bodies had been taken out of Argentine society, the bare minimum recognition had disappeared
too. However, this discourse is not prominent within modern-day Argentina. As is the case with
all nations, the politics of memory actively chooses to forget specific historical instances. This
forgetfulness perpetuates cultures of myths and fabrications that can ultimately exclude an entire
group and rob them of any notable recognition to rectify their potential negative shared experiences, such as the shared experience of being overlooked.
[24]
Mexico situates its Afro-Mexican population in a much more precarious state. Many Afro-Mexicans are well-acquainted with their Black identity and understand that their shared experiences with other Afro-Mexicans can often be negative (Torre, 2013). However, in comparison
to Argentina, Mexico has two distinct factors working in contrast against it Afro-Mexicans that
contributes to the lack of a shared identity.
Similar to Argentina, Mexico also struggles with its multicultural past. However, instead
of Mexican society viewing the end of slavery as the end of a market, and thereby the end of
Black Mexicans, the postcolonial Mexican government wanted to correct colonial practices
through ending the social hierarchical labeling ingrained by castas. As a part of the desire for
what would now be considered social justice, Mexican officials scrubbed away what was left of
Spanish colonial powers through all official levels. Nevertheless, the cultural resetting of how
Black identity is viewed was never put in place. Instead the belief of political justice would trickle down to social justice was accepted. In this spirit, the permeated belief of Black Mexicans as
unintelligent, unkempt, and unworthy of the overall Mexican identity that was once the cultural
norm continued to be so as it was never fully addressed.
In addition to this cultural outlook persisting through the generations, Black became
something seen as negative and something that nobody should want to be. Despite this, the multicultural heritage that continues to make up the Mexican profile could not be denied. Therefore,
instead of attributing darker features to Black ancestors or Black grandparents, as the racial blend
between the Black, indigenous, and Spanish groups continued, the name used to encompass this
breadth of multiraciality came into being as well. Mestizo is the most common racial classifications or expression for Mexicans with a mixed background. Mestizo also denotes the multiraciality of the Mexican nation as a whole and serves as a national indicator to describe the ethnicity of
[25]
most Mexicans. This ethnic identifier has become commonplace in Mexican society. Even so,
the consolidation of this mixed identity has come to overshadow the Black identity that is also
present in Mexican culture. Regions such as Costa Chica within states such as Guerrero and Oaxaca, are home to millions of Afro-Mexicans. Unsurprisingly, they are also most commonly
where celebrations and old traditions of Afro-Mexican culture are celebrated and passed down.
Nevertheless, the shared identity of Afro-Mexicans holds onto its presence as a subsect of Mexican society. Indeed, as Afro-Mexicans have been overshadowed by identities less perceived as a
negative and the adverse perceptions of Black identity have gone addressed, the power of shared
identity becomes weakened.
A Robust Social Movement
The United States Civil Rights Movement is the robust social movement that direct action strategists and inter-organizational planners still look to, for inquiries and ideas about how a
successful large-scale movement can be modeled (Hall, 2005). Furthermore, this movement is
especially benfecial in this analysis, as it directly relates to an identity-based movement that calls
for the political empowerment and social agency of Afro-descendants, created by Afrodescendants. Indeed, as the other sections of this chapter layout, certain events and historical factors often proceed the actions of a robust social movement. In the case of the Civil Rights
Movement, almost 300 years of slavery, 100 years of indentured servitude, which replaced slavery for many individuals and private firms, and an additional 50 years of political, cultural, social, and economic exclusion of African-Americans preceded the fourteen-year movement. Ideally, there would be a clear comparison between the histories and cultures of Argentina, Mexico,
and the United States in order to uncover while only one these countries sustained such a large
[26]
movement, even though all three possess long, unjust histories with respect to their Black populations. Despite this deceitfully simple approach to understanding these differences, this approach ignores bigger, more elusive factors.
Through the late 1950s and 1960s, during which the Civil Rights Movement took place,
the United States was a worldwide beacon of democracy. Assuredly, the role of the state played
an intricate role. In this case, it was democracy. It maintained crucial democratic tenets such as
the right to free speech, the right to due process, free and fair elections, and a free press. However, virtually all of these rights were denied to African-Americans based on a culture of racism
and exclusion. In spite of this, it was the latter tenet of democracy listed that ultimately helped to
make the Civil Rights Movement such a success.
Up until 1963, the Civil Rights Movements was a widespread grassroots movement
across the South, that galvanized the collective action of social justice groups. Indeed, the bringing together of these groups created solidarity, communication, and effectiveness, which all
served key purposes to the success of such a movement (Hooker, 2009). However, during the
Selma to Montgomery, Alabama marches in which thousands of people came together to march
for the equal rights of African-Americans, the last stretch of the march turned into a crusade.
Hundreds of people were injured, trampled, beaten, arrested, and even killed by the police. Although these heinous acts against humanity were not new between African-American communities and the authorities, this was the first time that it had been televised. Cameras, television reporters, and news crews were present for the historic march. Even though the movement had
been progressing prior to this specific march, it was the millions of white U.S. citizens witnessing (for many, the first time) from their very homes what it was like to be Black in the U.S. The
free press certainly played a significant role in the Civil Rights Movement gaining attention and
[27]
increasing outcry (Hall, 2005). Although this was not the only key player in making the movement a success, it is an aspect of both political and social recognition, which helped to break
down cultural barriers that may have otherwise remained standing.
Current Movements
Although social movements by Afro-descendants in these countries do not have the ideal
cultural, social, or political climates on their side. There are smaller-scale movements and
identity-based organizations that have risen to the occasion for social equity and open
recognition (Luraschi, 2014). Group efforts such as Africa Vive in Buenos Aires, Argentina and
a parish led movement by Father Glynn in Costa Chica, Mexico are examples of shared identity,
shared experiences, and shared action taking place (Hales, 1997). Indeed, these grassroots
movements, although countries a part, maintain the common goals of state recognition, cultural
acceptance, and equal opportunities. Still to the contrary, the other significant aspect that each of
these grassroots efforts share a lack of notoriety. The dichotomy of a social movement lies within
the fact that despite the efforts behind the movement itself of those who believe in it the most, it
takes the attention of the others to make the movement successful (Hanchard, 1990). Yet how
can this be achieved when one movement faces invisibility of their existence and the other faces
denial? How movements are projected and noticed are correlated to their sustainability and
success. Without doubt, these movements and organizations must be recognized for their very
existence within environments that are contrary to their success. Nevertheless, the projection of
their success within these environments must also be taken into account and if these grassroots
efforts must discover an untraveled avenue in order to gain the attention they deserve - and
ultimately need.
[28]
Chapter Three
Turning the Tide: Possibilities for Argentina and Mexico
Divergent and Parallel Factors
Argentina and Mexico are different yet similar in several ways. While both of these countries experienced different periods of colonialism, immigration, and cultural integration, each of
them have long legacies of colonialism, slavery, and a cultural eclipse of their Black population.
Yet what makes Argentina and Mexico such interesting cases to compare are their staunch differences yet striking similarities. Afro-descendants in each of these countries battle with solidiarity around their identity. In addition to this, each of these countries have grassroots efforts that
are centered around these very identities but have yet to be fully realized to their full potential.
Nevertheless, the overarching commonlaity that Argentina and Mexico share are a need for social justice, which can only be brought about through a collective action within their respective
states (Jackman, 1974). The flawed shared identity and political oversight, which influences cultural apathy, and the histories that precede them, are the key reoccurring factors in which we
have yet to see a robust social movement by Afro-descendants in these countries.
The Prospect of a Robust Movement
As current movements and organizations persist in Argentina and Mexico, there is an underlying question of what will become of these grassroots efforts or if there are even larger efforts to come? It should not be mistaken, that the creation and the reach of a robust social movement takes time. The changing of social and cultural institutions does not occur in a vacuum but
through extended efforts that are occasionally placed into a successful combination of events
[29]
(Meyer, Whitter, and Robnett, 2002). Even still, as the solidarity around a shared identity struggles to solidy amongst Afro-Argentines and Afro-Mexicans, in addition to the movements supporting these groups to find ways to push for political representation, a robust movement in each
of these countries could be very possible. This work does not encompass every possible determinant of why there has not been a robust social movement by Afro-descendants in Argentina and
Mexico yet. However, this project does take a purposeful look on how historical legacies, political institutions, and cultural norms have affected the prospect of such movements taking place.
In this spirit, let it be made clear that there are still more answers that can be applied to this necessary question.
[30]
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[33]
LA SEGUNDA PARTE:
LAS EXPRESIONES DE NUESTRA IDENTIDAD: LOS ARTEFACTOS CULTURALES
DE ARGENTINA Y MÉXICO
[34]
Capítulo 4
Reflexiones del pasado: la cultura de los afrodescendientes en Argentina y México
Dos países, una conexión
Argentina y México son países muy diferentes con respeto a la historia, la política y la cultura.
Argentina, más específicamente, Buenos Aires como la ciudad capital tenía influencias muy fuertes de
Europa. En general, el país y la capital han abierto sus fronteras para los inmigrantes de Europa
occidental. Como una consecuencia, olas grandes de inmigrantes europeos vinieron para Argentina para
los siglos XIX y XX. Esto factor demográfico tuvo un gran impacto en el perfil de la ciudad y la cultura
del país. Además, este cambio cultural añadió un factor significativo de blanqueo al país latinoamericano.
De hecho, como otros países de América Latina, Argentina fue tierra colonizada por España. Sin duda, la
esclavitud es el mejor ejemplo de poder colonial (Maffia y Gladys, 1). Por la colonización y sus
mecanismos de la esclavitud, se trajeron etnicidades y pueblos diversos al país. A partir de estos aspectos,
los esclavos africanos y sus descendientes son responsables para grandes impactos culturales de
Argentina (Frigerio, 82) como discutiré por este capítulo.
Por otro lado, está el caso de México. México nunca ha experimentado las olas de inmigración
europea, a excepción del colonialismo. En vez de, antes del siglo XVI, México fue el centro y el hogar
por decenas de grupos indígenas. No obstante, donde imperios maravillosos de los mayas y aztecas
existieron, el imperio español conquistó. Similar a los otros países latinoamericanos, México tuvo
relación larga con el colonialismo español. Por esta relación multifacética, la esclavitud y los pueblos
africanos fueron a México similar a la Argentina. Sin embargo, una diferencia significativa entre
Argentina y México es el blanqueo que Argentina experimentó. De hecho, el blanqueo de la sociedad
argentina perpetuaba el mito que no hay afroargentinos. Es verdad que la combinación de guerras,
[35]
segregación y enfermedad tuvieron papeles grandes en la reducción de afrodescendientes en Argentina.
No obstante, los afroargentinos existen en Argentina hoy en día pero su invisibilización social es real
también.
México también conoce la negación de su población afrodescendiente (Carroll). Después de
México ganó su independencia de España, la extracción de las categorías raciales de documentos
oficiales fue política estatal. Aunque esta extracción no fue la causa directa de la supresión de la identidad
negra en México, este borrado político avanzó el asunto de aceptar las raíces y la identidad doble de
afromexicanos.
Argentina y México tuvieron influencias históricas que se ve en esas sociedades hoy en día. Sin
embargo, los dos países comparten un ambiente de negación, silencio y supresión con respeto a sus
poblaciones afrodescendientes. No obstante, por la discusión del capítulo exploraremos la situación
curiosa de afrodescendientes en Argentina y México. Discuto artefactos culturales de las poblaciones
afrodescendientes de esos países. El primer es el filme por Leandro Ipiña, Revolución: El cruce de los
Andes. Esto filme se enfoca las contribuciones de soldados afroargentinos en una gran guerra argentina.
El segundo artefacto es una canción y un poema: “El negro de la costa” por Alejandra Robles y “El negro
bailongo” por Eloy Juvencio Velasco Guzmán (respectivamente). La canción y el poema dan perspectivas
profundas de la experiencia afromexicana y qué significa ser negro en México.
Argentina: el significativo del soldado afro
Nuestro primer artefacto que discutiremos es el asunto del soldado afroargentino como se muestra
en el filme, Revolución. Esto filme dirigió por Leandro Ipiña. Ipiña es director de cine argentine. Él nació
en 1978, en la provincial de San Luis de Argentina. Ipiña ganaba mucho interés del arte y el filme por su
juventud. Por su edad adulta temprana, Ipiña trabajó mucho con varios medios artísticos como la
[36]
fotografía y la escitura de guines. Cuando tuvo diecisiete años, él asistió la Universidad Nacional para
estudiar el filme. En 2008 trabajó como un coordinador artístico por el Canal Encuentro. Sólo dos años
tarde, Ipiña creó y dirigió su primero filme, Revolución.
Esto filme es parte de un asunto más grande que lucha con la raza en Argentina. Argentina tiene
relación larga y compleja con su población afrodescendiente. A partir de esta relación, es la guerra entre
Argentina y las fuerzas españolas. El conflicto entre ellos ocurrió por ocho años de 1810 a 1818. La
guerra consistió en varias batallas y varios países de hoy en día como Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia
y Brasil. El ancho y la profundidad de la lucha entre estos países y España se puede entender el
significado geopolítico cuando se ve imagen 4.1. Esto ayuda a visualizar la proximidad cerca de los
países. Con respecto a eso, durante el temprano siglo XIX revueltas en contra con la Corona Española
fueron más comunes. De hecho, durante esas revueltas general argentino José de San Martín defendió el
poder colonial en España cuando Napoleón invadió la España durante las revueltas por países
latinoamericanos (Guzmán, 13). Sin embargo, de después San Martín volvería a la Argentina, él luchaba
contra España para defender su patria natal.
[37]
*Imagen 4.1 el mapa geopolítico de Argentina y países envolventes
*adaptó del “Análisis geopolítico” de Argentina y América de Carlos Pereyra (2012)
Revolucion: El cruce de los Andes, sigue la vida de San Martín y los puntos centrales de su vida
que ocurrieron durante la Guerra de Independencia en Argentina. Dentro de la Guerra fue la batalla
específica de Chacabuco. Como el filme muestra, bajo el cargo de San Martín la batalla importante de
Chacabuco ocurrió en 1817. Básicamente, a pesar de las estrategias ingeniosas de San Martín por la
batalla de Chacabuco fallaron y las fuerzas españolas avanzaron por los Andes. Sin embargo, el
significado de la batalla y el papel de San Martín tienen énfasis deliberado en la participación importante
de los soldados afroargentinos. El filme presenta esta batalla como importante porque enfoca los
soldados afroargentinos que lucharon con San Martín. La batalla sí misma fue muy importante debido a
la tierra que los soldados argentinos necesitaron de proteger de las avances españoles, que se ve por
imagen 4.2. No obstante, los puntos cruciales del filme tienen los temas mas profundos. Esos puntos
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escarban en el significado y la ironía del soldado afroargentino. El filme muestra esto sujeto por las
experiencias de varios soldados, el desarrollo relacional entre fracciones diferentes y el más significativa,
la relación entre San Martín y Sargento Blanco, un soldado afroargentino.
*Imagen 4.2 la pintura de la batalla de Chacabuco
*adaptó de Rhys Griffiths (2017) © Bridgeman Images
El filme comienza con el cuerpo de San Martín volvió a Buenos Aires. A partir de esto punto, el
filme está narrado por un personaje que se queda anónimo. El narrador enmarca el filme por las
visualizaciones del pasado. Por el uso de herramienta cinemática, se mira los desarrollos de la vida de
San Martín, su régimen y su lucha con los avances del ejército español. Una parte significativa de su
[39]
régimen es Sargento Blanco. Acertadamente llamado, Sargento Blanco es el protagonista principal de los
soldados negros. Blanco y San Martín se reúnen esporádicamente por el filme. Sin embargo, su reunión
de jugar el ajedrez es cuando tienen la conversación de por qué Blanco está luchando en esta batalla. A
partir de la perspectiva de San Martín, Blanco no debe estar en esta lucha porque él es hombre negro que
está luchando por un país que no reconoce su identidad como parte de la identidad nacional. Por eso, San
Martín le pregunta a Blanco, ¿por qué está en la guerra? Cuando Blanco responde, él simplemente
declara, “por la libertad”.
San Martín y Blanco representan dos más grandes figuras en esto momento. La relación entre San
entre los dos tiene elementos de la autoridad y la surbodinación. San Martín representa la mayoría blanca
del Estado argentino. Esta representación muestra como la sociedad argentina no acepta su herencia
africana y los descendientes que personifican esta historia. Sin embargo, hay la perspectiva de Blanco,
que se cree su identidad afroargentina no es subdivisión de la identidad argentina. Él quiere la aceptación
de su patria blanca que se refiere a los dos San Martín y Argentina. Aunque Blanco sabe que él es negro,
no acepta la idea de ser otro tipo de argentino en vez de simplemente argentino y nada más.
El papel y el nombre de Blanco crean un vínculo al tema que Blanco no acepta su identidad como
afroargentino en total. De hecho, su nombre se refiere al blanqueo mental que Blanco mantiene. No
obstante, por el filme Blanco no puede negar su identidad. Otros soldados afroargentinos lo ayuda a darse
cuenta que su negritud no dificulta su identidad argentina. Al contrario, su negritud es parte de la
Argentina y no debe ser visto como diferente. Finalmente, durante la batalla hay un momento de
aceptación y solidaridad. San Martín da un gran discurso que afirma a pesar del color de piel, cada
soldado es argentino y juntos ellos luchan por la libertad.
[40]
México: la identidad y la expresión
La identidad de afromexicanos es similar al caso de la Argentina en que la historia de los
afrodescendientes en México es intrincada. Hay negación y silencio con respeto a la identidad negra en
México. Sin embargo, a diferencia de Argentina, México no puede borrar la presencia de raíces
multiculturales. En vez de, la idea de moreno y los movimientos para las personas mestizajes se ponían
populares. A partir de eso, el reconocimiento de la identidad mestiza, mestizaje o morena disminuye la
identidad negra (Gutiérrez, 180). A pesar de eso, afromexicanos han descubierto modos de expresión para
celebrar su identidad y expresar la experiencia del afromexicano.
Un modo de esta expresión es por el corrido. El corrido es la tradición afromexicana de narración
para canciones, baladas y folclores (González, 497). Además, el corrido se refiere a la historia oral que es
tradición por las comunidades afromexicanas. De hecho, los corridos ayudan a sostener la cultura de los
afromexicanos, a pesar de la falta de reconocimiento que no reciben con respeto a la identidad nacional.
El artefacto que aborda la pregunta de la vida de un afromexicano es la canción, “El negro de la
costa” por Alejandra Robles. Robles nació en 1978 en Costa Chica. Robles es afromexicana y por su
juventud tiene mucho interés de su cultura, la música y la danza. Cuando tenía quince años, ella asistió la
Escuela de Bellas Artes para estudiar la música y la danza contemporáneas. En 2000 viajó a París y
estudió la ópera. Cuando volvió a México, continuó a estudiar la ópera a la Universidad Veracruzna.
Mucha de su música tiene temas de la cultura afromexicana y su significado.
Su canción “El negro de la costa” consiste en tres estrofas y un estribillo. La primera estrofa da
reconocimiento a tres lugares distintos: Costa Chica, Guerrero y Oaxaca. La Costa Chica es región a lo
largo la costa sur del estado Guerrero. El otro estado, Oaxaca, comparte una frontera con Guerrero. Cada
lugar tiene gran poblaciones afromexicanas, que la cantante da referencia. Esa estrofa continúa con el
concepto de la muerte y el agua. La cantante habla con los aspectos culturales e institucionales que tratar
[41]
de borrar su identidad y cultura afromexicanas sin la responsabilidad. Se pide no incluir en eso
“asentimiento” que básicamente contribuye a borrar la identidad mexicana en total.
La canción continúa la conversación por un punto focal de la negra de la región del sur. La
cantante habla con conciencia de sí mismo. Tiene el entendimiento que su negritud es la sólo conexión
con ellos comparten. Sin embargo, la cantante aborda la identidad afromexicana como femenina. Esta
llegada crea la identidad como un aspecto familiar por las características tradicionales de la feminidad.
Por eso, la cantante crea una familiaridad entre sí mismo y otros de la misma identidad. No obstante,
como la cantante comparte el amor de su identidad por sueños y pasiones, ella también comparte su
preocupación de la relación hostil entre los afromexicanos y más grande cultura de México que no acepta
su propia negritud.
La estrofa final termina la canción. La cantante reconoce que más puede ser dicho sobre eso
asunto pero Sóstenes se llama. Aquí Sóstenes es referencia a la religión y el martirio. Durante el tiempo
del imperio romano, Sóstenes se reprendió físicamente porque no negaba a Pablo el apóstol. Eso hace
referencia al martirio que los afromexicanos sufren por su identidad. La cantante concluye la estrofa
declarando su victoria porque sabe la verdad de la identidad afromexicana - su historia, su cultura y su
significado en México. Además, últimamente a pesar de la identidad, nadie puede derrotar a la muerte.
Finalmente, el estribillo continúa la conversación por la canción como un punto de contra
objectivo. La cantante habla con la niña que representa la identidad preciada. A pesar del odio la
identidad sufre, su valor está sostenido por el amor de la cantante. Por su amor, la cantante quiere
la niña correr para escapar del odio y se admira su propia belleza. En el estribillo, la cantante
crea una intensidad de la familiaridad. De hecho, aunque la identidad afromexicana es
compartido por millones por México, aquí la cantante hace la identidad personal para sí misma
[42]
por declarando su amor, su admiración de la identidad y su significado que supera cualquiera
persona singular.
El artefacto final es el poema, “El negro de bailongo” por Eloy Juvencio Guzmán
Velasco. Guzmán es oaxaqueño que continua a vivir en México. Inicialmente, él asistió la
Facultad de Estudios Superiores Cuautitlán para estudiar la ocupación del medico veterinario
zootecnista. Sin embargo, por su vida Guzmán sigue sus otros pasiones de "filosofía poética". En
esto esprítu, Gúzman creó “El negro de bailongo” y muchas otras obras que expresan el perfil
multicultural de México.
La danza es el factor muy importante dentro de la cultura de los afromexicanos
(Hoffman, 110). Por eso, la danza y la canción son materializaciones de expresión afromexicana,
esto poema captura el significado de los dos. El poema consiste en cuatro estrofas y un estribillo
con dos partes. La primera estrofa, además las otras estrofas y el estribillo, usan la primera
persona singular en el poema. Aquí el poeta describe de sí mismo por su negritud y la danza. Él
continúa a describir su día por el trabajo en el campo de los arbustos arábicos y después el
trabajo puede contener la musica. El trabajo del campo y el refugio de la música se refieren al
tiempo cuando muchos afromexicanos tuvieron que trabajar en campos pero mantuvieron su
cultura por la música (Carroll). “Ujté” se refiere a la manera de la pronunciación que los
afromexicanos pronuncian usted. Aquí el poeta crea una conexión directa a la cultura
afromexicana.
El poeta continúa por la segunda estrofa declarando su identidad negra y expresa la
cultura del afromexicano por la canción. Además, el poeta dice que las canciones de amor
ayudan a tener la esperanza y no tener el miedo de la muerte, la pobreza o el dolor que muchos
afromexicanos experimentaron durante y después de la época colonial (Carroll).
[43]
En la próxima estrofa, el poeta expande la conversación para incluir la comunidad
afromexicana. Específicamente, el poeta discute su amor de mujeres y su danza con mujeres. Las
mujeres tienen papel significativo dentro de la comunidad afromexicana. Sin embargo, esto
poema celebra la identidad afromexicana, muestra aspectos problemáticos de la objectividad de
las mujeres afromexicanas. Como muchas mujeres en regiones rurales y pobres, las mujeres
afromexicanas frecuentemente son el blanco de abuso doméstico (Miranda). A partir de eso, la
inclusión de mujeres afromexicanas por la danza tiene aspectos de la solidaridad por una
indentidad común. Sin embargo, al mismo tiempo, los transfondos físicos retratan la mujer
afromexican como un objeto y no como una persona.
De hecho, el poeta combina la danza, los instrumentos de danza como ujté, mujeres y su
amor de los tres para expresar su amor de la cultura afromexicana. La cuatra estrofa habla sobre
la experiencia más temprana de la vida del poeta. Como muchos afromexicanos, él vive en
comunidades de pobreza (Lara, G.). Inicialmente, se trata de escapar la pobreza, sin embargo,
vuelva a su comunidad originaria. No obstante, cuando el poeta vuelve a su comunidad, él ha
escapado el estado mental de pobreza y vuelva con la riqueza de danza nueva en la alma.
Finalmente, el poeta termina la conversación cuando reafirma su amor de su cultura que
celebra la música, sus instrumentos y la mujer afromexicana. Además, el estribillo de dos partes
por el poema es la misma como la primera estrofa, sin embargo, hay una diferencia en la primera
línea. El poeta se refiere a sí mismo como “el negro sincero”. Aquí, el poeta aborda los
estereotipos negativos de los afromexicanos. De hecho, aunque el poema expresa el amor de la
danza y su significado dentro de la comunidad, el poeta también crea momentos breves para
discutir los retos de los afromexicanos. Por último, el poeta repite la expresión alegre por el
poema. Eso pareado de vocales representa las llamadas que frecuentemente están en las
[44]
canciones de la música antigua de cultura afromexicana (Lara, J.). De verdad, el poema y el
poeta ofrecen una perspectiva alternativa de la vida del afromexicano. A pesar de la
discriminación y la pobreza, el poeta encuentra modos literarios de expresar el significado y la
libertad de la danza en la cultura afromexicana.
El legado
Argentina y México tienen diferencias entre ellos con respeto a sus poblaciones
afrodescendientes. Aunque el tratamiento diferencial y la cultura de borrado de la negritud son
similares, los componentes históricos son diferentes y la expresión entre los afrodescendientes en
esos países tienen manifestaciones distintas. No obstante, se queda la pregunta de, ¿cómo esto
afecta las comunidades afrodescendientes en Argentina y México? Por los artefactos hemos visto
ejemplos específicos del afroargentino y el afromexicano. Sus vidas son llenas de momentos
cuando su existencia es clasificada como “el otro”. Aunque su identidad negra es mantenido y
aún celebrada durante esos momentos difíciles, las diferencias culturales y a veces institucionales
que afrodescendientes sufren debido a la identidad doble son injustas. Sin embargo, a pesar de
esa injusticia social, los afroargentinos y afromexicanos han encontrado modos ser parte de su
patria por la expresión literaria y el patriotismo. Sin duda, ser afrodescendiente en Argentina y
México significa crear su propio espacio de expresión y tener la aceptación fuerte de sí mismo.
[45]
Anexos
“El negro de la costa”
Soy el negro de la costa
de Guerrero y de Oaxaca.
No me enseñen a matar
porque se como se mata,
y en el agua se lazar,
sin que se moje la reata.
Pero ándale chiquita
que te quiero mamacita,
pero ándale preciosa
cachetes color de rosa.
Cuídate negra sureña,
No me quieras dar picones,
Dime si con otros sueñas
Para cambiar mis pasiones
Que la sangre que es costeña
No tolera las traiciones.
Pero ándale chiquita
que te quiero mamacita,
pero ándale preciosa
cachetes color de rosa.
Cierto que echo mis habladas
Pero Sóstenes me llamo,
A mi nadie me hace nada
Como quiera yo las gano,
Y no hay ley más respetada
Que el machete entre mis manos.
Pero ándale chiquita
que te quiero mamacita,
[46]
pero ándale preciosa
cachetes color de rosa.
[47]
“El negro de bailongo”
OEO EEE, OEO EEE
OEO EEE, OEO EEE
Yo soy el negro que baila
vengo de cortar café,
traigo música en el alma,
quiero bailá con ujté.
Yo soy el negro que canta
dulces canciones de amor,
ni la muerte ya me espanta;
ni lo pobre, ni el dolor.
OEO EEE, OEO EEE
OEO EEE, OEO EEE
Cuando de bailá se trata,
bailo con cualquier mujé
ora que de amor se trata,
quiero bailá con ujté.
Yo soy el negro sincero,
vengo de cortar café,
he de lograr lo que quiero,
quiero bailá con ujté.
Yo soy el negro sincero,
vengo de cortar café,
he de lograr lo que quiero,
quiero bailá con ujté.
OEO EEE, OEO EEE
EOE EEE, OEO EEE
Muy joven me fui del pueblo
por la pobreza que mata,
ora regresé de nuevo
traigo el bailongo en el alma.
Cuando de bailá se trata,
bailo con cualquier mujé
ora que de amor se trata,
quiero bailá con ujté.
OEO EEE, OEO EEE
OEO EEE, OEO EEE
[48]
Obras citadas
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en el Cono Sur: Representaciones en Conflicto, pág. 77-98, 2006.
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Miranda, Mariana Reyes. “Soy la negra de la costa: la reconfiguración de la identidad de género
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México: FLACSO México, 2012.
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Pereyra, Carlos Alberto Mele. “Análisis geopolítico de Argentina y América.” Tripod, 2012.
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