WAKANYAN: SYMBOLS OF POWER AND RITUAL
OF THE TETON SIOUX
COLIN TAYLOR,
11 High Wickham,
Old Town, Hastings,
East Sussex, TN3 5PB,
United Kingdom.
ABSTRACT/RESUME
The author examines Lakota mythology, ritual and religion in the course of
an analysis of an unusual garment, a shirt apparently of a type worn only by
men of high rank. The analysis of particular facets of the shirt reveals much
of Lakota cosmology, and indicates the potential for symbolic analysis of
material artifacts.
Au cours d'une analyse d'un vêtement rare, une chemise du type porté
seulement par les hommes du rang social élevé, l'auteur examine la
mythologie, le rituel et la religion Lakota. L'analyse des aspects particuliers
de la chemise révèle beaucoup sur la cosmologie Lakota, et indique
l'importance de l'étude symbolique des artefacts matériels.
The Canadian Journal of Native Studies VII, 2 (1987): 237-257.
238
Colin Taylor
Introduction
At the onset I must admit that in common with many anthropologists,
sociologists and others I have tended to view the interpreting of symbols as
something of a sport perhaps best left to the romantics and poets rather
than as an area of serious scientific research. However, strong encouragement to pursue these studies has come from Gordon Brotherston and John
Ewers who independently have implied that such research could lead to a
considerable extension of Plains indian material culture investigations. 1 It is
becoming clear that they are correct in this assumption because as the work
progresses it is increasingly apparent that it is not only a fascinating and rich
area for investigation but one which offers significant insights into the cosmos of a people who dominated the central Great Plains of North America
in the nineteenth century.
This study has, in part, been inspired by the observations of the
American anthropologist, Lewis Henry Morgan, who in the latter part of the
nineteenth century was to refer to American indian artifacts as "silent
memorials" which he felt could unlock the social history of the past; and,
"although silent, they speak more eloquently than all human description"
(Ewers, 1976). By application of the ethnohistorical approach (Wedel and
Demallie, 1980) considerable progess has been made in the reading of the
cultural and historical content of two related styles of ceremonial garment,
namely the robe and shirt. This approach has a possible secondary spin off,
demonstrating the value of well-documented ethnographical collections as
important source material in research on Plains Indian culture. This is a
preliminary report which touches on certain facets relating to ongoing research: to illustrate the technique of analysis, the main focus is on an Oglala
Sioux artifact.
The Specimen and the Problem
Figure 1 is a shirt which was collected just over a century ago by the
army officer Captain John Bourke from the Lakota warrior Little Big Man who
told Bourke that it had once belonged "to the great chief of the Sioux, Crazy
Horse, or had at least been worn by him" (Bourke, 1892:476). There is good
evidence which suggests that Little Big Man actually sketched Crazy Horse
wearing this garment (Johnson, 1891:114).
At the time of acquisition Bourke was unable to obtain details regarding
its symbolism but speculated that the colours of yellow and blue represented
the earth and water or sky, the attached feathers referred to birds and the
painted circle on the breast was an image of the sun. He was, it seems, particularty interested in the significance of a cocoon attached to the left
shoulder of the shirt but was unable to determine its meaning.
W
Wakanyan
a
239
k
a
n
y
a
Figure 1: Oglala hair-fringed shirt presented to Captain John Bourke by
Little Big Man who said that it had "once belonged to the great
chief of the Sioux, Crazy Horse, or had at least been worn by
him". From a plate published in the Annual Report of the Bureau
of American Ethnology, Volume 9. This piece is now at the
Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, New York.
Specimen number 16/1351. The author considers this a classic
"silent memorial".
The shirt is fabricated from two complete deerskins, the upper part of
each forming the arms, the lower the body. As Bourke described it, the upper
is painted blue, the lower yellow. Other features are truncated triangular neck
flaps, hair fringing and red zig-zag lines, some of which are forked at the
end, painted on the body and the arms. This particular specimen was considered an excellent piece for analysis; not only is it historically well docu-
n
240
Colin Taylor
mented and representative of a form of regalia exclusive to a few high-ranking Sioux leaders, but is raises two crucial questions:
(1) Given Bourke's difficulties in obtaining information on the
symbolism, what justification is there in thinking that important
symbolism actually is associated with the garment? (2) Further,
if such symbolism does exist, is it now possible to achieve a
convincing interpretation more than one century after its
manufacture and long after all the exponents of early Sioux
military and religious symbolism are dead?
The initial task was to examine the evidence for the existence of a structured and recognized body of symbolism amongst the Sioux in order to
define the parameters with a view to giving a quantitative explanation of
some, preferably all, of the features exhibited by the specimen under
analysis. In order to achieve this, the earlier work of such observers on the
Sioux as Parker, (1976), Walker (1917, 1980, 1982, 1983), Fletcher (1887),
Wissler (1904, 1907), Densmore (1918), Dorsey (1894), Sword et al. (1914),
Beckwith (1930), Nicollet (1976), and more recently Macgregor (1946),
Smith (1943), Hassrick, (1964), Neihardt (1932), Brown (1953), Powers
(1977), DeMallie & Lavenda (1977) was examined. A good deal of the
material contained in many of these volumes was derived directly from Sioux
informants.
What does come through in the reading of some of these reports is the
awe in which the Plains Indian stood with regard to the natural elements,
which inhibited their willingness to impart information to early fieldworkers.
Wissler, for example, reports that after a day of fieldwork amongst the Lakota
in the summer of 1902 (when some aspects of symbolism were discussed)
a number of tipi poles on the reservation were struck by lightning and
splintered. "The Indians said that was because the people had been talking
about things that were forbidden and that the thunder was avenging it"
(Wissler, 1902:120). In more recent years, particularly while considering
some aspects of religious symbolism with Hidatsa and Mandan people, I
have come up against similar attitudes. It is thus a tribute to the early
fieldworkers amongst the Sioux - particularly Wissler, Walker and
Densmore - that they managed to record as much as they did!
The Sioux Cosmos
Those who have analyzed the society and personality traits of the
Western Sioux are generally agreed in the view that the stand these people
took towards mankind was to regard themselves as superior to them all
(Macgregor, 1946; Hassrick, 1964). This aside, however, before the
Wakanyan
241
awesome forces of nature (which soon become apparent to anyone who
has travelled their traditional domain) they presented themselves as humble
and weak supplicants yearning to gain some of the powers which almost
daily they observed around them. They perceived an all pervading force
wakan - the power of the universe - which to them was manifested in the
blue of the sky or as Sioux informants told Mooney, in the brilliant colours
of the rainbow (Sword et al., 1914). There was recognition of the life giving
energy of the mellowed earth with that of the sun and its consort the moon:
then there was the terrifying crash and reverberation of the thunder and associated destructive power of the lightning: these together with the wind and
hail to name but a few were all viewed as a potential source of power which,
if symbolically harnessed, could be used to personal best effect. Some of
these are shown in a painting which was used to illustrate the narrative of
the Sioux shaman, Black Elk (Neihardt, 1932:32). It is interesting to observe
that the Sioux artist, Standing Bear, depicted the more unusual secondary
rainbow where the sequence of colours is reversed (Nussenzveig, 1977).
A close observer of the Sioux during the early part of this century was
Dr. J.R. Walker, a physician, who spent nearly twenty years in intimate association with these people. He was with them at a time when aged shamans
and well informed tribal historians were still alive and, taking a more than
usual interest in the Sioux, gained - and recorded - valuable insights into
their cosmos (Walker, 1917). After years of consultation and contemplation
he was able to define the totality of the creative force of the Sioux universe
which they called Wakan Tanka - the great mysterious. Although the Sioux
recognized that Wakan Tanka could at the sametime be both one and many,
it was only the shamans who attempted a systematic classification; clearly
a system which was not fully comprehended by the common man. Their
tobtob kin - "the four times four" - unified the spiritual and physical
aspects of the Sioux cosmos and it assigned a definite power quantum and
function to a matrix of beings: it embraced all the benevolent gods, "each
of four classes and four in each class, as one whole" (Walker, 1917:58). It is
interesting to note that psychologists have drawn attention to the repeated
aspect of four-foldness in human society and that the number 16 played a
particularly important role "since it is composed of four fours" (Jung,
1964:214).
The shaman Long Knife (George Sword), described as "a man of
marked ability with a philosophical trend far beyond the average Oglala"
(Walker, 1917:59) elaborated on the concept of tobtob kin; he also explained
the place of the shaman as a medium through which Wakan Tanka could
communicate with mankind: "When Wakan Tanka wishes one of mankind
to do something he makes his wishes known either in a vision or through a
242
Colin Taylor
Figure 2: Some akicita wakan or sacred messengers of the Hunkpapa
Sioux as depicted by His Fight. Here, His Fight shows the cedar
and pipestone spirits, a homed thunder god, dragon fly, swallow and coyote. The lines linking each tell the observer that
these sacred messengers smoked the pipe with His Fight and
were there to help him. From a pictograph collected by De Cost
Smith, circa 1885.
shaman...The shaman addresses Wakan Tanka as Tobtob Kin. This is part
of the secret language of the shamans...Tobtob kin are four times four gods
while Tob kin is only the four winds. The four winds is a god and is the akicita
or messenger of all the other gods...Wakan Tanka is like sixteen different
persons: but each person is kan. Therefore, they are all only the same as
one...AII the God persons have ton. Ton is the power to do supernatural
things...Half the good Gods are ton ton (have physical properties) and half
are ton ton sni (have no physical properties)" (Walker, 1917:153). Based on
Sword's information, DeMallie and Lavenda have recently produced a chart
of these 16 "good Wakan Tanka" (DeMallie & Lavenda, 1977:156).
In an attempt to give the common man an understanding of the complex relationships within the hierarchy of gods the shamans made use of
metaphors so that the inanimate objects and abstract concepts were endowed with life and action or given attributes of living beings. Sword's
reference to the vision hints at the media through which Wakan Tanka could
Wakanyan
243
also communicate with humans; thus the Akicita Wakan or Sacred Messengers were "anything animate or inanimate other than mankind which
makes itself known as such" (Walker, 1917:79). The Hunkpapa Sioux warrior and shaman His Fight (or Battle) attempted an illustration of his vision
experience after nine days of fasting (Figure 2). Here he shows the cedar
and pipestone spirits sharing the pipe with His Fight (that pipe - like Black
Elk's - will henceforth become sacred). From the clouds comes the
Thunder God (shown here as a horned figure) who by the flash of the mirrors on his wings brings forth a dragon fly, swallow and coyote. From the
east and west come the fox and two hawks of different kinds. The lines linking each tell us that these sacred messengers of Wakan Tanka smoked the
pipe with His Fight and that they were there to help him (Smith, 1943:134).
Similar messengers are shown on an Oglala shield which was said to
have belonged to Crazy Horse. This is now at the Smithsonian Institution in
Washington. Here again is shown the thunderbird and dragon fly as well as
symbols of the lightning and possibly also the spider - which by its industry
and intelligence was endowed with unusual powers.
Both realistic or conventionalized representations of these messengers
or gods are to be found on the ceremonial garments so the key to their interpretation must lie in an appreciation and understanding of the concepts
and mythology embodied in the tobtob kin. Once these are grasped and expanded upon it does seem possible to achieve a semiotic reading with a fair
degree of confidence. This exegetic type approach is obviously potentially
open to criticism as even in historic times most Indians (in common with
most societies) did not fully understand much of the symbolism, and the use
of these as informants would give few consistent interpretations. This
problem was early recognized by the Plains anthropologist Clark Wissler
who felt that one might well attempt to test the artistic sense of a city by "calling in one or two persons from the street" (Wissler, 1907:21), obviously an
absurd approach with little scientific merit! Later, in correspondence with
Wissler, Walker, then himself deeply involved in attempting to document and
understand the symbolism of Sioux ritual, reported on the criticism of his
work by a white man who had long lived with the Oglalas: "He is writing of
things I never heard of, and I think the Indians don't know anything about
them either. They do these things just because they happen to do them that
way. They have no reason for it." Walker simply countered such judgements
with the comment: "A superficial investigation of the subject would uphold
the criticism" (Walker, 1980:28). In order, therefore, to obtain consistency,
it was necessary to consult with several of the initiated - the holymen, the
shamans. Sitting Bull, by the way, was such a shaman and it is perhaps significant that he had a great and somewhat mysterious influence over his
244
Colin Taylor
people; I particularly mention this leader as he was a close associate of
Crazy Horse. Of such holymen the ethnologist Captain John Bourke was to
observe that they were "the repository of all the lore of the savage, the possessor of knowledge, not of the present world alone, but of the world to
come as well" (Porter, 1986:263).
After some twenty years of detailed research of Sioux ceremonial and
ritual (during which he was initiated as a shaman) Walker was finally led to
the conclusion that in the days prior to confinement on the reservation the
Oglalas had "ceremonies that pertained to almost every act in their lives"
and that in performing these ceremonies every word or movement is a formal rite that has reference to the mythology" (Walker, 1917:56).
Although Walker's studies of the Sioux related mainly to the Sun Dance,
he made some efforts to collect data on war insignia and he seems to have
utilized symbolic data from the myths and legends in an attempt to explain
the meaning of such insignia. Although some of these interpretations lack
consistency (possibly due to the relatively limited amount of time he spent
on this topic) Walker did indicate the general direction that he obviously felt
that such research should take; such work Elaine Jahner and Raymond DeMallie have commented "deserves further study" (in Walker, 1980:259).
Such involvement with the people he was studying - especially the
shamans - makes his work particularly important and it is in the same class
as that referred to by Jean Malaurie in his comments relating to studies of
Bedouin Arabs and of the Eskimos by such participant observers as
Thesiger and Rasmussen (Malaurie, 1987:9).
Nevertheless, even after more than half a century, the reluctance to consider symbolic interpretations of artifacts seriously still exists and little systematic work has so far been carried out in this area. For example, recently
the Plains ethnologist John Ewers cautioned that my studies of Plains Indian symbolism would probably meet with a "certain amount of negative
reaction" citing the experiences of early fieldworkers who turned their attention to the symbolism of bead and quillwork in Plains women's decorative
arts but failed to come up with any consistent system of symbolism.
However, Dr. Ewers was of the opinion that there was much symbolism in
religious and military art and that detailed analysis of artifacts could lead to
an important understanding of the symbolic thinking of Plains Indians (personal correspondence, 1987).
Such research is not easy; it takes a great deal of time and effort and
although the historical record needs to be examined in detail, a vital key is
to know that it was really only the shamans and their close associates who
by consultation and direction gave both the continuity and consistency to
ritual and ceremonial. Failure to recognize these individuals as the genuine
Wakanyan
245
interpreters of dreams and visions and the proper advocates of the symbols
employed in religious and military heraldry can only lead to confused and
inconsistent deductions. In any interpretation of symbolism the direct
pronouncements of the shamans must clearly carry much weight; at the
same time their data needs to be cross examined bearing in mind the possible use of a sacred language which might mask the true meaning to the
uninitiated.
Ritual and Symbolic Interpretations
The Sioux artifact here under discussion is one of two now extant in the
world. The rituals which Walker reported on as pertaining "to almost every
act in their lives", are epitomized in the complex ceremonial of conferment
when this so called "scalp shirt" was bestowed on those who acted on behalf of the tribal leaders. The shirts were spoken of as "owned by the tribe"
(Wissler, 1912:7) so clearly they should exhibit much tribal ethos and holistic thinking - a classic Lewis Henry Morgan "silent memorial".
Fifty years ago He Dog, the Oglala Sioux historian and friend of Crazy
Horse, described to Eleanor Hinman the ceremonial conferment of such
garments to the tribal executives. At that time He Dog was 92 years old but
was possessed of a remarkable memory and described as "a living
depository of Oglala tribal history and old-time customs". Hinman was deeply impressed with He Dog's strong historical sense and the moderation and
carefulness of his statements (Hinman, 1976:5). What comes through in the
information from this man and others such as Wissler (1912) and Colhoff
(1949) is the great emphasis put on the integrity and responsibilities expected of the elected shirt wearers. One previously unpublished version of
the conferment lecture is notable for its poetic metaphors: "You are the
choice of the people. There are many kinds of timber in this land, some are
weak, others stronger, only one is firm, sound and stronger than all others.
You are like this one, firm, sound, strong. Keep so, and do not get weak.
The trail you are to lead your people is narrow and full of storms and cactus, and even when your own brother falls at your feet mortally wounded, or
your tipi be urinated by a dog, do not be angered by the barking of the dogs,
but be patient for all these will cause a good man to (lose) face ... always
remember your sacred pipe ... do not take offence in minor affairs ... overlook all grievances and abide by our sacred pipe" (Colhoff to Balmer, 1949,
Colhoff, 1949:50).
The full ceremonial is lengthy and a complete description will be left for
another time but this is perhaps sufficient to illustrate another facet of the
complex ritual of Sioux culture to which Walker makes detailed reference.
246
Colin Taylor
A chief of the Naudowessie based on a description by
the eighteenth century explorer Jonathan Carver. The
knife carried at the throat was a symbol of rank - a successful war chief. Note the remarkable similarity between the sheath shape and that of the neck flap on an
1850 Sioux hair-fringed shirt and now in the collections
of the Denver Art Museum. Specimen number LS-7-P collected by F.M. Walker near Fort Laramie in the 1860's.
Wakanyan
247
Structural Symbolism
A consideration of some specific features exhibited by the ceremonial
shirt under discussion shows that the structural characteristics are in keeping with the Plains Indian tendency towards the use of the archaic or reversion to the natural order of things when ceremonial and ritual were to be
evoked. Thus the shirts are fabricated from largely unfashioned bighorn
skins so that they retain the semblance of the animal, emphasizing the close
relationship these people felt that they had with nature and symbolically
transferring the power of the animal - in this case the agile and intelligent
bighorn - to the wearer. Such concepts have been touched on by several
observers over the years such as Willoughby (1927), Skinner (1911 ), Wissler
(1916) and more recently Ewers (1982). It should also be noted that the lower
part of the arms have been laced together rather than sewn, an ancient technique. Hatt observed that the use of sinew "represents a step more recent
than sewing with skin thongs" (Hatt, 1969:22).
There are several other structural characteristics which are suggestive
of symbolism but I can only consider one more here. According to the explorer Jonathan Carver, who travelled amongst the Sioux in the late 18th
century, high ranking warriors of the tribe carried a knife in a sheath
decorated with porcupine quills and hung around the neck as shown in an
early illustration (Figure 3a). The most striking aspect of the sheath, which
it would be reasonable to assume was based on Carvers description of the
artist of this engraving, is its very close similarity to the neck flap which appears on the scalp shirts (Figure 1 and 3c). These flaps served no structural
function. It is interesting to note that Carver described the knife as being "a
sword worn by the chiefs of the Naudowessie" - entirely the same ethos
evoked by the scalp shirt. The idea may, it appears, be taken one step further. The more elaborate shirt worn by Red Cloud (and others) and now in
the Plains Indian museum at Cody (Figure 4) has an unusually shaped neck
flap, the lower extremity being cut into an inverted vee producing two further small flaps. We see this also in the regalia of the wakicun or pipe owners
in a drawing of them in council by Amos Bad Heart Bull. These men were
the true executives of the tribe: as symbols of office they carried a ceremonial
pipe and a beaded or quilled bag. A distinctive feature of such bags was the
addition of unusual triangular-shaped appendages at the bottom instead of
the usual quill-wrapped rawhide strips. Thus the distinctive cut of the neck
flap appears to be again a statement of status and office.
Colour Symbolism
As with the Crazy Horse shirt under discussion, many of the ceremonial
shirts worn by high ranking Sioux warriors were painted blue on the upper
248
Figure 4:
Colin Taylor
An extension of the neck flap symbol referred to in Figure
3. Here, the cut of the neck flap - with the inverted vee
producing two further small flaps - is illustrated on the
Red Cloud shirt now in Cody.
Wakanyan
249
half. For example, the Sioux historian Bad Heart Bull depicted the Hunkpapa
Sioux leader Sitting Bull in such a garment.
The colour blue traditionally held a particular place in Sioux symbolism
and its use can be traced back to the early nineteenth century at least. The
colour was representative of one of their most powerful Gods which the
shamans called Skan or To - energy or the moving force of the universe.
As Walker noted, To is the "immaterial blue of the sky which symbolizes the
presence of the Great Spirit"..."he is the source of all power and motions"
..."he may sit in judgement on other Gods"..."he can undo that which is
done" (Walker, 1917:81-82). On a more personalized level the emblem of
blue was said to be "the immaterial being whose domain is the regions above
the earth, and who gives life, strength, and spirits to mankind, and governs
everything that moves of its own volition". Of the four superior Gods of the
Sioux (Sun, Earth, Rock and Engery [Skan]), Sword said that Skan had the
most "to do with the affairs of mankind" (Sword, 1914).
It is of interest to note that although blue was an important colour to the
Sioux, according to early fieldworkers blue paint was not indigenous to
Teton Sioux territory (Wissler, 1904:270; Densmore, 1918:173). Wissler suggested that the colour was obtained from the traders. Densmore, however,
makes reference to a traditional source as being a "blue clay" found in
southern Minnesota (Densmore, 1918:116 and 173). Such comments give
an important clue to the probable original source of this colour because
M a k a is the Sioux word for earth and to - as noted above - is for blue. In
southern Minnesota is the so called Blue Earth county through which flows
the Mankato river. It was reported locally that the river was so named by the
Sioux because of an unusual and limited quantity of coloured clay found
upon its banks about four miles from its mouth. References to such coloured
clay in this region go back to the days of the French explorer Le Sueur who
first visited the area in 1683. The clay was mistaken for an ore of copper and
some "4,000 pounds of it were sent to France" (Winchell, 1884:17). The area
was later explored and reported in great geographical detail by Joseph N.
Nicollet in the 1830's who called it the "Undine region" - reminiscent of the
German fable referring to water-spirits living in the brooks and rivers. As with
the Sisseton Sioux who had inhabited this region for generations it obviously had a marked impression on Nicollet who described the area as "most
picturesque" observing that the tributaries of the Mankato spread out in the
shape of a fan: it contrasted markedly with the monotonous and treeless
prairies which flanked the region both to the east and west.
Nicollet was accompanied by Sleepy Eye, a chief of the Sissetons, who
told him that in earlier days "the Ndakotahs formerly assembled in great
numbers to collect the coveted blue earth". It was now, however, in very
250
Colin Taylor
short supply, the main concentration being some six miles from the mouth
and found in "cavities" which were located in a "rocky bluff composed of
sandstone and limestone" (Nicollet, in Winchell, 1884:71-72). Some seventy years later when Sisseton informants were interviewed the clay was still
"very highly prized by the IndJans" as a pigment for painting and was considered to possess the ability to "protect them from the missels of their foes"
(Hughes, 1908-1909:3). In the context of this statement it is meaningful to
note that George Sword's manuscript (written in Lakota) makes particular
reference to the painting of the Ghost Dance shirts "with blue across the
back" (Mooney, 1892:798). As is well known, such garments were believed
to protect the wearer from the bullets of the enemy (Wissler, 1907:39).
The clay was obviously a coveted commodity and in limited supply particulady to the Lakota; possibly it was obtained at the Dakota rendezvous
trade fairs which dated back to at least 1700 and annually took place on the
James River in present-day eastern South Dakota (Ewers, 1968:17). It was
at such fairs that the western Sioux traded with related Dakota tribes such
as the Sisseton in whose territory, as has already been stated, the blue clay
was found.
This all fits in well with the nature of Lakota thinking because there was
an ethos amongst the Teton Sioux which put great emphasis on the genuineness of things. "A man ought to desire that which is genuine instead of that
which is artificial" stated Shooter (Densmore, 1918:173) and into this class
came several colours of earth paint which "could be obtained only in certain places". These paints included a special red vermilion which did not
fade - "mixed colours faded" - and also the coveted blue clay. Thus the
use of such blue on the upper part of the Sioux hair-fringed shirt clearly had
considerable symbolic associations and it is very unlikely that such colouring would be put on items which were not in this class. Comparison of the
colours displayed on both the existing shirts of this type together with the
so called Red Cloud shirt at Cody (which will be dealt with in another paper)
indicates a similar range of blue. This blue is somewhat lighter in shade than
that which, for example, appears on a Brule Sioux shirt now at the Peabody
Museum of Harvard University. This, perhaps significantly, was probably
made up for a white collector in a close imitation of the early style but not
utilizing the "genuine colour". Such questions may be finally resolved by
spectrochemical and diffraction analysis such as have been applied to the
early robes from North America now in the Musée de I'Homme in Paris.
The Symbolic Cocoon
As has already been mentioned on the left shoulder of the Crazy Horse
shirt is attached the cocoon of a moth and although Bourke mentions it -
Wakanyan
251
Figure 5 a,b,c: Symbols of whirlwind power. (a) The cocoon and pupua
worn by Sioux warriors as a symbol of whirlwind power (A
cocoon was attached to the left shoulder of the shirt won
by Crazy Horse - see Figure 1) (b) Graphic symbols of
the whirlwind cocoon (After Wissler, 1907). (c) 'Whirlwind
Bear', a Sioux name glyph (After Mallery, 1893).
obviously it caught his attention - he confesses "the significance of (this) I
do not know." This, however, opens up another fascinating area of Sioux
symbolism and evokes the power of another Sioux god, namely, Yumni the
whirlwind. Yumniwas considered the son of Tate, the wind, "who established
252
Colin Taylor
the four directions of the world" (Walker, 1917:85). The Sioux regarded the
cocoon as a most mysterious object from which a power "similar to that of
the whirlwind emanates" (Wissler, 1905:258). The metamorphisis emphasized the uncanny power of the moth "because it had the power to escape from an enclosure" (Wissler, 1905:258), and, as with the wind, it was
impossible to confine it.
It is interesting to note that the name of a Sioux curing ritual (which has
been described in some detail by William Powers and others) namely the
Yuwipi - where a man is bound tightly in a quilt from which he attempts to
escape - derives from yuwi, a "wrap around" or"roll up" action very similar
to the effect of the whidwind yumni. It seems more than a coincidence that
emphasizes on escape from an enclosure and influence on human events
is associated with both the micro cocoon and the macro Yuwipi man power;
further these concepts seem ancient, the explorer Jonathan Carver reporting in the 1760's of a ritual where Naudowesee (Sioux) "juglers" bound in
"buffeloe skin" escape "in the space of an hour" (Parker (Editor), 1976:101 102).
Some of Wissler's most reliable informants were of the opinion that the
moth by its wings "reproduced the phenomenon of the whirlwind" and that
the mysterious acts of the moth could be explained "by its rapport with this
power". It is interesting further to observe that, as mentioned previously,
Yumni was considered the little son of Tate (the wind) and that the whirlwind
referred to was actually the small whirls which one often sees on the Plains
especially on a hot day; the swirling columns of dust made a marked impression on the Plains Sioux; as Black Elk said "the wind in its greatest power
whirls" and his people linked them with a state of confusion.
in his unpublished field notes Wissler further refers to the cocoon power,
the whirlwind bug being described as about the length of the forefinger and
marked by peculiar spiral-like grooves (Figure 5a). This unusual shape,
Wissler reported, was thought to cause the little whirlwinds that take up the
dust. It was sometimes worn on the head, the twigs being cut off to hold it
and it was generally wrapped in an eagle plume. The bug was said to have
great power over people frequently being carried on the warpath "and it was
said to make a whirlwind and confuse the enemy and make him lose his senses" (Wissler, 1907:119). The whirlwind association in the minds of the Sioux
is emphasized by the pictographic symbol utilized to express a name which
has whirlwind connotations, for example "Whirlwind Bear". Such a representation is shown in Figure 5c which is taken from Mallery (1893:604). Here
a cocoon is clearly shown above the head of the bear and represents the
whirlwind phenomena.The symbolism of the cocoon on the Crazy Horse
shirt can thus be interpreted with some confidence. The graphic symbol of
Wakanyan
253
the cocoon is shown in Figure 5b. Additionally, Wissler reports that it was
also represented in wood or modelled of buckskin decorated with beads
(Wissler, 1905:259). In this respect it is most interesting to observe that the
famous Red Cloud Shirt (Figure 4) which is now in the Plains Indian Museum,
Cody, Wyoming (and which my researches are showing reflects much of
the symbolism associated with the Crazy Horse shirt but at a higher political level) has what is undoubtedly a beaded representation of this symbol
on the neck flap. The shirt was worn on the two occasions that the Red Cloud
delegation visited Washington to negotiate with the U.S. Government for
Sioux rights; the cocoon's "great power over people" seems a fitting use of
this aspect of Sioux symbolic power.
NOTES
1.
In addition to Gordon Brotherston and John Ewers, who have encouraged these studies, my thanks also particularly go to Ake
Hultkranz and Bill Powers who gave me several insights during
stimulating conversations at the St. Andrews conference.
Thanks also to Dennis Lessard of Mission, South Dakota, Hans-H.
Karkheck of Gottingen, West Germany and Fraser Pakes, Ethnologist
at the Nakoda Institute, Morley, Alberta. These friends not only corresponded with me on several of the topics discussed in this paper but
also drew my attention to material which I would otherwise have
missed. The reference relating to the conferment lecture is courtesy of
Kingsley Bray, who now holdsthe correspondence of our mutual friend,
Joseph Balmer of Zurich, Switzerland. Balmer corresponded extensively with many prominent Sioux and traders at Pine Ridge in the
1940's and 1950's.
REFERENCES
Beckwith, Martha Warren
1930 Mythology of the Oglala Dakota. The Journal of American FolkLore 43(170).
Bourke, John J.
1892 The Medicine Men of the Apaches. Ninth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology. Washington, D.C.
Brown, Joseph Epes
1953
The Sacred Pipe: Black Elk's account of the seven rites of the
Oglala Sioux. Norman Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press.
254
Colin Taylor
Colhoff, John
1949-50 Personal communication with Joseph Balmer, Zurich, Switzerland. (K. Bray, England private collection)
DeMallie, Raymond J. & Robert H. Lavenda
1977 Wakan: Plains Siouan Concepts of Power, in Raymond D. Fogelson and Richard N. Adams (Editors): The Anthropology of
Power: Ethnographic Studies from Asia, Oceania, and the New
World. New York: Academic Press.
Densmore, Frances
1918 Teton Sioux Music. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 61.
Washington, D.C.
Dorsey, James Owen
1894 A Study of Siouan Cults. Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau
of American Ethnology.Washington, D.C.
Ewers, John C.
t 968 Indian Life on the Upper Missouri. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press.
1976
Artifacts and Pictures as Documents in the History of IndianWhite Relations.
1982
Assiniboin Antelope-horn Headdresses, in American Indian Art
magazine, Autumn, Vol. 7, No. 4.
Fletcher, Alice C.
1887 Four papers on the Sioux. Reports of the Peabody Museum of
American Archaeology and Ethnology II1. Cambridge, Mass.
Hassrick, Royal B.
1964 The Sioux: Life and Customs of a Warrior Society. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press.
Hatt, Gudmund
1969 Arctic Skin Clothing in Eurasia and America: An Ethnographic
Study.ArcticAnthropo/ogy5(2). Madison, Wisconsin: University
of Wisconsin Press.
Hinman, Eleanor H.
1976 Oglala Sources on the Life of Crazy Horse. Reprint from Nebraska History57(1 ), Spring. Lincoln, Nebraska: Nebraska State Historical Society.
Wakanyan
255
Hughes, Thomas
1908-9 History of Blue Earth CourtS/. Minnesota Historical Society Collection XII.
Johnson, W. Fletcher
1891 Life of Sitting Bull and History of the Indian War of 1890-91.
Edgewood Publishing Company.
Jung, Carl
1964 Man and his Symbols. London: Picador (Pan Books Ltd.).
Macgregor, Gordon
1946 Warriors Without Weapons. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Malaurie, Jean
1987 Terre Humaine. Anthropology Today 3(1). February. London:
Royal Anthropological Institute.
Mallery, Garrick
1893 Picture-Writing of the American Indians. Tenth Annual Report of
the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D.C.
Mooney, James
1892 The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890. 14th
A.R. Bureau of American Ethnology. Washington, D.C.
Neihardt, John G.
1932 Black Elk Speaks. New York: William Morrow & Company.
Nicollet, Joseph N.
1976 Joseph N. Nicollet on the Plains and Prairies: The expeditions
of 1838-39 With Journals, Letters, and Notes on the Dakota Indians (Translators and Editors, Edmund C. and Martha Coleman
Bray), St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press.
Nussenzveig, H. Moyss
1977 The Theory of the Rainbow, Scientific American 236(4), April.
Parker, John (Editor)
1976 The Journals of Jonathan Carver and Related Documents 17661770. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press.
Porter, Joseph C.
1986 Paper Medicine Man: John Gregory Bourke and his American
West. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press.
Powers, William K.
1977 Oglala Religion. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska
Press.
256
Colin Taylor
Skinner, Alanson
1911 Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux.
Anthropological Papers Vol. 9. American Museum of Natural
History.
Sword et al.
t 914 Notes concerning the shield belonging to Hump, a Dakota Warrior. (Ms. 4pp). NAA:1897-g., Washington
Smith, De Cost
1943 Indian Experiences. Caldwell, Idaho: The Caxton Printers, Ltd.
Walker, James R.
1917 The Sun Dance and Other Ceremonies of the Oglala Division of
theTeton Dakota. Anthropological PaperVol. 16, Pt. 2. American
Museum of Natural History.
1980
Lakota Beliefand Ritual (R.J. DeMallie and E.A. Jahner, Editors).
Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press.
1982
Lakota Society. (R.J. DeMallie, Editor). Lincoln, Nebraska:
University of Nebraska Press.
1983
Lakota Myth. (E.A. Janer, Editor). Lincoln, Nebraska: University
of Nebraska Press.
Wedel and DeMallie
1980 The Ethnohistorical Approach in Plains Area Studies in Wood
and Liberty (Editors) : Anthropology on the Great P/ains. Lincoln,
Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press.
Willoughby
1916 In Wissler, Clark.
Winchell, N.H.
1884 The Geology of Minnesota. Final Report Vol. 1. Minneapolis,
Minnesota: Johnson, Smith & Harrison.
Wissler, Clark
1902 Field Notes on the Dakota Indians Collected on Museum Expedition. Ms. 1911 of the American Museum of Natural History, New
York.
1904
Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians Vol. XVIII. New York:
American Museum of Natural History.
Wakanyan
257
1905
The Whirlwind and the Elk in the Mythology of the Dakota Vol.
XVliI. The Journal of American Folk-Lore.
1907
Some protective designs of the Dakota VoL 1. New York:
American Museum of Natural History.
1912
Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division
of the Teton-Dakota Vol. Xl, Pt. 1. New York: American Museum
of Natural History.
1916
Structural Basis to the decoration of costumes among the Plains
Indians Vol. 17. New York: American Museum of Natural History.