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Organisation of Islamic Cooperation
Situation in Libya
Overview
Libya is wracked by turmoil not totally dissimilar to the turmoil we see in Syria. Just as in Syria,
a dictator threatened by popular protest during the so-called Arab Spring reacted by using violence
against civilians, prompting a cycle of violence between the government and its opponents. In both
countries, outside intervention has so far failed to establish a stable situation. In Libya as in Syria, Islamic
militias control swathes of the country and fight each other as well as the government, which in Libya is
based out of Tripoli. The government for its part is having difficulty enforcing its sovereign rule over the
country’s territory. The movement of refugees and migrants is a major challenge. The economy is
suffering and the political future of the country is terribly uncertain.
The differences between both scenarios, however, are very important. In Libya there is now an
internationally recognized government that has support, material or verbal, from the United Nations and
most of its member states, in contrast with Syria, where the regime of Bashar al-Assad is condemned by
some countries (though lauded as the best hope of stability by others). Many of the refugees are passing
through Libya as a point of transit between other conflict zones (including Syria) and Europe, the
destination for many refugees and migrants. As an oil producing state that exports petroleum products to
European and other countries, Libya’s stabilization is considered to be a high priority by many states who
have less at stake in Syria.
The fact that Libya has a government most countries can agree to work with means that United
Nations involvement, both present and future, is more straightforward. This government was born out of a
deal brokered between multiple factions by the United Nations in the hopes of stabilizing Libya. Current
UN involvement is robust and is scheduled to continue through early December 2016…but is it enough?
The overarching challenge is that Libya, even with the help of the UN mission, may be poorly
equipped to address the humanitarian calamity that is emerging as various factions, including the Islamic
State, fight for control of cities and territory. Consider for example recent developments in Sirte. As
Reuters news service noted on 4 October 2016, “The health system in the Libyan city of Sirte has
collapsed and thousands of residents are facing shortages of food and medicine as pro-government forces
battle to seize control of the coastal city from Islamic State.” (See, for example, this article from Reuters:
http://www.reuters.com/article/us-libya-security-aid-idUSKCN1242J8.) It is not an exaggeration to say that the
situation is an urgent one.
For its part, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has been supportive of the unity
government. When the United Nations General Assembly met in New York at the end of September, OIC
Secretary General Iyad Ameen Madani met Libya’s Minister for Foreign Affairs. The minister briefed
the Secretary General on the development of the situation in Libya, and expressed appreciation for the
OIC’s continuous support for the Government of National Unity and for striving for a peaceful solution to
the Libyan crisis. For his part, the Secretary General affirmed the commitment of the OIC to peace,
security and stability in Libya and to devote all its capabilities to achieve this objective. With that in
mind, as a delegate to the OIC, you must ask yourself: is the OIC really using all of the capabilities at
its disposal to help Libya achieve peace and stability? If not, why not, and what is to be done?
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Background
To understand the current situation in Libya,
one must first understand the situation it
replaced. From 1969 until 2011, Libya was
ruled by a man named Colonel Muammar
Gaddafi. Gaddafi helped end the post-colonial
Kingdom of Libya and replaced it with two
successive republics. Security and order were
major parts of Gaddafi’s Libya, with many observers decrying Gaddafi as a dictator who abused the
human rights of his people. Despite this, some found his views on pan-Africanism and pan-Arabism to be
attractive, and his leadership in African affairs to be inspiring. Gaddafi also sponsored what has been
described as one of the world's leading Muslim missionary networks. According to Reuters, the World
Islamic Call Society (WICS) “was the smiling face of his Libyan regime, and the world smiled back.”
The WICS’ staffers built mosques and provided humanitarian relief; it gave university education to poor
students; and its missionaries traveled Africa preaching a moderate form of Islam as an alternative to the
strict Wahhabism associated with Saudi Arabia.
During Gaddafi’s remarkable 40 years in office, Libya tapped into its natural resources to gain
wealth. Libya’s oil reserves attracted much foreign investment, bringing vitality and stability to Libya’s
economy. This meant many foreign nationals living in Libya, which proved to be a major issue when
fighting broke out in 2011, as these people were targets of attacks and needed rescuing. It remains to be
seen how these natural resources will be used in relation to Libya’s economy as a whole in the future.
Gaddafi was recognized by many governments as a sponsor of terrorism. His role in what is now
known as the Lockerbie Bombing of PanAm Flight 103 as well as other incidents made him a target of
UN sanctions. This put Gaddafi at odds with much of the international community, which helps to explain
why many jumped at the opportunity to depose him when the opportunity arose. That opportunity came
in 2011, when Gaddafi’s government—long accused of cruelty against its opponents—was forced to
confront thousands of people in the streets in a massive uprising.
(see http://www.history.com/news/remembering-the-1988-lockerbie-bombing)
Current Situation
At the opening of the General Assembly’s 71st session this September, Fayez Seraj, the prime
minister of Libya, called for national reconciliation. Seraj urged Libyans to repair the fragmented
country’s divisions that have seemingly metastasized since the fall of dictator Muammar Gaddafi.
(http://www.reuters.com/article/us-un-assembly-libya-idUSKCN11V0P7) To
understand these divisions and the nature of the conflict in Libya,
one must consider the tribal organization of the country. An
important aspect of Libyan life is the various numbers of tribes
calling Libya home, and Gaddafi’s outreach to many of these
tribes helped him maintain his regime. With Gaddafi dead and
gone, uniting and appeasing the tribes is no easy task. And,
although over 95 percent of Libya’s population is Muslim,
significant Christian minorities (Copts and Roman Catholics)
exist.
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NATO Intervention
As a direct result of Arab Spring, which toppled well-entrenched regimes in neighboring countries, Libya
was plunged into a complex civil war. Some militias supported the government, others were radical
Islamists, and others yet were pro-democratic secularists. The latter of these groups garnered a significant
backing from the countries that make up the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
In 2011, after efforts on behalf of the United States and others to obtain a backing by the United
Nations Security Council for military action in Libya failed, NATO countries took action to aid the rebel
forces in toppling Gaddafi, a move strongly condemned by many in the international community,
including Russia, China, and others. However, many countries did take part in this action (as a delegate,
you should investigate whether the country you represent participated in or supported the intervention).
Aid was primarily against forces fighting the broad pro-democratic coalition. The result was the takeover
of power by said group from Gaddafi. Their authority, however, was not accepted by all, with various
other factions vying for power after Gaddafi’s defeat. These groups include al-Qaida affiliates, Daesh
(i.e., the Islamic State or ‘IS’), and others who remain in control of some areas of the country.
NATO countries remain involved in the violence today. As the UN-supported Libyan
Government of National Accord (GNA) struggles to establish political control over a divided territory,
countries like the United States and France remain involved in support of the effort. For example, France
had to admit the presence of its troops on the ground when three were killed in Libya over the summer.
The French military participates in other ways too, including its efforts to broadcast anti-IS propaganda
(see http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/world/2016/09/12/French-army-use-FM-broadcasts-against-ISIS-in-Libya-.html). For
its part, the United States provides air support and bombing raids against IS strongholds (for more, see
http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/middle-east/2016/10/04/US-strikes-ISIS-positions-in-Libya.html). As the
struggle continues, the question looms: what if anything can or should member-states of the OIC do?
To gain additional perspective on this all-important question, read on for more information about the
situation in Libya.
Competing Political Factions and Armed Groups
Two major factions, the Libyan National Army (LNA) and Libya Dawn (LD), controlled most
of the country separately until late last year. The United Nations helped broker a deal between the sides
leading to de jure unity that remains untested and uncertain. Many questions still exist regarding the
division of power and the loyalty of both sides to the peace deal. The situation on the ground is an east
and south mostly dominated by the LNA, a northeast heavily under LD control, and the extreme west
being controlled mostly by tribal forces currently loyal to the Government of National Accord brokered
by the UN. Various regional forces cooperating with both pseudo-governments exist, with some with
possible connections or Islamic originations in Saudi Arabia. For the BBC News’ explanation of the
current situation, including a map depicting territorial control by competing armed groups as of
September 2016, see: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-24472322
While the forces controlling most of Libya are nominally connected, other areas are controlled by
other groups. Sirte, a city with a central location on Libya’s northern coast, is currently divided between
the forces of LD and Daesh. Other, unconnected Islamist movements control areas in the east of the
country surrounded by LNA territory. Both groups have tried to stoke tribal differences in the hope of
gaining support. For more on competing armed groups and what’s at stake, please see
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-19744533 (BBC) and from al Jazeera, this article:
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http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/09/rival-libyan-factions-battle-eastern-oil-ports-160918134102183.html
A fundamental dilemma exists: the UN and the sitting government of Libya want to disarm
competing groups, but to do so requires a greater use of force than the government is capable of; and if
some groups complied voluntarily with a call to disarm, the Islamic State might take control of the areas
the disarmed groups used to control. For the time being, unless the situation is drastically changed,
competing armed groups seem to be here to stay.
Movement of Refugees and Displaced Persons
Another important aspect of the situation in Libya is that Libya is now a hotbed for the movement
of people and human trafficking. Refugees fleeing Libya’s strife, as well as migrants seeking a better life
in Europe from elsewhere in Africa and the Levant and the Arabian Peninsula have used Africa as a
staging area to try to cross to Europe via Italy and occasionally Malta. (A refugee is defined as a person
fleeing from conflict where they believe there is reasonable certainty of death for themselves and their
family. These people are protected by international law. Migrants are persons seeking better economic
opportunity, and they are not protected by international law).
The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) is just one of many UN entities actively
addressing the situation (see http://reporting.unhcr.org/node/12003 for evidence of this) but UN resources
allocated to this purpose may not be sufficient. And the massive flows of people are overwhelming or
bypassing authorities. This has empowered those who engage in people smuggling, who often abuse these
people, and have even been known to leave them for dead in the middle of the Mediterranean. Italy’s
coast guard, with aid from the European Union under Operation Triton, is the main force attempting to
alleviate this. Ships with refugees and migrants are usually overflowing and barely seaworthy, so the
Italians and others usually pick up anyone from ships they believe are at risk of sinking. However, this is
a costly operation, and the question of what becomes of those rescued continues to haunt Europe. In terms
of migrants, Italy pays a disproportionate price by rescuing and temporarily housing them, and Germany
and Sweden are disproportionally affected due to the fact that many migrants and refugees wish to settle
there. It also raises the question of how should migrants, who may need to be returned to their country of
origin, be separated from refugees, who are protected in their right to not be returned to their country of
origin.
On Libya’s central role in the migration crisis, see this article from The Guardian:
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jun/17/they-were-psychopaths-how-chaos-in-libya-fuels-the-migration-crisis.
To gain a more vivid understanding of the situation, please consider this photo essay and infographic
from MSNBC (warning: some images may be disturbing; proceed with caution).
http://www.msnbc.com/specials/migrant-crisis/libya.
For a news item from Al Arabiya on a recent incident involving the deaths of 22 or more, see
http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/middle-east/2016/10/05/At-least-22-dead-on-migrant-boat-off-Libya.html.
United Nations Involvement
Perhaps the most significant UN involvement was negotiating the truce and unity between the
two major forces in Libya in order to create the internationally backed government (the GNA); but in
truth, the UN involvement is much vaster in scope. The documentary record in support of the UN mission
and international involvement in Libya is extensive, but here are some sources that help focus our
attention on relevant, recent developments:
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Security Council Extends United Nations Presence, Eases Arms Embargo to Counter Terrorist Threat
http://www.un.org/press/en/2015/sc11842.doc.htm
Relevant Security Council Resolutions and Statements
http://unsmil.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=3548&language=en-US
United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) general website:
http://unsmil.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=5110&language=en-US
Priority areas of activity for the UN in implementing the
mission’s mandate are as follows:
• Security Sector: this is the highest priority: to establish
safety for Libyans and for the conduct of ordinary life and
business that will allow society and the economy to flourish
http://unsmil.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=3556&language=en-US
• International Assistance Coordination: to ensure that
the assistance coming from various governmental,
intergovernmental, and nongovernmental sources is coordinated
• Democratic Transition: movement toward government
by and for the people as Libya moves away from its history of
authoritarian dictatorship under Colonel Gaddafi
• Rule of Law and Human Rights: development of a
system that protects the basic human rights of Libyans while
also establishing the basis for a sustainable system of law and
order
Each of these areas contains sub-areas—this is an extensive,
maybe comprehensive, mandate.
The Security Council, and the UN more broadly, is not the only international body to be concerned with
Libya. The OIC for example has stressed the importance of unity in Libya. For example, see
http://www.oic-oci.org/oicv3/topic/?t_id=10276&t_ref=4061&lan=en. Is this sufficient, or should the
OIC commit to a more robust course of action? As the conflict rages on in Libya’s major cities (see
http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/middle-east/2016/10/08/Heavy-toll-weighs-on-Misrata-after-battle-for-Libya-s-Sirte.html),
what can the OIC do to support the unity government in Libya?
For two recent media reports concerning Libya of interest to members of the OIC, please read on.
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FromalArabiya(Englishedition)online
Heavy toll weighs
on Misrata after
battle for Libya’s
Sirte
A scarecrow is seen on a scaffold
used by ISIS in Sirte to display bodies
of executed prisoners, mounted on a
would-be suicide bomber's captured
truck, outside Misrata's museum,
Libya September 29, 2016. Picture
taken September 29, 2016. (File
Photo: Reuters)
Reuters, Misrata, Libya
Saturday, 8 October 2016
Next to the rusting shell cases outside Misrata’s museum of Libya’s 2011 uprising is a new
addition: a scaffold used by ISIS in Sirte to display bodies of executed prisoners, mounted
on a would-be suicide bomber’s captured truck.
Five years after Misrata’s fighters killed Muammar Qaddafi in Sirte, his home city, they are on
the verge of ending another campaign there, this time against ISIS militants who controlled
the city for a year.
The battle has been costly and drawn-out. Many Misratans, who form one the strongest of
the rival military forces to emerge after Gaddafi’s overthrow, say they are tired of war.
But defeating ISIS in Sirte, about 230 km (140 miles) southeast of Misrata along the
Mediterranean coast, will leave their city far from secure. Other enemies remain, and some
Misratans are ready to fight again if pushed.
In early September, with the war in Sirte already approaching its end, eastern commander
Khalifa Haftar seized some of Libya’s major oil ports, one just 200km east of Sirte.
Profile of Libyan strongman Khalifa Haftar: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-27492354
It was a challenge to the UN-backed Government of National Accord (GNA) in Tripoli that is
trying to unite competing armed groups. Misrata has supported the GNA; Haftar rejected it.
“We are trying to avoid war, but Haftar is not clear and his intentions are not clear,” said
Ibrahim Baitulmal, the head of Misrata’s military council. “Sometimes war is imposed on us,
and when the enemy approaches, you have to defend yourself.”
Just two years ago, Misrata was the power base for Libya Dawn, an Islamist-leaning alliance
that prevailed against forces aligned with Haftar in a battle for control of Tripoli.
The conflict left Libya with two competing sets of governments in the capital and the east,
and eastern authorities later named Haftar, a former Qaddafi ally, to head their forces.
Haftar waged a military campaign in Benghazi against an alliance of Islamists and other
opponents that Misrata supported. Misrata swung its support behind the UN-brokered deal
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that resulted in the GNA, and has provided security for the new government in Tripoli since
its arrival in March.
Misrata’s brigades began the campaign in Sirte after ISIS advanced north-west toward their
city in May.
Though the operation has been supported by small teams of Western special forces, and
since Aug. 1 by US air strikes, Misratans say they feel abandoned.
A large majority of fighters are from Misrata itself. Many lack training and equipment, and
casualty rates have been high, with more than 560 fighters killed and at least 2,750
wounded.
Misrata businessmen have made donations, and hundreds of women prepare food each day
to be driven in to Sirte.
“We have been alone in this battle,” said Mustafa Ben Haiba, a 46-year-old police employee
who lost two of his seven sons in 2011 and another in Sirte in June.
Support for Tripoli
The campaign in Sirte is nominally under the GNA’s command, but the government, which
has struggled to establish its authority, has been slow to provide support.
Officials in Misrata say the fight against ISIS has improved relations with residents of Sirte
and the inland town of Bani Walid, both bastions of Qaddafi support that Misrata rebels
attacked during 2011.
This is part of a broader push for reconciliation that included a recent deal to allow the return
of residents to Tawergha, another inland town, which was destroyed and emptied in 2011
after Qaddafi forces used it as a base.
There have also been prisoner exchanges with the western pro-Haftar town of Zintan, said
Ali Abusetta, a member of Misrata’s municipal council.
He does not exclude a rapprochement between east and west but, like many in Misrata, he
suspects that Haftar wants to become the country’s military ruler.
Both Abusetta and Baitulmal said Misrata would respond if Haftar’s forces advanced further
west or tried to keep oil revenues for themselves. But there is little confidence that the GNA
and its Western backers would come to Misrata’s defense.
Ziad Bellam, a brigade leader from Misrata, pointed to Egyptian and Emirati support for
Haftar, and the presence of French special forces who worked alongside the eastern
commander’s troops.
“If they want Haftar, it’s strange that they helped us overthrow Qaddafi,” he said.
Last Update: Saturday, 8 October 2016 KSA 10:24 - GMT 07:24
http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/middle-east/2016/10/08/Heavy-toll-weighs-on-Misrata-after-battle-for-Libya-s-Sirte.html
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Residents in Libya's Sirte face 'collapsed' health system, food shortages
October 4, 2016
By Umberto Bacchi
LONDON (Thomson Reuters Foundation) - The health system in the Libyan city of Sirte has
collapsed and thousands of residents are facing shortages of food and medicine as progovernment forces battle to seize control of the coastal city from Islamic State, a medical charity
said on Tuesday.
Over the past two days, forces led by brigades from Misrata have pressed further into Sirte's
neighborhood Number Three, advancing building by building as they try to finish a five-month-old
campaign. Islamic State now controls a residential strip of less than 1 km long in their former
stronghold.
The International Medical Corps, which has been assisting Libyans who have fled Sirte, said once
Islamic State was ousted from the city, government and aid agencies would face a huge challenge
rebuilding infrastructure and re-establishing services.
"Sirte is a collapsed city," said Claudio Colantoni, the International Medical Corps' country director
for Libya."The situation is dramatic. The health system is completely collapsed, there are no
working hospitals, the needs are at 360 degrees," he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation in an
phone interview.
Problems were magnified by political divisions within the country, Colantoni added. "It will be very
difficult to cope with this kind of challenge if Libya doesn't find a way to find a political
appeasement," he said.
The U.N.-backed Government of National Accord (GNA) has so far struggled to exert its authority
and recently saw a rival eastern commander, Kahlifa Haftar, seize some of Libya's major oil ports,
one of which is less than 200 km from Sirte.
An estimated 90,000 people, about three quarters of the city's population, have fled Sirte since it
was taken over by Islamic State last year, according to the United Nations.
Military operations to oust the jihadist group triggered new displacement, while also leading to the
return of many families to areas cleared of militants, the U.N. relief agency said in September.
Those who have fled the area have reported severe shortages of food and medicines as well as
lootings, public beheadings, "crucifixions" on scaffolding and abductions, the U.N. Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said.
Colantoni said fighting resulted in large numbers of people requiring treatment for wounds as well
as psychosocial support.He said the area around Sirte remained too volatile for the International
Medical Corps to deliver aid or open a field hospital.
"For any form of intervention to be carried out the situation needs to be stabilized," Colantoni said.
Reporting by Umberto Bacchi @UmbertoBacchi, Editing by Katie Nguyen. Source: Thomson Reuters
Foundation, the charitable arm of Thomson Reuters, that covers humanitarian news, women's rights,
trafficking, property rights and climate change. Visit http://news.trust.org. Found here:
https://www.yahoo.com/news/residents-libyas-sirte-face-collapsed-health-system-food-230245601.html
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Questions to Consider
•
Libya is a majority-Muslim country and is thus an important part of the Ummah, the
worldwide community of Muslims. How should the OIC express its solidarity with the
Libyan people during this prolonged period of political unrest?
•
What is your country’s direct interest in the outcome in Libya? Does your country stand
to benefit from a stable, prosperous Libya?
•
Does your country depend on oil imports from Libya? How does this affect your
country’s position on the future of the UN mission in Libya?
•
Libya is now a staging area for migrants attempting to make the perilous journey across
the Mediterranean. What role should the UN play in that crisis, especially as it relates to
Libya? Can the member-states on the OIC resolve through negotiation to pledge more
resources to address this massive problem?
•
What can be done to create safety and security in Libya? Are the provisions of the current
mission sufficient, or can the OIC do more to help extend security to ordinary Libyans?
•
One major obstacle to peace and security within Libya is the Islamic State (IS, or ‘ISIS’).
Are OIC member-states prepared to take a stand against this group, even though some
members may be sympathetic to the ideal of an Islamic Caliphate? What is your country
doing, or prepared to do, to combat this dangerous group in Libya (and possibly beyond)?
•
What, if anything, can the OIC do to promote unity among the various factions of the
Unity Government? To promote reconciliation in a country that has suffered mightily
from authoritarian dictatorship, widespread violence, tribal disputes made worse by
factions playing one tribe off another, and so on?
Resources
Besides BBC country profiles and the many sources embedded in this guide, here are a few other helpful
resources:
• https://www.theguardian.com/world/libya
• http://www.reuters.com/places/libya
• http://www.npr.org/tags/133801982/libya
In general, the CBC is also very reliable, but they don't have pages per country like these. For this issue,
there is no further reading better than familiarizing yourself with the actual situation, since it will
reinforce the themes present in the topic guide. Other valuable sources that cross the divide between the
largely English-speaking West and the predominantly Arabic-speaking Middle East, see the English
versions of al Jazeera (http://www.aljazeera.com) and al Arabiya (http://english.alarabiya.net).