KANSAS FORTS AND THE INDIAN WARS
EDWARDS COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY
KINSLEY LIBRARY
Please read this article as you evaluate Little Big Man for discussion on
January 13. We plan to return to Little Big Man for additional discussion at
the final session on May 5.
Please focus on the Cheyenne Indians for January 13, and we will focus
more on the battles on May 5.
This article made available by permission.
“Thomas Berger's Little Big Man as History,” Western American
Literature, VIII (1974), 33-54.
L E O E. O L I V A
Fort Hays Kansas State College
Thomas Berger's Little Big Man as History
Thomas Berger prod.uced an unusually exciting story of the
frontier West inLittle BigMan, a rare combination of satire, humor,
and authentic record which has received widespread critical
acclaim as outstanding 1iterature.l Because 111-year-old Jack
Crabb's reminiscences (which the novel purports to be) are so
painstakenly accurate, it may be argued that Little Big Man is
sound history. T h e historical value of this creative work may be
better understood and its significance better appreciated by comparing the novel with the historical r e c ~ r d In
. ~ fact, even the
literary evaluation of the book may be aided by noting some of
the voluminous factual information upon which the story was
founded.
From the standpoint of historical study, the novel, through
the use of fictional characters (such as Crabb), can make the reallife characters and the historical events portrayed more meaningful and clear. Walter Laqueur has explained that literature has
"answered a definite need which historians had been unable o r
'Thomas Berger, Little Big Man (New York: Dial Press, 1964); all citations
refer to the paperbound edition (Greenwich, Conn.: Fawcett Publications,
n.d.). T h e present evaluation is confined to the novel; no consideration has
been devoted to the movie based on it. This evaluation does not consider the
literary aspects of the noveleither. For literary criticism, see L. I,. Lee, "American,
Western, Picaresque: Thomas Berger's Little Big Man," South Dakota Kevieu~,IV
(Summer, 1966), a favorable view; Delbert E. Wylder, "Thomas Berger's Little
Big Man as Literature," Western American Literature, 111 (Winter, 1969), 273-284,
which concluded that the work "is one of the best of American Western novels"
(284);Jay Gurian, "Style in the Literary Desert: Little Big Man," Western American
Literature, 111 (Winter, 1969), 285-296, which called it "a great novel" (296);
and Brian W. Dippie, "Jack Crabb and the Sole Survivors of Custer's Last Stand,"
Western American Literature, I V (Fall, 1969), 189-202, which labeled Berger's work
"a major Western and American novel" (189).
21t should be made clear that it is not my intent to attempt to show where
Berger got all his information (although a number of his obvious sources have
been consulted), for I wish to avoid the temptation to turn this into a parlor
game of trying to locate the "60 or 70 accounts" which Berger claimed he used
in preparing the volume. Dippie, 'Jack Crabb and the Sole Survivors of Custer's
Last Stand," 296. However, I have cited only historical sources which were in
print and could have been used by Berger in preparation to write.
34
Western American Literature
unwilling to ~ a t i s f y . "Historical
~
novels based on solid research,
he observed, may be "as near the historical truth as the work
of professional historians. Even so, historians have usually
regarded the historical novel as unfair competition and have not,
~
is largely unfortunate,
on the whole, taken it s e r i ~ u s l y . "This
and Laqueur's conclusion was brief and to the point: "history
and literature need each ~ t h e r . "T~h e creative artist who knows
of which he writes, as in this case Berger most certainly does,
adds insight and understanding to the historical r e ~ o r d . ~
Little BigMan covers Crabbs's life from 1852, when he was captured and adopted (at age ten) by Cheyenne Indians, to 1876, when
he became the sole white survivor of the Last Stand at the Little
Big Horn. Much of the text is devoted to Indians and Indian
, ~ Crabb also
wars (especially those involving the C h e y e n n e ~ )but
presented his views on several legendary giants of the era (especially Wild Bill Hickok and George A. Custer) with cameo appearances of a host of others (including Kit Carson, Wyatt Earp, Chief
Black Kettle, Frank North and his Pawnee Battalion, to name
a few). In addition, Crabb served as a guide on the Santa Fe
Trail (where he was captured by Comanches), rushed for gold
in Colorado (where he became a Denver merchant), helped construct the Union Pacific Railroad, scouted for the military, hauled
-
W a l t e r Laqueur, "Literature and the Historian," Journal of Contemporary
History, V (1967), 7.
4Zbid., 9.
'lbid., 14.
6Examples of Western literature which come readily to mind for the insight
and understanding they provide include A. B. Guthrie, Jr., The Big Sky (New
York: William Sloane Associates, 1947), which treated the mountain men and
the fur trade; Andy Adams, The Log of a Cowboy (Boston: Houghton Mifflin
Company, 1903), the best volume available on the Long Drive; Will Comfort,
Apache (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1931), fictional biography of Mangas
Colorados; Elliot Arnold, Blood Brother (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce,
1950), story of Cochise and Tom Jeffords; Walter Van Tilburg Clark, The Ox-Box
Incident (New York: Random House, 1940), a timeless commentary on summary
justice; 0 . E. Rolvaag, Giants in the Earth (New York: Harper and Brothers,
1927), faithful record of the sod-house frontier; Frank Waters's masterpiece,
The Man Who Killed the Deer (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1942), set in
Taos Pueblo; Oliver La Farge, Laughing Boy (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1929),
a Navajo story; John Neihardt, When the Tree Flowered (New York: Macmillan,
1951), a Sioux Indian's reminiscences; and Jack Schaefer, The Canyon (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1953), a novel about Cheyenne Indians.
7Approximately forty percent of the 447 pages deal with Crabb's life among
the Cheyennes, and there are numerous references to them throughout the
remainder of the novel.
Leo E. Oliva
35
freight, hunted buffalo, and several other things. He was a participant in three important Indian battles: Solomon's Fork (1857),
Washita (1868), and Little Big Horn (1876). If the novel has a
historical thesis, it may well be Crabb's observatio~lthat "Indians
simply never understood whites and vice versa.""
In all his story Crabb was faithful to historical records (demonstrating thorough research by Berger). T h e novel is correct regarding major events and numerous minor details, such as geographical
features, clothing, weapons, and other incidentals.
For the purpose of evaluation of Little Big Man as h i ~ t o r y , ~
the chronology is considered first to show that characters and
events in the book are correct in relation to time. Second, the
portrayal of the Cheyennes is compared to anthropological and
historical accounts, demonstrating that Berger understood this
well known Plains tribe as well, perhaps, as anyone since George
B. Grinnell (whose works were obvious sources).1° T h i r d , the
descriptions of Hickok and Custer (the two major non-Indian
historical figures) are checked to show Berger's ability to deal
with the popular myths surrounding them and to select with care
from the numerous accounts of these controversial figures. Finally,
the descriptions of the Indian battles in which Crabb was a participant (always, as he made clear, on the losing side) are compared
with historical accounts. In these areas Berger exhibited knowledge of the facts, and through Crabb's spirited observations he
has provided insight and understanding. T h e result is good history
'Berger, Little Big Man, 42. President ,John F. Kennedy observed that the
"American Indians remain probably the least understood and most misunderstood Americans of L ~ all."
S
Introduction to The American Heritage Book of Indians,
ed. by Alvin M. Josephy, Jr. (New York: American Heritage Publishing Company,
1961). 7.
gIncidentally, Little Big Man is a superb fictional example of oral history
which has become so popular among professional historians in recent years.
John Neihardt's Black Elk Speaks: Being the Life Story of a Holy Man of the Oglala
Sioux (New York: William Morrow & Company, 1932; reprint Lincoln: University
of Nebraska Press, 1961) is an actual example of oral history which obviously
inspired and provided material for Berger.
''George B. Grinnell spent much of his life among Cheyennes and wrote
several books about them, including The Cheyenne Indians: Their History and Ways
oJLife (2 vols.; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1924); The Fighting Cheyennes
(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1915; reprint Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1956); and By Cheyenne Campfires (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1926).
36
Western American Literature
as well as good literature.ll
It is inconceivable that any one man could have been all the
places Crabb was between 1852 and 1876, but it was possible
chronologically. Actually the moving around he did and the many
occupations he embraced and abandoned were not unusual during
the era. It was only the uncanny coincidences that were unusual;
Crabb always seemed to be in the right place at the right time
or, perhaps better, in the wrong place at the wrong time. While
it might be argued that Berger had Crabb involved in too many
events, it should be noted that he used restraint and achieved
a believable balance. For example, Crabb was involved in three
major Indian battles, but he was not at Sand Creek in 1864,
Beecher Island in 1868, nor the Fort Robinson outbreak in 1879
(all of which involved the Cheyennes). From a historical view,
the many lives of Crabb help convey understanding that a lot
was happening in the West during that time.
It is not easy to determine what Berger had uppermost in
mind. It may have been a desire to explain the unknown happenings of the Last Stand, for which the bulk of the story served
as background and Custer was the major character. It may have
been the accurate and sympathetic portrayal of the Cheyennes
during their last days of freedom and greatness, in which case
Chief Old Lodge Skins was the most significant character. It may
have been a desire to capture the entire frontier panorama of
the time, producing an American epic ("the Western to end all
Westerns"),12 or it may have been a combination of factors which
seems most likely. Humor was an important consideration, and
the book is funny. Whatever the main purpose, Berger succeeded
in intertwining many historical threads into a believable narrative
which is faithful to the time sequence. Only occasionally did he
seem to feel the need to kill time, most noticeably while he got
Crabb from the Washita in 1868 to the Little Big Horn eight
years later.
T h e amazing career of Crabb (whose Indian name was Little
Big Man) was chronologically possible, and the key dates are easily
tabulated.
"Because a thorough analysis of documentation would involve more space
than the novel itself, selected examples and brief summaries have been employed
for the present analysis.
I2Gurian, "Style in the Literary Desert," 296.
Leo E. OIiva
37
CHRONOLOGY O F JACK CRABB'S LIFE I N LITTLE BIG
MAN, 1852-18'76
Years
Places, People, and Events
1852 (age of 10) Traveled the Oregon Trail, headed for Utah, captured with sister Caroline by Cheyenne Indians
west of Fort Laramie; deserted by Caroline
1852-185'7
Lived with Old Lodge Skins's band of Cheyennes; named Little Big Man
185'7
Switched sides during Battle of Solomon's Fork,
July 29; traveled remainder of summer with
Sumner's command
1857-1858
Lived with adoptive parents, Rev. and Mrs.
Pendrake, in Missouri
1858
Ran away from Pendrakes; visited St. Louis;
guided trade caravan o n Santa Fe Trail; captured
by Comanches; escaped to Taos, New Mexico;
settled in Santa Fe; joined gold rush to Colorado
1859-1864
Merchant in Denver
1860 o r 1861 Visited briefly with Old Lodge Skins
1862
Married Olga
1863
Birth of son, Gus
1864
Business failed; departed Denver; attacked by
Cheyennes on Santa Fe Trail in December
(about 40 miles west of Fort Larned); wife and
son captured
Scouted for Army; searched for family; became
a drunkard
Rejoined Caroline in Omaha; worked for Union
Pacific Railroad construction company
Accompanied Frank North and Pawnee Battalion following the Cheyenne raid at Plum
Creek, Nebraska; returned to the Cheyennes;
married Sunshine
Moved with Cheyennes to Washita; found Olga
and Gus; birth of son by Sunshine (Morning
Star); survived Battle of Washita, November
27; returned to whites; pledged to kill Custer
Western American Literature
38
1868- 1869
1869
1870
187 1
1871-1876
1876
Lived with Creek Indians
Searched for Caroline; arrived in San Francisco
Hauled freight in California and Arizona
Returned to Plains to find Custer; missed Custer
and met Wild Bill Hickok in Kansas City;
rescued "niece" Amelia from a house of
prostitution
Engaged in buffalo hunting; encountered Wyatt
Earp; traveled around the Plains
Headed for gold in the Black Hills; met Caroline
and Hickok in Cheyenne; took Caroline to
Omaha; booked passage on the Far West, joined
the Custer expedition; survived Little Big Horn;
witnessed death of Old Lodge Skins
A mere listing of major factors in his life cannot do justice, however, for Crabb mentioned in passing numerous other events in
their proper time slots: Grattan Massacre in August of 1854;13
Harney's attack on the Brule Sioux near Ash Hollow in September,
1855;14 Cheyenne-white relations during 1856;15 the Treaty of
Fort Wise, 1861; I 6 Sand Creek Battle, November 29, 1864;17pro
;-!.
ress of Union Pacific Railroad construction during 1865- 1867,
Kansas Pacific Railroad;Ig Medicine Lodge Peace treaties of
1867;" Beecher Island fight in September, 1868;" battle of Sum13Berger,Little Big Man, 78. Cf. Grinnell, Fighting Cheyennes, 106-108; LeRoy
R. Hafen and Francis M. Young,FortLararnie and the Pageant of the West, 1834-1890
(Glendale: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1938), 222-229.
I4Berger,Little Big Man, 101; cf. Grinnell, Fighting Cheyennes, 108-1 10.
15Berger, Little Big Man, 106. See Grinnell, Fighting Cheyennes, 1 11-116;
Hafen and Young, Fort Laramie, 277-279. Regarding the troubles of 1856, Crabb
explained that "the complication was this: Indians wasn't ever organized. Them
that come in to apologize wasn't the same as what killed the whites. And them
that the soldiers usually punished was never the ones who had committed outrages. T h e white people on whom the Indians took revenge had no connection
with the soldiers." Berger, Little Big Man, 106.
'Ybid., 188, 226-227; cf. Grinnell, Fighting Cheyennes, 126.
I7Berger,Little Big Man, 227. See, for example, Stan Hoig, The Sand Creek
Massacre (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961).
I8Berger, Little Big Man, 209-213. See, for one example, Edwin L. Sabin,
B,uilding the Paczfic Railway (Philadelphia: J . B. Lippincott Company, 1919).
IQBerger,Little Big Man, 233.
polbid.
"Ibid.. 235.
Leo E. Oliva
39
mit Springs in July of 1869;22and the marriage of Hickok to
Anges Lake in Cheyenne, 1876.23
Only one chronological incongruity was found, and this in
relation to Hickok in April of 1871. Since it was essential to the
narrative for Crabb to miss Custer, whose Seventh Calvalry
departed from Kansas for assignment in the South in late March
of that year, Crabb related his arrival in Kansas City as about
April 1.24That may have been in time to witness Hickok's reported
marksmanship at Market Square (when he supposedly shot ten
bullets into the "0"of a saloon sign at 100 yards) but not for
the time Crabb spent with Wild Bill playing poker and learning
to shoot like the gunfighter. Hickok was sworn in as marshal1
of Abilene on A ril 15, 1871.25This incongruity can be easily
dismissed by the riendly critic simply by pointing out that Crabb
was 111 years old when he related the incident and could understandably make an error of a few weeks. Actually, had he arrived
some weeks earlier, he still would have missed Custer who had
taken a four-month leave to go east on January 11, 187 1.26
P
Chronologically accurate, Little Big Man is most valuable historically for the insight it provides into the life of the Cheyenne
Indians. This is the area of the story where Berger has been
most creative; Old Lodge Skins is one of the most revealing Indians
in all of American literature. Novels, it needs to be pointed out,
are especially important in the study of American tribes because
the Indians had no written history. Historians and anthropologists
have been able to learn much about Indians, but because they
have no Indian diaries, journals, or letters, these scholars have
been unable, except for limited speculation, to convey Indian
thoughts and conversations. The empathetic artist performs service for the student of the Indians through the creation of their
"Ibid., 292; cf. Grinnell, Fighting Cheyennes, 310-3 18.
23Berger,Little Big Man, 354, 358. Compare with Frank J. Wilstach, Wild
Bjtl Hickok: The Prince of Pistoleers (Garden C ~ t y N.Y.:
,
Garden City Publishing
Co., 1926), 251-252; William E. Connelley, Wild Bill and His Era: The L f e and
Adventures ofJames Butler Hickok (New York: T h e Press of the Pioneers, 1933),
198.
"Berger, Little Big Man, 291.
25Connelley,Wild Bill and His Era, 153.
Z6JayMonaghan, Custer: The Life of General George Armstrong Custer (Boston:
Little Brown and Company, 1959), 332, 431n.
40
Western American Literature
personal lives." Through the life of Old Lodge Skins and his
tribe, Berger has made a monumental contribution. His picture
of Cheyenne life, when compared with scholarly investigations,
is so authentic that one may gain as much understanding of these
people from his novel as from any other single work.
Most of the Indian names presented are authentic in that
there were Indians with such names (although not the same characters as portrayed by Berger). As Crabb explained, the Cheyennes
called themselves Tsistsistas, meaning "the People" o r "the Human
Beings."28 His relation of the Human Beings' values, virtues and
vices, social institutions, their entire way of life, was likewise
truthful. T h e Cheyennes' attitudes toward nature, their supernatural beliefs, the importance of visions in their daily life, their
rituals and ceremonies, hunting and war techniques, respective
roles performed by men and women, child-rearing practices, social
and sexual taboos, tribal organization, and many other aspects
of the Cheyenne way were skillfully worked into Crabb's narrative
and faithfully recounted.29A few examples must suffice.
T h e worst sin a Cheyenne could commit was to kill another
C h e ~ e n n e . Old
~ ' Lodge Skin's father had committed such a crime,
and his band had lived in exile from the Burnt Artery band of
Cheyennes. They were known as Shy Folks. Old Lodge Skins
had committed the same crime against a member of the Hair
Rope band, so Little Big Man grew u p apart from the main
Cheyenne camps.31 I n spite of the outrageous act, the exile was
not permanent, and Old Lodge Skins and his kin were reinstated
into the tribe.
T h e significance of visions, dreams, supernatural beliefs, and
special powers was brought out in a number of incidents. Old
Lodge Skins's superstitions about rabbits and the effects they had
"An early example, worthy of emulation, was Adolph Bandelier's The Delight
Makers (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1890; 2d ed., 1916).
28Berger,Little Big Man, 63. See Grinnell, Fighting Cheyennes, 4; E . Adamson
Hoebel, The Cheyennes: Indians of the Great Plains (New York: Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, 1960), 1.
29Seeibid., passim; Grinnell, Fighting Cheyennes, passim; and Grinnell. Cheyennes, I & 11, passim.
30Berger,Little Big Man, 66. See Hoebel, Cheyennes, 49-5 1; Grinnell, Cheyenm~s,
I, 349-358.
31Berger,Little Big Man, 103- 104. See Grinnell, Ch~yenn,es,I, 98- 10 1, for
terms Tatoimanah and "Shy Band."
Leo E. Oliva
41
on him demonstrate the close relationship of Indians to nature
and the beliefs that animals have special powers.32 T h e antelope
surround, historically accurate in all details, showed the powers
of Old Lodge Skins.33 His powers were also evident at his death
scene o n the mountain. Following his touching prayer to the
Everywhere Spirit, the aged chief (who had been blind since Sand
Creek in 1864)
gave his war cry once more, and as it went reverberating across that
range, an answering roll of thunder come out of the west, and that
sky which had been crystal pure suddenly developed a dark mass
of cloud above the sun and it begun
- to roll towards us across the
vast distance.
I [Crabb] stood there in awe and Old Lodge Skins started to
sing, and when the cloud arrived overhead, the rain started to patter
across his uplifted face, mixing with the tears of joy there.
It might have been ten minutes o r an hour, and when it stopped
and the sun's setting rays cut through, he give his final thanks and last
request.
"Take care of my son here," he says, "and see that he does not
go crazy."
He laid down then o n the damp rocks and died right away.34
Other Cheyenne traits made clear in the novel were the
mother-in-law taboo, Indian hospitality, eating habits (including
dogs as food), giving of gifts to celebrate good fortune, methods
32Berger,Little Big Man, 46; Grinnell, Cheyenrzes, 11, 103-112,
33Berger,LittleBigMan, 69-72. Detailed descriptions of a n antelope surround
are found in Grinnell, Cheyennes, I , 283-288; Hoebel, Cheyennes, 65-66; and David
Lavender,Bmt'sFort (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Company, 1954),352-353.
34Berger,Little Big Man, 444-445. This was based on the true incident related
by Neihardt, Black Elk Speaks, 277-280: "It was a bright and cloudless day, and
after we had reached the summit the sky was perfectly clear . . . .The sky
remained clear until about the conclusion o f the ceremony.
"[Following a moving prayer there at the center of the world,'] We Who
listened now noted that thin clouds had gathered about us. A scant chill rain
began to fall and there was low, muttering thunder without lightning. With
tears running down his cheeks, the old man raised his voice to a thin high
wail, and chanted . . . .
"For some minutes the old man stood silent, with face uplifted, weeping
in the drizzling rain.
"In a little while the sky was clear again."
Both Neihardt's and Berger's scenes are powerful: compassionate tears flowed
without restraint the first time I read each account. Understandably, Berger
wept when he wrote the death scene. Gurian, "Style in the Literary Desert,"
295.
42
Western American Literature
of telling time, legends,35 training of children, role of warfare
in society (especially the values of courage and bravery), courting
practices, and more. Two Cheyenne practices, the acceptable place
of homosexuals and the Contrary Society, were brought out in
two Indian characters: Little Horse the heemaneh and Younger
.~~
also considered
Bear who served time as a C ~ n t r a r y Berger
the disastrous effects, presented melodramatically, of white man's
whiskey on the I n d i a n ~ . ~ ~
Crabb explained Cheyenne views and problems of cultural
collision in numerous empathetic, sympathetic passages. Some of
the most insightful and poignant, as indeed the entire novel, must
be read to be appreciated.
Cheyenne hospitality was demonstrated numerous times,
especially the fact that visitors were always fed. "In the Indian
code, if you see a stranger you either eat with him o r fight him,
but more often you eat with him, fighting being too important
an enterprise to waste on somebody you hardly know."38Interpersonal relationships were evaluated by Crabb; "it always seemed
marvelous to me that savages was not inconsiderate except through
i g n ~ r a n c e . " ~He
' continued that "contrary to white opinion
nobody is more sociable than a redskin when among his own."40
Life as a Cheyenne was filled with responsibilities. This training began soon after birth, as Crabb made clear: "You have got
~~
had sumto do things right when you're a C h e ~ e n n e . "Grinnell
marized this aspect of the Cheyenne way:
. . . the Cheyenne's life was hedged about by a multitude of barriers
of ritual and custom. If his beliefs demanded that he should d o things
that were worthy, it seemed quite as important that he should abstain
from things
-.
forbidden and believed to bring bad fortune. T h e
35The story of Little Man, who fought after his head was cut off, Little
Big Man, 74-78, should be compared with the legend of Mouse's Road in Grinnell,
Fighting Cheyennes, 13-17.
36For the heemaneh, see Grinnell, Cheyennes, 11, 39-42; Grinnell, Fighting
Cheyennes, 237-238; and Hoebel, Cheyennes, 77-79. For the Contrary Society,
see ibid., 96-97, and Grinnell, Cheyennes, 11, 79-86, 204-210.
37Berger,Little Big Man, 32-38; cf. Grinnell, Fighting Cheyennes, 98.
38Berger,Little Big Man, 28.
391bid., 58.
401bid., 59.
411bid.. 67.
Leo E. Oliva
Cheyenne prayed constantly and offered many sacrifices to propitiate
the unseen powers and to enlist their help. . . . T h e Cheyenne did
kindly, friendly, o r charitable acts of his own free will, and took no
credit for them. Yet he lived in constant fear of doing some forbidden
thing which would bring him bad luck.
T h e list of the proscribed acts is a long one. They had to do
with the most ordinary operations of life: with his eating, drinking,
and sleeping, with the members of his family, his life in the lodge,
his hunting, and his war journey. I n all hat he did at home and
abroad he was closely bound by custom which had become law.42
Crabb summed it up succinctly: "If you're a human being, you
can't get away from obligation^."^^
The Cheyennes had a rich heritage and were a proud people.
An example of this pride was provided in Little Big Man by Shadow
That Comes in Sight, who admonished Younger Bear for bragging
about his personal attributes and complaining because he had to
help hold the horses while on a raid:
The Human Beings [Shadow said] are the greatest people on the
face of the earth, the bravest warriors, have the most beautiful and
virtuous women, and live in a place that is perfect. That is known
to everybody, even our enemies. A Human Being just is and does
not have to talk about it.44
Old Lodge Skins exhibited this ethnocentrism (which may,
in part, have been intended by Berger as satirical commentary
on white attitudes of superiority) in one of his many penetrating
observations about Indians and whites.
Whatever else you can say about the white man, it must be admitted
that you cannot get rid of him. He is in never-ending supply. There
has always been only a limited number of Human Beings, because
we are intended to be special and superior. Obviously not everyone
can be a Human Being. T o make this so, there must be a great
many inferior people. T o my mind, this is the function of white
men in the world. Therefore, we must survive, because without us
the world would not make sense.45
Following a raid for horses, after which the warriors gave
away most of the animals captured, Crabb explained: "So none
42Grinnell,Cheyenne.7, 11, 193.
43Berger,Little Big Man, 6 1.
44Zbid., 85.
451bid..181-182.
44
Western American Literature
of us who took our life in our hands ended u p a hell of a lot
richer except in pride and honor, but a Cheyenne would die
for them things any old day."" Warfare was the way of life for
the Cheyennes; fighting was the ultimate expression of masculinity. Grinnell had explained that a combination of motives
led the Cheyennes into war, including "a desire for glory, a wish
to add to their possessions, or eagerness for revenge, but the
chief motive was the love of fight."47 Crabb decided that "if you
had to reduce the quality of Cheyenne life to a handy phrase
you might describe it as the constant taking of risks."48
Cheyenne views of warfare were different from those of the
whites. Concerning their enemy, Crabb declared that Cheyennes
"hate him for what he is but don't want to change him into anything
else."" In contrast
a white man gets no pleasure out of war itself: he won't fight at
all if without it he can get his way. He is after your spirit, not the
body. That goes for both the military and the pacifists, neither breed
of which is found among the Cheyenne, who fought because of the
good it did them. They had no interest in power as we know it.50
Views of warfare were not the only conflicts between Indians
and whites; Old Lodge Skins delivered an incisive contrast of
cultures.
"The Human Beings believe that everything is alive; not only men
and animals but also water and earth and stones and also the dead
things from them like this hair [holding u p scalp]. T h e person from
whom this hair came is bald on the Other Side, because I now own
this scalp. This is the ulay things are.
"But white men believe that everything is dead: stones, earth,
animals, and people, even their own people. And if, in spite of that,
things persist in trying to live, white men will rub them out.
"That," he concludes, "is the difference between white men and
Human B e i r i g ~ . " ~ ~
T h e Old chief related that Indians found power in a circle;
461bid.,94.
47Grinnell,Cheyennes, 11, 7 .
4BBerger,Little Big Man, 100
491bid.,99.
501bid.,101.
511bid.,227-228.
Leo E. Oliva
45
in fact, he declafed "there's no power in a square."52 After the
Little Big Horn, at the end of his life, Old Lodge Skins expressed
this belief again and observed that the old way was gone.
". . . it is finished now, because what more can you do to any enemy
than beat him? Were we fighting red men against red men . . . it
would now be the turn of the other side to try to whip 11s. We would
fight as hard as ever, and perhaps win again, but they would definitely
start with an advantage, because that is the right way. There is no
permanent winning o r losing when things move, as they should, in
a circle. For is not life continuous? And though I shall die, shall
I not also continue to live in everything that is?
"The buffalo eats grass, I eat him, and when I die, the earth
eats me and sprouts more grass. Therefore nothing is ever lost, and
each thing is everything forever, though all things move."
. . . He went on: "But white men, who live in straight lines
and squares, d o not believe as I do. With them it is rather everything
o r nothing. . . . And because of their strange beliefs, they are very
persistent. They will even fight at night or in bad weather. But they
hate the fighting itself. Winning is all they care about, and if they
can d o that by scratching a pen across paper or saying something
into the wind, they are much happier."53
Other aspects of Cheyenne life received Crabb's comments:
childhood,54close relationship with horses,55honesty,56compas52Zbzd.,118. Black Elk expressed this view and the significance of the circle
in Sioux life, and this was Berger's source. Regarding life in square houses,
Black Elk declared that "it is a bad way to live, for there can be no power
in a square." Neihardt, Black Elk Speaks, 198. Regarding the power of the circle,
Black Elk declared that "everything tries to be round." He continued in a most
penetrating passage: "Everything the Power of the World does is done in a
circle. T h e sky is round, and I have heard the earth is round like a ball, and
so are all the stars. T h e wind, in its greatest power, whirls. Birds make their
nests in circles, for theirs is the same religion as ours. T h e sun comes forth
and goes down again in a circle. T h e moon does the same, and both are round.
Even the seasons form a great circle in their changing, and always come back
again to where they were. T h e life of a man is a circle from childhood to
childhood, and so it is in everything where power moves. O u r tepees were
round like the nests of birds, and these were always set in a cirlce, the nation's
hoop, a nest of many nests, where the Great Spirit meant for us to hatch our
children."Zbzd., 198-200.
53Berger,Lzttlv Big Man, 441-442.
54"It ain't bad to be a boy among the Cheyenne. You never get whipped
for doing wrong, but rather told: 'That is not the way of the Human Beings.' "
Zbid., 67.
55"A Cheyenne believed his animal was also Cheyenne and knew it." Zbid..
68.
"". . . Indians kept their concepts straight and their heroes untarnished,
and did not have to lie. I guess it wouldn't work, though, for somebody who
understood the principle of such things as money and the wheel." Zbid., 185.
46
Western American Literature
ion,^^ and chastity.58 Although Crabb's views of Cheyennes and
of his life with them fluctuated throughout the story he told,
he ended u p with the greatest respect for them. "I reckon," he
concluded, "when the subject of manliness comes up, you can
just say 'Cheyenne' and be done with it."59
Among novels which provide historical insight into Indians,
Little Big M a n shines bright for its authentic and comprehensive
portrayal of the Cheyennes. Old Lodge Skins and Little Big Man
have provided flesh for many skeletons of Cheyenne life recorded
by scholars; Berger has conveyed "feeling" for the Indian way.
Students of Cheyenne culture will benefit from using this novel
along with the many fine anthropological and historical studies.
Just as Old Lodge Skins turned out to be a character larger
than life itself (a legendary figure), the historical figures which
Berger selected were legends in their own time. Hickok and Custer
received the most attention, and Crabb's observations penetrated
through the mythology surrounding them. He helped to cut
these figures down to mortal size, making fun of some of their
legendary attributes at the same time. In Crabb's style, one might
observe that their images were tarnished in Little Big Man.
Crabb spent time with Hickok in Kansas City in 1871 and
encountered him briefly in Cheyenne in 1876.60Berger used this
opportunity to comment on the way of life and the fears of the
gunfighter, but in details he relied on historical sources and provided a realistic picture of Wild Bill.
Upon first meeting Hickok, Crabb gave a detailed and accurate description.
T h e man . . . had long blond curly locks falling to his shbulders
and a silken mustache of the same hue, was above six foot in height,
"When Crabb was down and o u t and a drunkard, he observed: "The
Cheyenne would have been depressed to see a fellow tribesman gone to rot;
they would have believed it reflected discredit upon all Human Beings. On
the contrary, an American just loves to see another who ain't worth a damn."
Ibid.,209.
58"You seldom saw a cut-nosed woman among the Human Beings. . . ."
Ibid.,232. According to Grinnell,Cheyennes, I , 156: "The women of the Cheyennes
are famous among all western tribes for their chastity."
"Berger, Little Big Man, 440.
601bid.,290-323, 353-358.
Leo E. Oliva
47
slim in the waist and broad as to chest, and in clothing a remarkable
dandy. He wore a black frock coat with velvet facings on the lapels,
an embroidered vest, turn-down collar with a black string tie, and
topped it off with a silk hat.
No, he wasn't Custer, but blonder, curlier, warmer blue of eye. and
his face was softer, with a hooking nose and short chin. He was James
Butler Hickok . . .
At another time Crabb noted that Hickok was clad in a deerskin
shirt that came down to his knees and carried his revolvers in
a red sash tied around his waist.62
Other observations about Wild Bill were based on the sources.
Hickok's weapons, marksmanship, legendary gunfights, penchant
for gambling, reputed modesty and charity were all brought out
by Berger. Wyatt Earp declared that Wild Bill "was regarded
as the deadliest pistol-shot alive, as well as a man of great
courage."63Hickok's shooting talents, as witnessed by Crabb, were
based on Earp's descriptions, including the ten slugs in the "0"
of a saloon sign at 100 yards, driving a cork through the neck
of a bottle with a bullet, splitting a bullet on the edge of a dime,
and the use of the "border ~ h i f t . " ~ "
As usual Crabb seemed not to be overly impressed with the
legendary Hickok, although he considered him a friend. After
Wild Bill had taught him everything he knew about gunfighting,
Crabb tricked the master himself in a showdown. The last mention
of Hickok by Crabb related how the gunfighter had been linked
with Calamity Jane and told of his marriage to Agnes Thatcher
Lake (given by Crabb as Agnes Lake Thatcher) in Cheyenne in
1876. Crabb provided insight into the Hickok legend, including
the traits, appearance, and personality of the figure.
Even more research and care for accuracy was devoted to
Custer, whom Crabb first met at the Battle of the Washita and
"Zbid., 290.
'"ompare
with Stuart N. Lake, Wyatt Earp, Frontier Marshal (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1931), 34; George A. Custer, My Life on the Plains,
ed. by Milo M. Quaife (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1952), 68-69;
Elizabeth B. Custer, Following the Guidon (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1890),
161- 162; Wilstach, Wild Bill Hickok, xiii, 194-2 1 1; and Connelley, Wild Bill and
His Era, 1-3.
fi3Lake,Wyatt Earp, 36-37.
64Zbid..43.
48
Western American Literature
later saw "rubbed out" at the Little Big Horn. Berger was familiar
with much of the voluminous material published about this legendary military officer, and he selected with care in presenting a
believable and historically supportable, even objective, account
of a man about whom no one has remained non-partisan.65Crabb's
attitude toward Custer grew from hatred to respect over the years.
Despite his hatred for Custer, whom he saw as responsible
for the loss of his Indian family at the Washita, Crabb explained
that "you had to acknowledge that authority came natural to
him."66 Without fanfare Crabb conveyed Custer's flamboyancy,
love of adventure, personal drive, independence of action, loyalty
to his wife, and political interests. H e observed another aspect
of the man: "I don't know that anyone has ever pointed out what
a writer Custer was: letters to his wife most every day, and he
also done a whole series of articles for the Galaxy magazine while
in the field."67 He also explained how Custer drove his troops,
a severe disciplinarian, and demanded of them until they probably
disliked him although they respected his abilities. Custer's views
of the Indians were included; Berger had Custer quoting himself
about the natives at the Last Stand.68 Crabb gave credence to
one of the stories about Custer, that he was getting bald. Old Lodge
Skins explained that was the reason Custer was not scalped at
Little Big Horn.'j9
Berger made a believable case for Custer's performance at
the Little Big Horn, showing the officer as blowing his mind over
this incident of such importance to his career. That Custer was
crazy on June 25, 1876, is a plausible explanation for his actions
and an example of Berger'; genius for building on the known
facts.
65SeeCuster, My Life on the Plains; Monaghan, Custrr; Frederick Whittaker,
A Popular Lzfe of Gen. Georgr A. Custer (New York: Sheldon and Company, 1876);
Edgar I. Stewart, Custer's Luck (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955);
Marguerite Merington (ed.),The Custer Story: The Life and Intimate Letters of General
George A. Custer and His Wzfe Elizabeth (New York: Devin-Adair Con~pany,1950);
and Frazier Hunt and Robert Hunt, I Fozcgl~tWith Custer: The Story of Sergeant
Char1e.r A. Windolph, Last Survivor of the Battle of the Little Big Horn (New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1947).
66Berger,Little Big Man, 377.
671bid.,372.
681bid.,418, taken from Custer, My Lzfe on the Plains, 21-22.
"Berger, Little Big Man, 372, 435; cf. Stewart, C.u.rterlsLuck, 471.
Leo E. Oliva
49
Custer appeared in the story in connection with Indian battles,
and these were as carefully based on historical records as the
biographical materials. With Crabb as a participant in three important battles, two of which involved Custer, Berger has provided
"first-hand" observations and analysis.
T h e battle on Solomon's Fork, July 29, 1857, marked the
beginning of warfare between the Cheyennes and United States
troops. It resulted from the campaign of Colonel E. V. Sumner
against the Cheyennes. T h e soldiers found the Indian village,
and the Indians prepared for the battle. Two medicine men, Ice
and Dark, used special powers to render the soldiers' rifles impotent. Little Big Man explained how this was supposed to work:
"when the soldiers fired we'd just put up our palms and the balls
would barely clear the muzzles and dribble to the ground."70This
power was negated when Sumner ordered a sabre charge, and
the Indians lost courage and attempted to escape. Here Little
Big Man switched sides and returned to white society for the
first time since he became a Cheyenne.
On first reading Crabb's description of this battle seemed
a fantastic creation. However, in every detail, except for the name
of Jack Crabb, the account was factual.71One source even related
that one captive was taken by the troops (one wonders if it could
be Little Big Man). T h e sources provided Crabb's observation
that "it was the first real engagement between the Army and
the Cheyenne. . . . The soldiers claimed thirty Indians was killed
in the saber charge, the colonel reported nine, and the truth
was four, several ~ o u n d e d . " ~
Crabb
'
related that he accompanied
the troops during the remainder of the summer as "the Army
mucked about that area, . . . going as far west as Bent's Fort
and seizing the supplies there that was supposed to go as annuity
payment to the Indians. . . ."73
Crabb, as mentioned, was not with the Cheyennes at Sand
Creek, but he rejoined them following the conflict between
Cheyennes under Turkey Leg and Frank North's Pawnee Battal'OBerger, Little Big Man, 109.
'lGrinnell, Fighting Cheyennes, 1 17- 123; Hafen and Young, Fost Laramie,
282; and Lavender, Bent's Fort, 355-357.
"Berger, Little Big Man, 116; Grinnell, Fighting Cheyennes, 119-123.
73Berger,Little Big mar^, 117; compare with Hafen and Young, Fort Laramie,
282, and Lavender, Bent's Fort, 357.
50
Western American Literature
ion (Plum Creek, Nebraska, August, 1867).74He was living with
them at the Washita in 1868. The battle there was a part of the
winter campaign planned by General Philip Sheridan after the
failure of the Medicine Lodge treaties of 1867, by which the southern Plains tribes agreed to stay on reservations in Indian Territory.
Sheridan planned to find the Indians in their winter camps and
attack them, believing that military defeat alone could force them
to live on the reservations. For this task, Sheridan recalled Custer
from his court-martial punishment, suspension from duty for one
year without pay, to lead the Seventh Cavalry against the winter
camps.
On November 27, 1868, Custer divided his force and attacked
the Cheyenne camp of Black Kettle and earned his reputation
as an Indian fighter. Little Big Man was in the village and escaped
(rejoining white society), and his story of the battle was based
on solid evidence. For example, Custer reported that, after discovering the camp in the night and awaiting the dawn to attack,
he heard a dog bark and an infant
Crabb, after the superhuman effort of having sexual intercourse with his wife's three sisters
(who were then in his lodge and considered to be his wives),
reported that he went outside. "A dog yapped a mile away, in
Younger Bear's village: you could hear it perfect." Later, his wife
Sunshine came back with their newborn son, asking Little Big
Man "Did you not hear his powerful cry?"76Crabb reported seeing
the brilliant morning star, as did Custer, and named his new
son Morning Star (while Custer was dubbed Son of the Morning
Star).
Crabb's account of the battle is accurate, including the Seventh
Cavalry band playing "Garry Owen" at the time of attack, destruction of the Indian camp, death of Black Kettle, Indian attempts
to escape by wading down the river, fate of Major Joel Elliott
and his detachment, Indian captives taken by troops, Custer's
march toward the lower villages and the retreat (an effective ruse),
and the shooting of the Indians' pony herd.77
74Berger,Little Big Man, 213-225. Cf. George B. Grinnell, Two Great Scouts
and Their PawneeBattalion (Cleveland: Arthur H . Clark Company, 1928), 145-146;
Grinnell, Fighting Cheyennes, 264-268.
'"uster, My Life on the Plains, 319-320.
76Berger,Little Big Man, 253.
77Compare with Grinnell, Fighting Cheyennes, 300-305; Custer, My Life on
the Plains, 334-374; and Charles J. Brill, Conquest of the Southern Plains (Oklahoma
City: Golden Saga Publishers, 1938), 153-1 79.
Leo E. Oliva
51
The village did not know who had attacked them; "Indians
almost never knowed who it was attacked them until the battle
was done, and sometimes not even then."78Crabb also noted that
"very few of them [Indians] was scalped, and I didn't see no inutilations at all. That should be said: this wasn't Sand Creek, and
these troops was Regulars, not Volunteers; professional fighting
men are always less bloody than amateur^."^^ Finally he acknowledged what Custer had accomplished.
. . . Custer knowed how to put Indians on the defensive. It was
winter, and he burned up their robes. They lived by riding, and
he killed their horses. He held captive fifty of their women and
children. They watched him helpless.80
Crabb had helped Old Lodge Skins escape to the lower villages, then donned the clothing from a dead soldier and joined
Custer's force. Planning to kill Custer, Crabb lost his nerve at
the last moment and departed. He reached the Creek Nation
where he remained until spring. Eventually he reached Kansas
City and Hickok and later hunted buffalo for the hide trade.81
During his buffalo-hunting days, Crabb encountered Wyatt Earp,
who "buffaloed" the cocky Crabb.82Circumstances finally brought
Crabb together with the Custer expedition in 1876.
Crabb took passage on the steamboatFar West, under Captain
Grant Marsh, at Yankton and rode that vessel to the mouth of
the Powder River where he joined the Seventh Cavalry as a herder
and later a
T h e description of the march to the Little
78Berger,Little Big Man, 266.
7gZbid.,273.
''Zbid., 274.
"Zbid., 335-358; compare with Lake, Wyatt Earp, 45-57.
82Berger,Little Big Man, 340-341; cf. Lake, Wyatt Earp, 143, 148. Berger
may be criticized for pulling off the belch incident by which Earp thought Crabb
called his name. However, Berger was not out of line in recording what every
boy has done with Earp's name, for a respected historian got away with
". . . murderers like Hickok and Earp. (Of course, with my sensitive stomach
I have always excused Earp. Any man with a name like that ought to harbor
resentments and strike out blindly now and then!)" Joe B. Frantz, "Western
Impact on the Nation," Western Historical Quarterly, I (July, 1970), 255.
"Berger, Little Big Man, 358-364. For details on theFar West, see Hunt and
Hunt, Z Fought With Custer, 58-62.
52
Western American Literature
Big Horn was accurate in detail^.^"
The novel offered insight into the attitudes of the men as
they approached the coming battle, including premonitions of
disaster. Crabb was aware of problems within the Seventh Regiment:
It never made no sense to redskins to be led by men they hated
or contemned. That seems to be an exclusive white trick, and what
it amounted to here was that the Seventh Cavalry had two formidable
enemies at the Little Bighorn: the entire Sioux nation and - the
Seventh C a ~ a l r y . ~ ~
T h e officers and Crabb believed that the Indians would run rather
than fight; all planning was designed to prevent their escape.
The troops had problems and weaknesses. T h e pack train
gave much trouble; "that pack train was never worth a damn from
the minute it started."86 T h e Springfield rifles were known to
cause difficulty when fired rapidly ("to heat u p and the ejector
Approximately one-third of the force was comprised
of raw recruits.88
Selecting from the available versions of the battle with care,
Berger rejected extreme theories and gave a believable account.
He included many details, such as the colors of the horses of
the various companies, reports of the Crow scouts, Custer's dress
and which horse he was riding, geographical features, and the
like. He related Custer's refusal to believe the Indians were there
after his scouts reported the fact and Custer's decision to attack
without delay after he was convinced that the Indians knew the
troops were there. T h e division of the forces and the attack on
84Seeib7d.,63-79; Monaghan, Custer, 375-384; Stewart, Custer's Luck, 252-282;
and W. A. Graham, The Story of the Lzttle Bzg Horn (Harrisburg, Penn.: Military
Service Publishing Co., 1926), 15-22. Much documentary material on the Little
Big Horn Rattle is found in W. A. Graham, The Custer Myth: A Source Book
of Custeriana (Harrisburg, Penn.: T h e Stackpole Company, 1953). Also see Robert
M. Utley , Custer and the Great Controversy: The Origin and Development of a Legend
(Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1962).
"Berger, Lzttle Big Man, 379.
Leo E. Oliva
53
the village remained faithful to the records.89
After John Martin departed with Custer's last message (to
Captain Benteen), Berger created the remainder of the story of
the Last Stand. H e was aware of the conflicting testimony provided
by Indians and developed a logical conclusion for the battle. Crabb
explained that "Custer had lost his
After the officer
led his five companies down t h e Medicine Tail Coulee a n d
approached the crossing of the Little Big Horn (Crabb referred
to this river, as any scout with the expedition would, as the Greasy
Grass), Custer halted the column. At this point Crabb fired an
unauthorized shot toward the Indians at the crossing, and Custer
began shouting at him. Crabb described what followed.
I think in his warped mind he had come to identify me with President
Grant. Now he drew his pistol and I guessed was going to shoot
me down, but like a madman will, he suddenly changed his whole
mode of thought, and spurring his mare, cried: "Forward, the gallant
Seventh! CHA-A-A-A-A-RGE!"
Now the trumpeter, spooked by this performance, sounded the Dismount call upon his instrument, but even that was too thin to be
heard beyond the leading troops, and I reckon them behind couldn't
see much for the dust, so what you had was Custer larruping down
the coulee, then Cooke, Bouyer, and me strung out between, and
then that first company climbing off their horses.
Meanwhile, down at the ford, five hundred more braves had swarmed
across the Greasy Grass, and more was coming like bees out of a
shaken hive.91
From that difficult beginning, the outcome of the Last Stand
seemed inevitable. T h e troops finally got the charge underway,
made it to the crossing only to be turned back. T h e retreat up
to the ridge followed, and Crabb explained the "rubbing out"
of the troopers by an overwhelming Indian force. T h e Indians,
he said, "was using strategy."
8gThepublished material on the battle is extensive. T h e sources previously
cited contain the major accounts with which Berger was seemingly familiar.
For Indian versions of the battle, see David H. Miller, Cu,ster's Fall: T h e Indian
Side of the Story (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1957). T h e best researched
and most balanced historical study of the background and the battle remains
Stewart, Custer's Luck.
'"Berger, Little Big Man, 404.
"Ibid., 407-408.
Western Americun Literature
A peculiar reverse of roles took place that day upon the Little
Bighorn. Reno had been sent to charge the village and instead was
himself charged. Custer, going to envelop the enemy, had got it done
to his own self. I11 their last great battle the Indians fought like white
men was supposed to do, and we. well, we was soon to arrive at
the condition in which we had planned to get them. . . ."
Crabb was rescued at the last moment by Younger Bear, with
whom he had grown u p in Old Lodge Skin's village. Little Big
Man had once saved Younger Bear's life, and now Younger Bear
repaid the debt. After accompanying Old Lodge Skins over the
battlefield the next day, Little Big Man took the old chief u p
the mountain to die some days later. Soon after Crabb reached
this point in his story, he died.
Through the medium of Jack Crabb, Berger related an epic
Western story which was founded in fact. I n all areas considered,
the narrative was found to be faithful.to records of history (which,
it should be pointed out, were not always in agreement). I n scores
of minor details, which space prohibits considering, Crabb's story
showed familiarity with historical accounts. In many respects it
took more creative skill on Berger's part to put all this together
and remain true to history than to create an entirely fictional
account.
The value of Little Big Ma.n is better appreciated by knowing
that its foundations are based on thorough research. Likewise,
in addition to entertainment, the student of the West may gain
much insight into and feeling for the subjects treated by utilizing
Little Big M a n as history.