58 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF EPIDEMIOLOGY Fertility of Soils, by the Decomposition of the Different Classes of Rocks. Philadelphia; Abraham Small, 1817. Koch T. Mapping the Miasma: Air, health, and place in early medical mapping. Cartogr Perspect 2005;52:4–7. Seaman V. Inquiry into the cause of the prevalence of yellow fever in New York. Medical Repository 1798;1: 303–23. Koch T. Cartographies of Disease: Maps, Mapping, and Medicine. Redlands, CA: ESRI Press, 2005. Seaman V. A Dissertation on the Mineral Waters of the Saratoga. . . New York: Samuel Campbell, 1793. Haviland A. The Geographical Distribution of Disease in Great Britain and Wales. London: Swann Sonneschen and Co., 1882. Koch T. Disease Maps: Epidemics on the Ground. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011. Sunderland J. Extracts from Appendix (A) to the Report of the General Board of Health on the Epidemic Cholera of 1848 & 1849. Int J Epidemiol 2002;31:900–07. Haviland A. The Geographical Distribution of Health Disease and Dropsy, Cancer, in Females and Phthisis in Females, in England and Wales. London: Smith Elder, 1869. Sedgwick WT. Principles of Sanitary Science and the Public Health with Special Reference to the Causation and Prevention of Infectious Disease. New York: Macmillan, 1911. Hamilton H. The fly as a carrier of typhoid: An inquiry into the part playbed by the common housefly in the recent epidemic of typhoid fever in Chicago. JAMA 1903;103:576–83. 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Frost WH. The water supply of Williamson, West Virginia, and its relation to an epidemic of typhoid fever. Hygienic Laboratory Bull 1910;62:55–90. Koch T. Disease Maps: Epidemics on the Ground. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011. Frost WH. Epidemiologic studies of acute anterior poliomyelitis. Hygienic Lab Bull 1912;90:9–105. Pasternak J. Official indifference: Uranium mines reveal environmental crisis for Navajos. IRE Journal 2007;30: 30–33. 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Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the International Epidemiological Association ß The Author 2013; all rights reserved. International Journal of Epidemiology 2013;42:58–61 doi:10.1093/ije/dys242 Commentary: John Lea’s Cholera with Reference to Geological Theory, April 1850 Brian Altonen Department of Community Health, Portland State University, NY, USA *Corresponding author. E-mail: [email protected] Accepted 18 December 2012 In 1850, John Lea (1782–1862) published his Cholera, with Reference to the Geological Theory1 in Cincinnati, Ohio. Unlike other interpretations of cholera produced around this time, John Lea’s interpretation focused on rocks and soil instead of animalcules, fungi or poisons. Lea relied upon a 50-year-old theory stating calcareous rocks were the cause for diseases due to their alkalinity. It was Lea’s experiences with the 1830 epidemic in Tennessee that led him to develop this theory when a severe Asiatic cholera epidemic struck his town, preceded and followed by its milder form cholera morbus. Earlier versions of this geological theory were posed for such diseases as ‘black-vomit’ in 18002,3 (for which an opposite relationship was developed), yellow fever between 1800 and 18404 and cholera after the first pandemic.5 John Lea’s ability to differentiate Asiatic cholera from cholera morbus was not overly successful, for he was COMMENTARY: JOHN LEA’S CHOLERA not a physician. He was a notary public with a wife and several children.6 He moved to Cincinnati, Ohio, around 1840,7 and during his spare time was a gardener and horticulturalist8 who kept a weather journal9–12 and applied meteorological skills to improving the products of his garden and fruit-bearing trees. It was the observations Lea made about local topography and water behaviour that brought him to his conclusions about the geological theory. When we read his pamphlet we can tell Lea’s conclusions were very subjective and speculative. For example, he blamed the cases suffered by newly arrived immigrants on their inability to adapt to the new climate. For Bostonians and New Yorkers, he blamed it on the ‘sub-acid’ or alkaline oranges found in their diet which served as an ‘exciting cause’, turning cholera morbus into its more malignant form. Reading the world news, he blamed the epidemics in Egypt on the low rainfall which forced citizens to rely upon cholera-ridden Nile River water. For those residing next to the Little Miami River in Ohio, the highly alkaline calcium-rich fossil beds were to blame. To prevent ‘the virus of cholera’, Lea noted accurately the role water quality plays in disease prevention. He favoured the capture of rainwater with barrels and cisterns, a very common practice locally. But he also noted the value of ‘river water’ supplied by iron pipes and steam power to town and city settings, ‘soft water’ provided to some towns by aqueducts and mineral-free water flowing through sandstone and alluvial river beds. He also noted that certain diets made you healthier, drinking tea prevented Asiatic cholera like it did in China, and when rainwater wasn’t accessible, wine, spirits and beer were healthy substitutes.13 Throughout all of these discussions, geology was used to explain why cholera occurred and how it could be prevented, claiming ‘arenaceous’ or sandy soil and alluvium were the safest soils to reside on. In April 1850, Lea’s pamphlet was published just a few weeks before the annual meeting of the American Medical Association [AMA] in Cincinnati.14 During this meeting, the Committee for Practical Medicine and Epidemics displayed a map depicting the first cases of cholera in the Philadelphia area (Figure 1). Their map contrasted with that of Lea, and provided no reasons for the disease whereas Lea’s map clearly depicted cases and deaths in relation to houses and the type of water that was used. In August and September of 1850, portions of Lea’s work were reprinted in the Eclectic Medical Journal15,16 produced by an alternative medical profession popular to the region.17 This was months before the public would hear about the AMA’s accomplishments and coverage of this disease published in it Transactions.11 Lea’s article again appeared in February 1851 in the Western Lancet.18 Two months later, Dr Theodore Bell published an article summarizing the success of doctors with this epidemic.19 At the end of his article he 59 Figure 1 Philadelphia, 1849, 27 Asiatic Cholera Cases. Source: Trans Am M Ass, Phila. 1850; 3, Fold-out map insert, p. 124 referred to Lea as a member of ‘the Wernerian or aqueous school’, a personal comment comparing him to a late 18th-century geologist, hydrologist and speculative miner.20 A few months later, news of William Farr’s work on the elevation theory for cholera was published, with most of his findings contradicting Lea’s claims.21,22 As the credibility of Lea’s work rapidly diminished, Cincinnatian physician Thomas Carroll composed a summary of the local epidemic for the Western Lancet in 1854, in which he stated only the following about Lea’s geological theory: ‘[n]either sandy deserts nor mountain heights could stop its progress’.23 In 1855, John Snow’s second edition of On the Mode of Communication of Cholera was published.24 In this book, Snow stated the following about Lea’s theory: Mr John Lea, of Cincinnati, has advanced what he calls a geological theory of cholera. He supposed that the cholera-poison, which he believes to exist in the air about the sick, requires the existence of calcareous or magnesium salts in the drinking water to give it effect. This view is not consistent with what we know of cholera, but there are certain circumstances related by Mr Lea which deserve attention . . . The connection which Mr Lea has observed between cholera and the water is highly interesting, although it probably admits of a very different explanation from the one he has given. The accomplishments of John Snow and William Farr ultimately led to the popularization of the ‘zymotic theory’ for diseases like cholera during the late 1850s. This philosophy was embraced by nearly all physicians during the decades to come.25–28 In 1884, the vibrio identified by Filippo Pacini (1812–83)29 was ultimately proven to be the cause for Asiatic cholera 60 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF EPIDEMIOLOGY by Robert Koch (1843–1910).30,31 Four years later, the relationship between the vibrio and alkalinity was documented by Japanese microbiologist Kitasato Shibasaburō32 but by then Lea’s Geological Theory was long forgotten. To date, Vibrio cholerae is the only known human pathogen that can thrive in an environment with a pH above 8.0,33–35 demonstrating the value of Lea’s discovery. In recent years, the changing relationships between microorganisms and our environment make the study of the geology of disease an important spatial global health care issue.36–40 13 14 15 16 17 18 References 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Lea J. Cholera, with Reference to the Geological Theory. A Proximate Cause – A Law by Which it is Governed – A Prophylactic. Cincinnati, OH: Wright, Ferris & Co., 1850; Reprinted in Int J Epidemiol 2013;42:30–42. Harris W. Facts relative to the Black-Vomit, Dysentery, &c., as the occurred in Mifflin County, Pennsylvania during the hot Weather of 1797, 1798, and 1799, and to the Efficacy of Strata of Calcareous Earth (Carbonate of Lime) in counteracting the exciting Causes of those Distempers. From a letter of Dr William Harris to Dr Mitchill, dated 24 June 1800. Med Reposit, NY 1801;4: 105–08. Mitchill SL. Outlines of Medical Geography: being an Inquiry how far Calcareous Soils and Strata counteract the septic Exhalations which occasion Distempers of a febrile or pestilential Type. In a letter from Dr Mitchill to James Haworth dated 4 November 1797. Med Reposit NY 1799;2:39–46. Fergusson W. Dr. Fergusson on Yellow Fever. To the Editor of the Medico-chirurgical Review. Med-Chir Rev, London 1840;33:297–307. Boubée M. Bull Soc Geol de France 1832:6:540. In Oldham T. Address delivered at the Anniversary Meeting, February 20, 1850. J Geol Soc, Dublin 1850;4: 117–238. US Census. Family search; https://familysearch.org/pal:/ MM9.1.1/MXQ4-VWW (29 October 2012, date last accessed). John Lea in household of John Lea, Cincinnati, Ward 2, Hamilton, Ohio, United States; citing dwelling 608, family 794, NARA microfilm publication M432, roll 687, 1850. US Census. Family search. https://familysearch.org/pal:/ MM9.1.1/XHRR-WQB (29 October 2012, date last accessed). John Lea, Cincinnati Ward 2, Hamilton, Ohio; citing p. 83, NARA microfilm publication M704, roll 398, 1840. The Magazine of Horticulture, Botany, and All Useful Discoveries.Cincinnati Horticultural Society: First Fall Exhibition, 1843. Cincinnati Horticultural Society 1843;9:461–67. Lea J. Meteorological table. Western Horticultural Review (October). 1850;1:104. Lea J. Meteorological table. Western Horticultural Review (November). 1850;1:152. Lea J. Meteorological table. 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