Evolution of the Federalism Debate Because the Constitution was a compromise of opposing viewpoints, disputes have repeatedly occurred between those favoring a strong national government and those favoring more power to the states. The Supreme Court has played an important role in this struggle. Through the exercise of judicial review, it can declare state or national laws unconstitutional. Elections also impact the balance of power. Who wins control of Congress can determine the kinds of federal laws that are passed that have an impact on federalism. Federalist #10 Written by James Madison Madison's argument here is that a well-constructed union would break and control the violence of faction, a "dangerous vice" in popular governments which often leads to war and instability As defined by Madison, a faction was a number of citizens, whether a majority or minority, who were united and activated "by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community." Federalist #10 Two ways of dealing with factions...remove the cause or control the effects Two ways also of removing the cause of factions...destroy liberty or ensure everyone develops the same passions and interests Since faction can't be removed, we're left with controlling its effects This constitution checks the power of faction by balancing them against each other Factious leaders may be successful in one state but unable to spread across states Dual Sovereignty Contrary to Thomas Hobbes’s political theory, the framers believed that creating two sovereigns (national and state) could help prevent tyranny of the majority and protect individual liberty. So strong was the notion of dual sovereignty in the early years of the republic that some states believed they could nullify national laws that threatened state or individual liberties: the doctrine of nullification. Nullification The Supreme Court rejected the notion of states nullifying national laws in the 1819 case of McCulloch v. Maryland. But the nullification issue reappeared in the 1830s over tariffs and later over slavery. When President Lincoln opposed the spread of slavery in the western territories, southern states asserted they had a right to secede. The outcome of the Civil War decided once and for all that whatever individual sovereignty meant, it did not mean that state legislatures could declare decisions of the national government null and void. The Commerce Clause The meaning of the constitutional phrase giving Congress the power to regulate commerce among the states has been hotly debated. In the latter portion of the eighteenth century, the Supreme Court defined commerce in such a way that Congress’s powers were limited. For example, the Court exempted manufacturing from congressional regulation. It also would not permit regulation of intrastate commerce that affected interstate commerce. In the 1930s, the Court reversed many of these earlier commerce decisions. The result was that Congress’s power was greatly expanded. Some thought there was nothing Congress could not regulate in the name of regulating commerce Recent decision of the Supreme Court indicated there are limits to this broad authority. As an exercise of its power to regulate commerce, Congress passed a federal law making it a crime to possess a gun within 1,000 feet of a public school. The Court ruled that Congress lacked the authority, to pass the law in the name of regulating commerce, declaring it unconstitutional. Commerce Clause Continued For the first century of our history, the primary use of the Clause was to preclude the kind of discriminatory state legislation that had once been permissible. Interpretation of the sixteen words of the Commerce Clause has helped define the balance of power between the federal government and the states and the balance of power between the two elected branches of the Federal government and the Judiciary. As such, it has a direct impact on the lives of American citizens. The Marshall Court – Gibbons v. Ogden: The Court's decision contains language supporting one important line of Commerce Clause jurisprudence, the idea that the electoral process of representative government represents the primary limitation on the exercise of the Commerce Clause powers: Commerce Clause, The New Deal, and the Court-Packing Episode In 1935 the Supreme Court of the United States invalidated regulations of the poultry industry according to the nondelegation doctrine and as an invalid use of Congress's power under the commerce clause. This was a unanimous decision that rendered the National Industrial Recovery Act, a main component of President Roosevelt's New Deal, unconstitutional. After winning re-election in 1936, Roosevelt proposed the Judicial Procedural Reform Bill, wherein the President could appoint an additional Justice for each sitting Justice over age 70. Given the age of the current Justices, this allowed a Supreme Court size of up to 15 Justices. Roosevelt claimed that this was intended to lessen the load on the older Justices, rather than being an attempt to achieve a majority that would cease to strike his New Deal acts. The “Necessary and Proper” Clause The Necessary and Proper Clause is as follows: The Congress shall have Power ... To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof. While Anti-Federalists expressed concern that the clause would grant the federal government boundless power, Federalists argued that the clause would only permit execution of power already granted by the Constitution. Chief Justice John Marshall expanded the powers of Congress by broadly interpreting the words “necessary and proper,” hence, the clause has been called the elastic clause. Spending Clause The spending clause grants Congress the power to collect taxes to “provide for the . . . general welfare.” The Supreme Court, at least since the 1930s, has interpreted this clause in such a way that Congress' authority is vast. The Court has also upheld Congress' attaching reasonable regulations to money it allocates to state and local governments. It is this authority that has resulted in the theory and practice of cooperative federalism Cooperative Federalism Cooperative federalism (1930s-1970s) is a concept of federalism in which national, state, and local governments interact cooperatively and collectively to solve common problems, rather than making policies separately but more or less equally (such as the dual federalism/dual sovereignty of the 19th century) or clashing over a policy in a system dominated by the national government. Cooperative federalism is good for democratic government because it allows for compromise and negotiation among all levels of policy. Categorical Grants - Democrats Some politicians, particularly Democrats, view intergovernmental grants as a way of advocating a particular political philosophy. Thus, they advocate a particular type of grant: the categorical grant. These grants are specific about how the money given to state and local governments can be spent. The War on Poverty programs from the 1960s are examples. Block Grants - Republicans Some concluded that when implementing these grants, for various reasons, they would not be as effective as originally thought. Congress responded to the implementation theorists' criticisms of intergovernmental grants by replacing many categorical grants with block grants. Block grants are characterized by broad objectives, a minimum of federal restrictions, and a maximum discretion for local officials, and are favorites of the Republican party since the 1970's (Nixon and Reagan, in particular) State Governments The basic design of most state governments bears a strong similarity to that of the national government. All states have a multi-tiered court system, a bicameral legislature (except Nebraska), and an independently elected governor. The size and range of state responsibilities have grown dramatically in recent decades. The amount that states and their local governments spend on government services varies considerably. The differences depend on the wealth of a state as well as elections. Wealthier states spend more on public services. States having more Democrats in their legislature spend more on social services. Local Governments Local governments maintain roads, take care of the parks, provide police, fire, and sanitation services, run the schools, and do many other things. The recent devolution of responsibilities to state and local governments means that they play an even more important role. There are nearly 70,000 units of local government. In most states, the basic unit of local government is the county. The number of municipal governments has also increased in recent years. Finally, there are nearly 30,000 special districts. Most local governments are run by elected officials, though specialdistrict heads are often appointed. Turnout in local elections is low, partially because local politics is generally less contentious, except in big cities. Local Gov't Continued Americans have more trust in their local governments than in the federal government. One explanation is that voters can move to a better locale if they are displeased. Local governments also serve as laboratories of democracy, and their wide variety gives people a choice. Local governments face several dilemmas. If a local government tries to provide substantial services to the needy, it runs the risk of attracting more poor people to its community and driving away the better-off. Local governments also find themselves competing with one another to attract businesses. The Contemporary Debate In recent years, each party has tended to favor categorical grant programs designed to advance preferred policies, and to oppose them when they go against party wishes. Under the George W. Bush Administration, the Republican Party increasingly supported and passed grants that require states to spend the grant money in ways determined by the federal government. There has also been a move back to passage of unfunded mandates. Congress has incentive to pass unfunded mandates—members get credit for passing policy and are not required to spend taxpayer money on the policy. The arrival of a Democratic president in 2009 led Republican governors to complain that Medicaid provisions in the 2010 health care reform act amounted to unfunded mandates that would harm state budgets in the long term. Rise of the Tea Party
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