American Evangelicalism in the Post-Civil Rights Era: A Racial Formation Theory Analysis
Author(s): Antony W. Alumkal
Source: Sociology of Religion, Vol. 65, No. 3 (Autumn, 2004), pp. 195-213
Published by: Oxford University Press
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2004, 65:3 195-213
Sociology
of Religion
American
Rights
Analysis
EvangelicalismIn
Era:
A
Racial
Formation
The
Post-Civil
Theory
Antony W. Alumkal*
IliffSchoolof Theology
Thisarticleattemptsto demonstrate
thatOmiandWinant'sracialformationtheorycanbe useracialdiscourses
andpractices
in religious
a racial
communities
ful tosociologists
studying
byproviding
two
in
American
The
article
phenomena
formationtheoryanalysisof
major
Evangelicalism.
first
racialreconciliation
itsemergence
in thelate1960s,itstransexplores
evangelical
theology,
explaining
intoa conservative
racialprojectin the1990s,anditsrecentpopularity
formation
amongwhiteevangelicals.Thearticlethenexplorestheinfluxof AsianAmericansintoevangelical
campusministries,
topopularracialimagesof AsianAmericans
andtheracialideologies
linkingthisphenomenon
of white
leaders.
The
article
concludes
with
a
the
race
in
American
evangelical
critiqueof analysisof
evangelicalismthatEmersonandSmithofferin theirbookDividedbyFaith.
INTRODUCTION
Michael Omi and Howard Winant are responsible for one of the most influential schools of racial theory, known as racial formation theory. First put forward
in response to reductionist theories that treated race as an epiphenomenon of
class, ethnicity, or nation, racial formation theory has reshaped the sociological
study of race. However, it has had only a limited influence on sociologists and
other scholars engaging in the empirical study of religion. For example, a review
of the emerging literature on the post-1965 new immigrant communities reveals
that many of these studies have focused on issues of ethnicity and assimilation
(issues that figure prominently in the older literature on European immigrant
religion) while giving little attention to the ways in which these communities are
affected by the ideological and structural dimensions of race (see for example
Williams 1988; Palinkas 1989; Kim 1993; Chai 1998; Sullivan 2000).
This article will argue that racial formation theory can make an important contribution to the sociological study of religion by providing tools for analyzing the
* Direct
to AntonyW.Alumkal,IliffSchoolof Theology,2201 S. University
correspondence
Blvd.,
Denver,CO 80210-4798. E-mail:[email protected].
195
OFRELIGION
196 SOCIOLOGY
developmentof racialdiscoursesand practicesin religiouscommunities.1I will
the usefulnessof the theoryby applyingit to the caseof
attemptto demonstrate
in the post-civilrightsera. I will focuson two major
Americanevangelicalism
racialphenomenain Americanevangelicalism-thedevelopmentof racialreconciliationtheologyandthe influxof AsianAmericansintoevangelicalcampusministries.Finally,I will discusshow my analysisof evangelicalracialideologydiffers
fromthatofferedby EmersonandSmith(2000) in theirbookDividedbyFaith.
to referto the Protestant
A definitionalnote:I usethe term"evangelicalism"
in the middleof the twentiethcensubculturethat brokefromfundamentalism
mission
of
the
over
(fundamentalists
emphasizingthe
strategy
question
tury
maintenanceof doctrinalpuritythroughseparatism,evangelicalsemphasizing
engagingthe broadersocietywith theirmessage),yet retainingmuchof fundabiblicalhermeneutics.Its leadersoriginallyreferredto this religious
mentalism's
beforeshorteningthe name to "evangelicalsubcultureas "neoevangelicalism"
has historicallybeen predominantly
ism."Evangelicalism
white, and it remains
so despiterecentgrowthamongracialminorities.The historicallyblackchurcharegenerallyconsideredby scholes, whiledoctrinallysimilarto evangelicalism,
arsto forma separatereligiousculture.2
RACIALFORMATIONTHEORY:A BRIEFOVERVIEW
Racialformationtheoryis explicatedin Omi andWinant's(1986 and 1994)
in theUnitedStates,aswellas in worksby the inditwoeditionsof RacialFormation
vidualauthors(especiallyWinant1994 and 2001). Omi andWinant(1994:55)
defineracialformationas "thesociohistorical
processby whichracialcategories
anddestroyed."
arecreated,inhabited,transformed,
Theyattemptto charta midformulation
is
an "essentialist"
first
extreme
The
dlecoursebetweentwoextremes.
of whichskincolorandother
thatviewsraceas"amatterof innatecharacteristics,
and in some respectsmost
most
the
attributes
obvious,
provideonly
physical
The
otherextremeis a view
Winant
and
indicators"
1994:64).
(Omi
superficial,
that trivializesthe categoryof race,arguingthat since it is a socialconstruction,
racewill disappearif we simplyignoreit. This latterview ignoresthe waysin
Westerncivilizationforthe last500 years.
whichracehasdeeplystructured
Key to their perspectiveon the constructionof race is the conceptof the
"racialproject,"which they define as "simultaneouslyan interpretation,
and
or explanationof racialdynamics,andan effortto reorganize
representation,
1 This is not to deny that racial formation theory, like all social theories, has shortcomings. For a critique, see Bonilla-Silva 2001.
2 For a thorough discussion of the complexities of defining "evangelicalism,"see Dorrien
1998. The religious subculture that I focus on in this article is what Dorrien labels "fundamentalist evangelicalism."
AMERICAN EVANGELICALISM 197
resourcesalongparticularraciallines"(Omi andWinant1994:56).
redistribute
discursivepracticeand
Racialprojectsconnect"whatracemeansin a particular
the waysin which both socialstructuresand everydayexperiencesare racially
baseduponthatmeaning"(OmiandWinant1994:56,italicsoriginal).
organized,
racialprojectthatlinkswhatrace
Theygive the exampleof the neoconservative
means(it is not a morallyvalidbasisfortreatingindividualsdifferentlyfromone
another)with a specificconceptionof the roleof racein the socialstructure(it
can playno partin settinggovernmentpolicy).Competingracialprojectsare
developedby elites, popularmovements,state agencies,culturaland religious
and intellectuals.Racialprojectsalso operateat a micro-social
organizations,
level "notso muchas effortsto shapepolicyordefinelarge-scalemeaning,butas
the applicationsof 'commonsense"'(OmiandWinant1994:59).
of the
Centralto racialformationtheoryis Omi andWinant'sinterpretation
The
authors
describe
the
of
race.
in the Americansystem
"greattransformation"
yearsstretchingfromthe colonialperioduntilthe civil rightsmovementasa periOtherthan duringthe briefperiodof reconstruction
od of "racialdictatorship."
barriers
non-whites
facedformidable
preventingeffective
followingthe CivilWar,
the
in the politicalsphere,includinglegallysanctionedsegregation,
participation
naturalized
citizens.
and
the
to
become
denial
of
the
vote,
inability
widespread
wasfinallychallengedby the civil rightsmoveThe systemof racialdictatorship
ment that broughtthe entryof racialminoritygroupmembersinto the political
andthe
process.The extensionof votingrights,eliminationof dejuresegregation,
reformof immigration
lawswereamongthe movement's
majoraccomplishments.
However,Omi and Winantdo not view the civil rightsmovementas an
unqualifiedsuccess.Drawinguponthe workof Antonio Gramsci,they describe
the post-civilrightseraas a periodof "racialhegemony."
Gramsciusesthe term
to describea systemin whichthe dominantclassruleswith a com"hegemony"
binationof coercionandconsent,effectivelyco-optingoppositionalpoliticalcurrents (Gramsci1971). Omi and Winant applythis concept to the American
racialorderandarguethatwhilecertaingoalsof the civil rightsmovementwere
met,the moreambitiousgoalsof economicequalityandpoliticalpowerforracial
minorities(goalsthatWinantidentifieswiththe "radical
racialprojdemocracy"
ect)3 were activelyresisted.Politicalconservativesaffirmedthe principleof
racialequality,butreinterpreted
it to meanthe establishment
(or"rearticulated")
of "color-blind"
and
other
institutions
and an emphasis
policiesby government
on individualrights.Attemptsto combatracismby advantagingmembersof
3 Winant (1994 and 2001) refersto the goal of substantiveratherthan merelyformal
equalityas "radicaldemocracy"and identifiesthe radicaldemocraticprojectwith King (particularlyin his later years), the Black Powermovement,and later movementsinspiredby
BlackPower(YellowPower,BrownPower,etc.). This termdoesnot appearin eitheraddition
of RacialFormation
in theUnitedStates,althoughOmi and Winantdescribethe phenomenon
to which it refers.
OFRELIGION
198 SOCIOLOGY
racialminoritygroupswereattackedas "reverse
discrimination."
Thisreactionto
the gainsof racialminoritiescontinuedthroughthe 1980sunderthe Reaganand
In the epilogueto the secondeditionof RacialFormation
in
Bushadministrations.
theUnitedStates,Omi andWinant(1994) criticizethe "neoliberal"
projectbeing
Bill Clintonthat, like racialprojectson the
put forwardby a newlyinaugurated
right,avoidedconfrontingthe continuedsystemsof racialinequality.
THE EMERGENCEOF RACIALRECONCILIATIONTHEOLOGY
At this point I will turn to the first of two majorracialphenomenain
Americanevangelicalismthat I will discussin this article,racialreconciliation
theology.Beginningin the late 1960s,a numberof AfricanAmericanevangelicals
cameforwardwith whatthey sawas the solutionto the racialproblemsplaguing
the UnitedStates.Theirmainargumentwasthatonlythroughthe commonlordof thistheolbetweenracespossible.Proponents
shipof Christwasreconciliation
had
that
and
Gentiles
New
Testament
drew
Jews
passagesproclaiming
upon
ogy
becomeone body in Christ (e.g., Ephesians2:11-22and Galatians3:28) and
arguedthat the sameunitywaspossibleforblacksandwhites.
Amongthe earlyracialreconciliationtheologyadvocateswasTomSkinner.
In his bookHowBlackis theGospel?he argues:
It is only at the crossof JesusChrist, it is only throughJesusChrist, that the Stokely
Carmichaels,the EldridgeCleavers and the Rap Brownscan hold hands with the
Whitney Youngsand the Roy Wilkinses....It is only at the crossof JesusChrist that a
blackman and a white man can standtogether"(Skinner1970:97).
John Perkins,anotheradvocateof racialreconciliationtheology,arguedalong
similarlines:
Man'sreconciliationto God throughJesusChristis clearlyat the heartof the gospel.But
we mustalso be reconciledto each other.Reconciliationacrossracial,cultural,and economic barriersis not an optionalaspectof the gospel(Perkins1982:54).
ColumbusSalleyandRonaldBehm(1970), the formerblackand the latter
white, modeledracialreconciliationby co-authoringthe bookYourGodIs Too
White.These men criticizedwhite Americanchurchesfor their long historyof
reinforcingracismagainstAfricanAmericans.However,they also arguedthat
trueChristianityexcludesall elementsof racismanddiscrimination.
On the basis of the universalredemptionin JesusChrist, any group that calls itself
anddiscriminatesagainsta raceor classis simplyrejectingthe biblical,Christian
Christian
patter. The New Testamentchurchwasnot composedof nice, ticky-tacky,middle-class
people.Rather,unityof faithovercamethe potentialdivisionsof socialandracialbarriers
which wereeverywherepresent(Salleyand Behm 1970:98,italicsin original).
It is significantthat theseearlyracialreconciliationadvocatesdid not separateindividualeffortsat achievingreconciliationacrossraciallinesfromthe call
AMERICANEVANGELICALISM
199
of society.Forexample,Skinner(1970:81)wrote
for changingunjuststructures
because"thereareareasin
thathe remainedcommittedto the "blackrevolution"
the systemthat are diametricallyopposedto the Kingdomof God, and that
whichis opposedto the Kingdomof God, I mustopposeas God'sson."Perkins,
(1982:168) for his part, criticizedthe Americanfree enterprisesystem for
"increasing
productionfor the rich, but continuingpovertyfor the oppressed,"
and he advocatedthe widespread
establishmentof cooperatives.While he was
criticalof the welfaresystem,Perkinssupportedgovernmentprograms
that provide the disadvantaged
with such thingsas medicalcare,nutrition,education,
jobskills,andassistanceacquiringhomeownership.SalleyandBehm(1970:105)
issueda strongchallengeto white Christiansnot only to removeinstitutional
racismfromtheir churchesbut to help restructure
Americansociety"so that
blackscan participateas political,economicandhumanequals."
In orderto understandwhy racialreconciliationtheologyemergedat this
time, we mustexaminethe movementof racialideologiesin the largersociety.
and the
By the end of the 1960s,MartinLutherKinghad been assassinated,
movementthathe hadled lackedbotha leaderanda clearagendaforward.
This
void increasedBlackPower'sappeal(Wilmore1972).Heightenedcallsforblack
andpersistenturbanriotsincreasedwhites'misgivingsaboutcontinuseparatism
the
ing
push for racialjustice.Finally,some white intellectualswere strongly
insistingthatthe civil rightsmovement's
goalshadbeenaccomplished
bythe legislationof the mid-1960s.
The earlyadvocatesof racialreconciliationtheologywereclearlycriticalof
thosewho had declaredvictoryin the waragainstracialdiscrimination,
arguing
insteadthattherewasmuchworkto be doneto improvethe livesof blacks.Their
attitudetowardthe BlackPowermovementcouldbestbe describedasambivalent.
As mentionedearlier,Skinner(1970)voicedsupportfor"theblackrevolution"
in
HowBlackis theGospel?
forfurther
Also, the bookclosedwitha listof suggestions
that
included
works
such
as
The
Malcolm
X
and
reading
Autobiography
of
Stokely
CarmichaelandCharlesV. Hamilton'sBlackPower.However,Skinnerarguedin
the samebook that the blackrevolutionwouldfail unlessit aligneditselfwith
Jesus and followed his example. He comparedmany contemporary(nonto the JewishradicalBarabbas,
Christian)blackrevolutionaries
rightlyrecognizthe
ing
corruptionof the systembut employingcorruptmeansin the attemptto
overthrowit. The resultwouldbe a new systemas corruptas the old.
Salley and Behm (1970) displaya similarambivalencetowardthe Black
Powermovementin YourGodIs TooWhite.The authorsexpressedconsiderable
Consciousness
sympathyforthe BlackPower/Black
critiqueof the dehumanizing
influencesof white societyon blacks.They also believedthat increasedselfdeterminationfor the blackcommunitywasessential.However,they sawblack
self-determinism
not as a finalgoalbutas a necessarysteptowardequitablerelations betweenblacksand whites.Salleyand Behmalso saw the purelysecular
aimsof BlackPowerto be incomplete,arguingthat truefreedomwouldrequire
OFRELIGION
200 SOCIOLOGY
"agenuineredemptiveexperienceof God who has madehimselfknownin Jesus
Christ"(SalleyandBehm1970:83).
The earlyevangelicalracialreconciliationmovementcanthusbe understood
as a distinctradicaldemocraticproject,one that wascriticalof both race"moderates"who believedthat the civil rightsmovementhad accomplishedits aims
Note thatthereare
andthoseblacknationaliststhatadvocatedracialseparatism.
the
of MartinLuther
this
and
late
between
writings
project
significantparallels
that
the
criticized
those
who
believed
also
passageof the
strenuously
King.King
mid-1960slegislationmarkedthe completionof the civil rightsmovement,arguing that significantworklay aheadto bringabouteconomicjustice.He also
expressedambivalencetowardthe BlackPowermovement.While recognizing
the legitimacyof BlackPower'scall for blackpeopleto gain politicaland economicstrength,Kingwarnedthat "thereis no separateblackpathto powerand
fulfillmentthat does not intersectwhite paths,and there is no separatewhite
path to powerand fulfillment,shortof socialdisaster,that does not sharethat
of freedomandhumandignity(King1967:52).
powerwith blackaspirations
the
Yet, earlyevangelicalracialreconciliationadvocatesdepartedfromKing
in fusingradicaldemocracyand a call for integrationwith the theologyof
In so doing,they wereengagingin "rearticulaAmerican(neo)evangelicalism.4
as "theprocessof redefinitionof political
define
Winant
Omi
and
which
tion,"
of familiarideasand
a
interestsandidentities,through processof recombination
values in hithertounrecognizedways"(1994:163n.8).5Perkins,Skinner,and
when properly
othersattemptedto makethe case that evangelicalChristianity,
to
racialjustice
to
a
commitment
leads
understoodandfullyaccepted,
inevitably
(understoodin radicaldemocraticterms).They wishedto influenceboth evangelicalsthat were uncommittedto racialjustice and supportersof the Black
Powermovementoutsideof the evangelicalfold.
RACIALRECONCILIATIONTHEOLOGY'SSECONDWAVE
The Americanevangelicalsubculture,like the broaderAmericansociety,
presentlycontainsa widerangeof racialprojects.On one end of the spectrumare
withthe "newright,"a racialprojectcharacterized
associated
by a sub
evangelicals
other
and
of
blacks
resentment
white
textual approachto politics-"coding"
asa threatto "traracial(andfeminist)mobilization
minoritiesandunderstanding
4 One key theologicaldifferencebetweenKingand the earlyracialreconciliationadvocateswasthe latter'sreligiousexclusivism,which relegatednon-Christiansto havingat best a
marginalrole in effortsto advanceracialjustice.
5 Omi and Winant (1994:195n.11) offer a second definition later in the book:
"Rearticulationis a practiceof discursivereorganizationor reinterpretationof ideological
themesand interestsalreadypresentin the subjects'consciousness,such that these elements
obtainnew meaningsor coherence."
AMERICANEVANGELICALISM
201
ditionalvalues"(Winant1994and2001).RalphReedof the ChristianCoalition
wouldbe an exampleof a new rightevangelicalleader.On the otherend of the
(oftenreferred
politicalspectrumis a socialjustice-oriented
wingof evangelicalism
to as the "evangelical
advocates
left")that includesthe earlyracialreconciliation
as well as figuressuch as Jim Wallisof the Sojourers Communityand Tony
ChristianFellowship.In betweenwe find the centerof
Campoloof InterVarsity
gravityof Americanevangelicalleadership
reflectingthe medianracialvaluesof
thebroader
Americansociety-supportforformallegalequalityformembers
of differentraces,butoppositionto programs
suchasaffirmative
actiondesignedto redistributeeconomicandpoliticalresources,
viewsthathave muchin commonwith
the neoconservative
racialproject.Mainstream
evangelicalleaderssuchas Billy
Grahamand PromiseKeepersfounderBill McCartneyhave downplayedthe
of politicalactionin improving
racerelationsandhaveinsteademphaimportance
sizedindividualChristians
acrossraciallines.
pursingrelationships
The parallelsbetweenthe neoconservative
and the mainstream
evangelical
racialprojectsareconsiderable
andworthexploringin detail.The neoconservative
witha groupof intellectuals
thathadbeensupportive
of the civil
projectoriginated
movement
the
rights
through passageof majorlegislationin the mid-1960s(the
CivilRights
Act of 1964,the VotingRightsAct of 1964,andthe Immigration
Act of
1965). However,these individualsstronglyobjectedto furtherdemandsby civil
andotherinstitutionsto redistribute
ecorightsactivistsforactionby government
nomicandpoliticalresources
in favorof racialminorities.
NathanGlazer(1975),
one of the leadingneoconservative
Discrimination
that
voices,arguedin Affirmative
reveals
the
realization
of
"an
American
ethnic
basedon dishistory
steady
pattern"
ideals.First,theentireworldwouldbe allowedto enter
tinctlyAmericandemocratic
the UnitedStates.Second,the governmentwouldgive no formalrecognitionto
ethnicgroups,butwouldtreatall individuals
equallyas Americancitizens.Third,
the governmentwoulddo nothingto preventethnicgroupsfromorganizing
on a
basis.Glazerarguedthatthemajorcivilrightslegislation
of themid-1960s
voluntary
markedthe completerealization
of this ethnicpattern,andthe demandby racial
minoritiesforformalgrouprecognitionrepresented
a betrayalof Americanideals.
Laterwritingsby neoconservatives
have stressedthe failureof liberal-backed
Thewelfaresystem
governmentinitiativesto improvethe livesof racialminorities.
in particular
hasbeenblamedfordeteriorating
conditionsin innercities(Murray
neoconservatives
havepointedto the academicandeconom1984).Furthermore,
ic successof AsianAmericansasevidencethatthe Americansystemrewards
those
that
value
and
minoritygroups
discipline achievement(Glazer1985).
It is noteworthythat the ranksof neoconservatives
includea smallnumber
of blacksand otherracialminorities,with ThomasSowell,ShelbySteele, and
GlennLoury(earlyin his career)beingamongthe mostprominentexamples.At
the top of the blackneoconservatives'
agendais a critiqueof theirfellowblack
Americansfor placingtoo muchblamefor theireconomicand socialproblems
on white racismand for failingto take responsibilityfor their own destinies.
OFRELIGION
202 SOCIOLOGY
Ratherthan expectinggovernmentassistancein the formof welfareor affirmative action,they argue,blacksshouldemphasizehardwork,self-discipline,and
like
familialstability.We shouldalsonote the attemptbyblackneoconservatives,
Americanconservativesgenerally,to portrayMartinLutherKingas a supporter
of "color-blind"
King'sradicaldemgovernmentpolicies,completelydisregarding
Character
Our
The
Content
Steele's
ocraticcommitments;
(1990)
proof
Shelby
vides one exampleof this practice.CornelWest (1994) arguesthat the riseof
"thenew blackconservatism"
pointsto the failureof the liberalblackestablishment to adequatelyaddresstheir community'seconomicand social problems,
offeran improvedvision.
thoughWestdoesnot believethat theseconservatives
like
the
neoconservative
racial
The mainstream
project,
project,
evangelical
affirmsthe earlygoalsof the civilrightsmovement,includingthe majorcivilrights
evangelicalleadersarealsocritical
legislationof the mid-1960s.Manymainstream
effortsto attackracismthroughan activistgovernment,arguing
of liberal-backed
failure.Butwhileneoconservatives
thatsucheffortshaveonlyproduced
placetheir
and
faithin Americandemocraticideals,a commonAmericanidentity, the free
leaderslookto Christastheonlysolution
evangelical
system,mainstream
enterprise
racismis primarily
to the nation'sracialproblems.
Accordingto theseevangelicals,
soludemands
therefore
a spiritual
spiritual
problemreflectingtheproblemof sinand
andunitythrougha commonidentity"inChrist."
tions-repentance,forgiveness,
This solutionproceedsthroughthe lives of individualbelievers-changedhearts
doesnot involve
ratherthanchangedlaws.The unityenvisionedby evangelicals
butratherdiversity-in-unity.
of racialandethnicdifferences,
the eradication
hasdonemoreto promotethe mainstream
No organization
evangelicalracial
its
for
known
While
better
neo-patriarchal
projectthan the PromiseKeepers.
viewson genderrelations,the PromiseKeepershave devotedsubstantialattention to racialissues.Among the promisesthat men joining this organization
pledgeto upholdis, "A PromiseKeeperis committedto reachingbeyondany
racialand denominationalbarriersto demonstratethe powerof biblicalunity"
(JanssenandWeeden1994:153).
formercoachof the University
PromiseKeepers'co-founderBillMcCartney,
of Coloradofootballteam,recallsbeingawakenedto the problemof racismin the
mid-1980swhileattendingthe funeralof TeddyWoods,a formerplayerwhowas
AfricanAmerican.McCartneyrealizedthat the mournfulsingingof the mostly
AfricanAmericancongregationwasexpressingnot only theirgriefoverthe loss
of Woods,but also theirsufferingas a peopleat the handsof Americanracism.
McCartney'sconcern for racial issueswas furtherdeepenedduringthe first
PromiseKeepersconferencein Boulder,Coloradoin 1991whenhe realizedthat
the crowdwasalmostentirelywhite.Confrontingracismwasthen addedto the
PromiseKeepers'agenda(McCartney1997).
racisminvolvesformingsmallfelThe PromiseKeepers'
strategyforaddressing
can
who
colors
different
of
men
with
experienceracialreconciliation.
lowshipgroups
of
sins
confession
the
comesthrough
(relatedto racism)andthe
Thisreconciliation
succeededby mutualsupportas the menattemptto live
acceptanceof forgiveness,
AMERICAN EVANGELICALISM 203
agendaareattemptsto combatracism
godlylives.MissingfromthePromiseKeepers'
or corporatespheres.In fact,Promise
throughactionin the political,educational,
suchsolutionsto racismis futile.6As Porter
leadersarguethatattempting
Keepers'
andEngland(1994:169)arguein an essayin SevenPromises
of a Promise
Keeper:
Alone we can'tchangemuch;you can't,either.But togetherwith a millionotherbrothers-committed Promisekeepers-we can influencea nation. We can demonstratethat
what history,the politicalprocess,and the legal systemcould not do, faith, obedience,
repentance,and unity in JesusChristcanchange (italics in original).
It is significantthat the PromiseKeepers'leadershipincludessome racial
minorities,includingitschairmanof the boardPhillipPorter,a bishopin the historicallyblackdenominationthe Churchof God in Christ.In LettheWallsFall
Down,Porter(1996) recallsworkingforthe ColoradoCivil RightsCommission
in the early1960sand quicklybecomingfrustrated
with the limitsof the government'sabilityto combatracism.He eventuallyconcludedthat the only way
to changepeoplewasto changetheirhearts.He thenquithisjobwiththe CCRC
andwent into full-timeministry.
A secondAfricanAmericanleaderwith the PromiseKeepersis Wellington
in Breaking
In lanBoone,whopresentshis visionof racialreconciliation
Through.
of thatof blackneoconservatives,
he paintsa bleakpictureof life
guagereminiscent
in the innercity and blamesthe blackcommunity's
dependenceon the government."Theparallelbetweenthe disintegration
of the blackfamilyandthe emphasis on civil rightsand governmenthandoutsis undeniable"(Boone 1996:50).
lieswithGod
Accordingto Boone,the solutionto the blackcommunity's
problems
alone. "The black communitystill looks for a white man, a government,a
to be their deliverer....JesusHimselfis the only deliverer"(Boone
Farrakan,
1996:79).Finally,it is importantto note that Booneattemptsto identifyMartin
LutherKing'sagendawith his own. Referringto a PromiseKeepersrallyin the
DetroitSilverDome,Boone(1996:5)argues,"IfMartinLutherKingwouldhave
seenthatmeetingin action,he wouldhaveseenhis color-blind
visionin action."
EXPLAININGTHE MAINSTREAMEVANGELICAL
RACIALPROJECT
Fromthe discussionabove,it wouldappearthat the racialprojectadvanced
the
PromiseKeepersandothermainstream
by
evangelicalleadersis the resultof
a complexprocessof rearticulation.
On one level, these leadersappearto be
rearticulatingthe earlyracialreconciliationtheologyinto conservativeform,
strippingit of radicaldemocraticcomponentsand placingexclusivefocus on
6 This exclusivefocuson the
personallevel separatesthe PromiseKeepers'racialreconciliationagendafromthat of the evangelicalleft. Editorialsin Sojourners
Magazine,whichhas
regularlycovered the PromiseKeeperssince its inception, have arguedthat the Promise
Keepers'effortson racismarea positivestep but a limitedone.
204 SOCIOLOGYOF RELIGION
individual-levelaction. At anotherlevel, this racialprojectappearsto be a
of the neoconservativeand relatedcenter-rightprojectsinto an
rearticulation
faithin the Americansystemsof constievangelicalform.The neoconservative
tutionaldemocracyandfreeenterpriseto solveracialdisparitiesis replacedwith
faith in Christto bringracialreconciliation,but the neoconservativecondemsolutionsremains.
nationof liberalelitesand"biggovernment"
Until now I have discussedevangelicalleadersratherthan rank-and-file
members.However,thereis evidencethat the racialprojectadvocatedby mainstreamevangelicalleadershas receivedconsiderable,thoughnot majority,supportamongordinaryevangelicals.EmersonandSmith(2000) discussthe spread
versionof the racialreconciliationmessageto a whiteaudiof the "popularized"
ence in the 1990s.Theirinterviewswith whiteevangelicalsrevealedthat a significant minoritywere interestedin racial reconciliation,generallyseen as
involvingindividual-levelresponsessuch as expressingforgivenessand making
friendsacrossraciallines. Interestwas greateramong"strong"evangelicals"thosewho assentedto all evangelicalhallmarksandsaidtheirmainor onlyreligious identitywas evangelical"(Emersonand Smith 2000:179)-than among
Bartkowski
attachedto evangelicalism.
thosemoremarginally
(2004:127)argues
in his studyof the PromiseKeepersthat the active participantswho he interviewed "feel that the PromiseKeepers'emphasison racialreconciliationhas
broughtaboutpalpablechangesin their lives."For the whites who he interviewed, this has involved organizingand/orparticipatingin effortsby their
churchesto reachout to localblackchurches,in somecasesresultingin interracautionsthat it is not clearwhether
cial worshipservices.7However,Bartkowski
will leadto long-termstructural
suchcollaborations
change.
Whilewe canfindsomediscussionof racialreconciliation
bywhiteevangelithe
in
the
cal leadersin
1970s(including Christianity
Today, flagshipmagazineof
didnot achievethe largegrassroots
racialreconciliation
Americanevangelicalism),
the
until
white
early1990s.Thisraisesthe question
evangelicals
followingamong
time
the
latter
of whatsocialfactorsduring
periodwouldhavecreateddemandfor
this racialproject.Winant(1994) offerssomecluesin his discussionof the "crisis
of whiteidentity"in the post-civilrightsera.Accordingto Winant,the increased
racial and ethnic diversitycaused by recent immigrationthreatenswhite
racial
Americans'abilityto constitutea clearmajorityandexerciseunquestioned
dominationin a varietyof institutionalsettings.The easyelisionof whiteidentity
isfadingaswhiteAmericansundergoa processof "racialization"
with"racelessness"
(cf.Alba 1990).Yet,recentresearchsuggeststhatmanywhiteslacka clearsenseof
7 Interactionbetweenwhite evangelicalchurchesandchurchesassociatedwith historically blackdenominationswouldbe aidedby doctrinalsimilaritiesbetweentheirrespectivetraditions,owingto theircommonrootsin nineteenthcenturyevangelicalism(Hatch 1989).What
is lessclearis how participantsin such interactionswouldaddressdifferencesin politicalideology,with blackchurchesbeingmorelikelyto favorstructuralapproachesto confrontingracism.
AMERICANEVANGELICALISM
205
ethnic cultureor identity(e.g., Waters1990). Finally,whiteshold increasingly
ambivalentattitudestowardracialminorities.Manywhitesareresentfulof affirmativeactionprograms
thattheyperceiveasgivingunfairlyfavorable
treatmentto
minorities.At the sametime,manywhitesexperiencestigmaand/orguiltas their
historicalroleas the "oppressors"
of otherracesis moreopenlydiscussed.
If Winant'sarguments
arecorrect,8the spreadof the mainstream
evangelical
racialprojectamongwhiteAmericanscouldbe interpreted
asa responseto the crisis of whiteidentity.Definingracismas a spiritualproblemthatis immuneto secularsolutionsgiveswhiteslicenceto opposeaffirmative
action,welfare,andother
divisivegovernment
whites
who
arenostalgicfora senseof
Furthermore,
programs.
ethnicattachmentcan treatevangelicalChristianity
as a quasi-ethnicidentity,a
movethatis encouraged
senseof themselvesas an embattledreliby evangelicals'
in
the
United
States(Smith,Emerson,Gallagher,
giousminority
contemporary
and
Sikkink
whites
can respondto their historyas
1998). Finally,
Kennedy,
thatChristian
"oppressors"
by catharticactsof repentance,as wellas by assertions
race,whilefullyretainingthe fruitsof whiteprivilege.9
identitytranscends
As discussedabove, the rise of black neoconservativescan be seen as a
of the liberalblackestablishment.
The smallnumber
responseto the inadequacy
of blackswho have embracedthe mainstreamevangelicalracialprojectcould
with liberalism.
representa similardisenchantment
ASIAN AMERICANSAND EVANGELICALCAMPUSMINISTRIES
Whileevangelical
racialreconciliation
effortsinvolvingblacksandwhiteshave
attractedmediaattention,an equallysignificantracialphenomenonin American
has been quietlyoccurring:
the largeinfluxof AsianAmericans.
evangelicalism
HurhandKim(1984)havereportedon the rapidgrowthof evangelicalProtestant
churchesamongthe post-1965Koreanimmigrants,
whileYang(1999)hasreported
on evangelicalProtestantism's
recent
Chineseimmigrants.
Even
popularity
among
moresignificantfor the futureshapeof Americanevangelicalism
is the growing
AsianAmericansin predominantly
whiteevangelical
presenceof American-born
institutions,
includingmajorcampusministryorganizations.
The storyof InterVarsity
ChristianFellowshipis illustrativeof this trend.
The InterVarsity
chapterat the Universityof Californiaat Berkeleybeganmajor
effortsto recruitAsianAmericansduringthe early1980s.Bythe early1990sthe
8 It is not
necessaryfor a majorityof white Americansto fit this profilefor the concept
of the crisisof white identityto be useful.Even a sizableminorityof whitesfeelinga senseof
crisiscan be the catalystfor social action.
9 The 1990switnesseda startlingupsurgein acts of repentanceand apologiesrelatedto
the issue of racism, with the Southern Baptist Convention and the Christian Church
(Disciplesof Christ)being only two examplesof Christiandenominationsthat issuedapologies for theirpasttreatmentof AfricanAmericans.
206 SOCIOLOGYOF RELIGION
chapter was two-thirdsAsian American (mostly KoreanAmerican and Chinese
American) and also contained significant numbers of African American and
Latino members.10Other InterVarsitychapters eventually reportedsignificant
racial and ethnic diversification with Asian Americans making up the largest
racial minority block. At the 2000 meeting of InterVarsity'stri-annualUrbana
MissionsConference, roughlya quarterof the American attendees were of Asian
descent (InterVarsityChristian Fellowship2001).11
No single factor can account for the influx of Asian Americans into evangelical campus ministrygroups.The growth of theologically conservative Asian
American immigrantchurches, which often turn to American evangelical publishers for music and religious literaturefor their English-speakingyouth, means
that many second-generationAsian Americans arriveon campuseshaving been
previously socialized into the culture and doctrine of contemporaryAmerican
evangelicalism. From the "supplyside" perspective, it is significant that major
evangelical organization such as InterVarsityChristian Fellowship, Campus
Crusadefor Christ, and the Navigators have devoted considerableresourcesto
reaching Asian American college students. Still, this influx of Asian Americans
suggeststhat campusevangelical groupsare offeringsomething that a disproportionate numberof Asian Americansfind appealing.
A furtherlook at InterVarsityoffers some clues. Like The PromiseKeepers,
InterVarsityhas rejecteda "meltingpot"assimilationmodel in favorof the "salad
bowl" diversity-in-unitymodel. An analysis of articles on cultural diversity in
InterVarsity'sStudentLeadershipJournalreveals that ethnicity is affirmed and
viewed as an aspect of human life that is to be redeemedby God ratherthan jettisoned when one makes a commitment to Christ. Furthermore,InterVarsityhas
affirmedthe value of ethnic-specific fellowships alongside multi-ethnic fellowships, providedthat the formeravoid separatismby engaging in regularactivities
with Christian groupswith other ethnic backgrounds.
The leadership of InterVarsityis more diverse in its political orientations
than that of the Promise Keepers, as the former includes figures such as Tony
Campolo identified with the evangelical left. However, InterVarsity'sleaders
have kept the organization'sfocus primarilyon evangelism and Christian discipleship (Hunt and Hunt 1991). When approachingthe issue of racial reconcili-
10 This informationcomesfrompersonalobservationsandconversationsat the Berkeley
chapterwhile I wasan undergraduate.
InterVarsity
11The official conferencereportbreaksdown attendeesby racial heritage (26.9% of
whom reported Asian heritage), as well as by country, denomination, and gender.
Unfortunately,there is no separateracialbreakdownfor attendeesfrom the United States.
However,given that Americansmadeup the overwhelmingmajority(77.20%)of the attendees and that the two Asian countries reportingthe most attendees, Korea and Japan,
accountedfor only 1.86%and 0.89%of the conferencerespectively,it is safeto estimatethat
roughlyone quarterof the Americanattendeeswereof Asian descent.
AMERICAN EVANGELICALISM 207
individual-level
actionratherthansocial-structural
ation,theyhave emphasized
level.A steadystreamof
change.This orientationis evidentat the local/campus
articlesin StudentLeadership
Journalwrittenby leadersof campuschaptersreport
variousattemptsat inter-racialdialogue.Issuesrelatedto politicalaction are
peripheralto or absentfromtheseaccounts.
Howwoulda racialformationanalysisof evangelicalism
accountforthe influx
of Asian Americansinto InterVarsity
and other evangelicalcampusministry
groups?First,it is importantto understandthe particularway in which Asian
Americanracialidentityhasbeenconstructed
by the dominantsociety(including
the mediaandpoliticalleaders)in recentdecades-as the "modelminority"
whose
valuesof hardworkandself-discipline
in
have led to success academicandoccuthe "success"
of AsianAmericans
pationalrealms(Takaki1989).12Accordingly,
affirmsthatthe UnitedStatesis the landof opportunity
forthosewhoworkhard.
Byimplication,
minoritygroupsthatdo not experiencesimilaradvancement-i.e.,
blacksandLatinos-haveonlythemselvesto blameandarenot deservingof governmentassistance.Furthermore,
as the battleover affirmative
actionin higher
educationheatedup,conservatives
citedAsianAmericans'
"success"
increasingly
in theirarguments
forabolishingsuchprograms
(Takagi1992).
Alongsidethe modelminoritystereotypeis the imageof AsianAmericansas
"unassimilable"
and"perpetual
This image,whichcanbe tracedback
foreigners."
to the nineteenthcentury,is continuallyrebornin massmediaportrayalsof
Asian Americans(Hamamoto1994).And as Tuan(1999) found,even middleclassAsianAmericanswhosefamilieshave lived in the United Statesfor three
or moregenerationsareoftentreatedas foreigners.
Againstthis backdrop,we can see that manyAsianAmericanshave faceda
less than hospitableenvironmenton collegecampuses.Both whitesand other
racialminoritiesresentthe presenceof AsianAmericans,whoareseenas"invading"campusesandbringingunwelcomecompetitionforgrades.In sucha racialthatmanyAsianAmericanswouldbe
ly chargedatmosphere,it is not surprising
drawnto evangelicalfellowshipsthatproclaim"all(races)areone in Christ"and
discussracialreconciliationwithoutreferenceto nettlesomepoliticalissues,thus
providinga safehavenfromracialantagonism(Busto1996).
Evangelicalcampusfellowshipsalso help Asian Americansdeal with their
Onephenomenonthatstandsout in ethnographic
accountsof
imageasforeigners.
Asian
American
ministries
is
the
second-generation
evangelical
frequencywith
whichtheseindividuals
their
and
their
racial/ethnicidentities
juxtapose
religious
and give primacyto the former-saying,for example,"Myidentityin Christ
supercedesmy identityas an Asian"(Alumkal2003:83;see also Kim 1993 and
Chai 1998). Fromthe standpointof some assimilationtheorists(e.g., Herberg
12 As Takaki(1989) has argued,the model minorityimagerendersinvisiblethe many
Asian Americansliving in poverty.
OFRELIGION
208 SOCIOLOGY
1955), this embracingof evangelical Christianitycan be seen as an attempt to
move toward the mainstreamof American society. However, Asian American
evangelicals do not see things this way. Like their white counterparts,Asian
American evangelicalsbelieve that "Christians"(i.e. evangelicals)13are a minority in a society that is increasinglyhostile to the gospelof Christ(see Marsden1991
and Smith et. al. 1998 on white evangelical attitudes). However, the flipside of
being a religiousminority-an outsiderwith respectto the largersociety-is being
partof a divinely favoredpeople-an insiderwith respectto the Kingdomof God.
Embracingevangelicalismdoes not cause Asian Americans to see themselves as
joining the mainstreamof Americansociety,but rathergives them an alternativeand preferable-way of understandingtheir marginality(cf. Moore 1986).
Evangelicalismthereforeleads to a transformationrather than an abandonment of minorityidentity.Asian Americanevangelicalsaccomplishthis by rearticulating evangelicalracialreconciliationtheology from their particularracialposition. While white evangelicalsmay affirm"all are one in Christ"in responseto
ambivalentfeelings about their dominantracialposition, Asian Americansaffirm
the same discoursein responseto discomfortassociatedwith being "modelminorities"and "perpetualforeigners,"infusingthe discoursewith a new set of meanings.
The analysisabove focuseson factorsthat have receivedlittle or no attention
in manypreviousstudiesof second-generationAsian Americanevangelicals.Some
studies(e.g., Kim 1993; Chai 1998; Goette 2001) focus on issuesof ethnic culture
and assimilationwhile providinglittle analysisof race. Other studies(e.g., Chong
1998;Chai 2001; Park2001) that do give significantattention to race nonetheless
fail to analyzethe connection between how race is interpretedin these ministries
and racialideologiesin the largerAmericanevangelicalsubculture.14
DIFFERENCESWITH EMERSONAND SMITH'SDIVIDEDBY FAITH
In the final section, I would like to discuss how my analysis of race in
American evangelicalism differs from the analysis put forwardby Michael 0.
Emersonand Christian Smith in their book Dividedby Faith:EvangelicalReligion
and the Problemof Race in America(2000). Emersonand Smith begin with an
overviewof the historyof race relationsin Americanevangelicalismfrom 1700 to
1964. They then turn to the originsof racialreconciliation theology and its subby white evangelical leaders.
sequent transformationas it became "popularized"
13 In this exclusivistuse of the term"Christian,"those that attend Christianchurches
but that are not "born again" and/or do not accept the tenants of evangelicalism are referred
to as "nominal" Christians, in contrast to "true"Christians.
14 Two studies that look at both the construction of Asian American racial identity and
the production of racial ideology in the largerevangelical subculture are Busto 1996 and Jeung
2002. It is notable that both scholars have been influenced by racial formation theory.
AMERICAN EVANGELICALISM 209
white Americanevangelicals,
This is followedby a discussionof rank-and-file
whomthe authorsquestionedvia surveyand interviewsabouttheirbeliefsconcering racialissues.The authorsarguethat white Americanevangelicalssintoolcerelydesireto end racialdivisionand inequality.However,their"cultural
and
kits"15lead them to view the worldin individualistic
terms
preventthem
from understandingthe structuraldimensionsof racism. Specifically,the
freewillindividualAmericanevangelicalworldviewis informedby "accountable
ism"(the beliefthat individualsexist independentof structures
andinstitutions,
havefreewill,andareindividually
accountablefortheiractions),"relationalism"
influencedby the beliefin the
(a strongemphasison interpersonal
relationships,
of
a
with
necessity having "personal
relationship Christ"),and"antistructuralism"
to acceptsocial-structural
(the inabilityto perceiveor unwillingness
influences).
Thus,limitedculturalresources,ratherthanprejudiceor the consciousdesireto
protectself-interest,are primarilywhat lead white Americanevangelicalsto
actionandotherprograms
opposeaffirmative
designedto benefitracialminorities.
While I recognizethatDividedbyFaithis a pathbreakingworkthat makesa
of Americanevangelicalism,
I see
significantcontributionto ourunderstanding
at leasttwo majorshortcomings
in the book.The firstmajorshortcomingis that
the authorsofferonly a thin discussionof how the two mainversionsof racial
reconciliationtheologyrelateto the othersystemsof racialideologythatformed
theircontexts.Forexample,the authorsmentionthatMartinLutherKinginfluencedthe earlyadvocatesof racialreconciliationtheology,but they do not discusswhy the earlypost-civilrightsera wouldhave encouragedthe creationof
new racialprojects.They also fail to discusshow the BlackPowermovement
influencedthese earlyadvocates.While Emersonand Smith correctlydescribe
how white evangelicalleadersabandonedthe social-structural
emphasisof the
racial
reconciliation
offer
few
clueswhywhiteevangelicaladvocates,they
early
ismwouldprovefertileground(in spiteof significantresistance)fora racialreconciliationmovementin the 1990s.Finally,EmersonandSmitharesilentabout
the connectionsbetweenthe racialideologyof whiteevangelicalleadersandthe
mobilizationof the politicalrightin the post-civilrightsera.
A secondmajorshortcomingof the bookis the authors'decisionto conceptualizeracein binaryterms.As EmersonandSmith(2000:11)argue:
When we speakof the racializedsociety,we meanprimarilythe black-white divide (or
in some cases,the black-non-black divide). This is not to suggestthat other racesand
ethnicities in the United States do not matter,only that the gulf between American
blacksand whites is generallymorevast and the historylongerin comparisonto others.
15 The term comes from Swidler's(1986) article "Culturein Action: Symbolsand
Strategies."Emersonand Smith (2000:76)summarizeSwidler'sargumentby stating,"culture
createswaysfor individualsand groupsto organizeexperienceand evaluatereality.It does so
by providinga repertoireor 'toolkit'of ideas,habits,skills,and styles."
210
SOCIOLOGYOF RELIGION
Theythen attemptto supportthis argumentby citingdataon intermarriage,
residentialsegregation,income,andwealth,arguingthatthe gapbetweenwhites
andblacksin theseareasexceedsthe gapbetweenwhitesandanyotherrace.16
Whatthis largelyquantitativediscussionoverlooksis thatdifferentminority
differentways.Recentwavesof anti-immigroupsare racializedin qualitatively
haveprimarily
vicgrantsentiment,whilereflectinga racializedsocialstructure,
EasternAmericans(eachin
timizedLatinos,AsianAmericans,andArab/Middle
has characsomewhatdifferentways)ratherthanblacks.And while segregation
terizedthe blackexperiencein the UnitedStates,NativeAmericanshave alternatelyfacedexterminationandforcedassimilation(Takaki1979).
alsomissesthe wayin whichprocessesof racialThisbinaryracialframework
of each individualracialgroupis
That is, the racialization
izationareinterrelated.
of otherracialgroups.As discussedearlier,the curinfluencedby the racialization
rent Asian Americanmodelminoritystereotypehas its rootsin effortsto deny
the 1992LosAngelesRiotsdemonto blacksandLatinos.Furthermore,
resources
stratedhowa conflictostensiblybetweenwhitesandblackscouldquicklyturninto
andLatinos.
a multi-racial
phenomenoninvolvingwhites,blacks,AsianAmericans,
Any studyseekingto understandhow raceoperatesin Americanevangelimusttakeinto accountthatracializacalism(or anyotherAmericansubculture)
tion proceedsin complexwayswithinthe multiracialUnited States.As I have
the racialformationframework
demonstrated,
providestools for analyzingthis
situationof "multi-racialization."
CONCLUSION
racialformationtheoryprovidesa versatileframeAs I have demonstrated,
workfor analyzingracialideologiesin Americanreligiouscommunities.Using
this theoryI was able to offerexplanationsfor racialreconciliationtheology's
developmentin the late 1960s, its relationshipto the civil rightsand Black
into a conservativeracialprojectin the
Powermovements,its transformation
1990s,andits recentpopularity
amongwhiteevangelicals.In so doing,I wasable
to significantlyexpandthe analysisofferedby EmersonandSmithin Dividedby
AsianAmericansinto evanFaith.Myanalysisof the influxof second-generation
gelicalministriesconnectsthis phenomenonto both the constructionof Asian
Americanracialimagesandthe racialideologiesof whiteevangelicalleaders,factorsmissedby mostotherscholarlytreatments.
Many other racial phenomena in American religion-the growth of
HispanicPentecostalism,the racial diversificationof Catholic parishes,the
to nameonly
influxof whiteAmericansinto BuddhistandHinduorganizations,
16 Emerson'smorerecentworkon multiracialcongregationsmoves awayfromthe binaracial
paradigmthat I criticizehere. See Emersonand Kim 2003.
ry
AMERICAN EVANGELICALISM 211
a few-could be studied with tools provided by racial formation theory. And
given that Winant's most recent work The WorldIs a Ghetto (2001) expands
racial formation theory to account for race in a global context, scholars can
potentially apply this frameworkto religiousmovements throughoutthe world.
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