WILLIAM WEINSTONE
.
Library
University of Te*ae
Austin, Texas
WILI.IAM
«ONE,
STRIKE-BV
TH E GREAT S.T-OOW*
THE
MICHIGAN DISTRICT OF
THE
SECRETARY OF
COMMUNIST PARTY, U.S.A.
The Great
Sit-Down Strike
J_
he
first
major
fought and won.
battle in the auto industry has just been
It
truly militant battle,
fc
^
will place this strike side
^ in
American labor
It
<^
^
x
was unquestionably a great strike, a
waged with a vigor and passion which
was a
by
side with the greatest strikes
history.
significant struggle because
inTquarter of
a century ,lhelirsMime
it
was the
since the
first
time
appearance
of the auto industry, that one of the giants of the motor
monopolies, the biggest of the three automobile companies,
was challenged
by
organized
labor.
was
It
because the battle was spread oyer fourteen
significant
states,
involved
150,000 workers, affected more than sixty plants, and was
fought against a corporation worth one and a half billion
dollars.
It
was
significant also because
it
was the oj>ening
battle in the awaited struggle to organize the
mass produc-
and was fought by the newly organized
International Union of United Automobile Workers, led by
the Committee for Industrial Organization. And, finally,
tion
it
industries
was
of the greatest importance because for the first time
on a large scale American labor has employed a new
wea p 0n the sit-down strike and has wielded this weapon
—
—
with startling success. That
is
why
the strike aroused nation-
3
an
INC.
LIBRARY PUBLISHERS,
PUBLISHED BY WORKERS
P. O.
BOX
148, STA. D,
NEW YORK
CITY.
MARCH, U5l
1937
SECOND 1'MNTINC, APRIL,
oo
624134
wide attention and was followed with the most intense
interest and concern by millions of working people in all
I
parts of the nation.
The
struggle ended with a victory for the auto workers.
§
ft,
In what does the victory of the auto workers consist?
It
consists in the fact that the union
to paralyze
g
was able completely
production for forty-four days, to prevent the
4>
re-
s
opening of the plants and as a result to wring from General
Motors the recognition of the right to organize (a right
o
which has been stubbornly and tenaciously denied by this
open shop corporation), won formal recognition as the
collective bargaining agency
for its members in
all
the plants
and as the sole
the plants shut
auto
down by
collective bargaining
the strikes.
By
It
also
in
o
this
workers struck a powerful blow
system in American industry.
agency
achievement the
at
open-shop
the
won wage
increases
for the General
Motors workers and increased wages for the
auto workers of other plants and it won an agreement to
open negotiations between the union and the corporation
for the
The
that
it
demands on wages, hours and working conditions
victory of the union consists furthermore in the fad
was able
to withstand
and repel
efforts to dislodge the sit-down strikers,
as victors
when
their terms
were met,
the injunctions issued against
to
them and
a m
•
^
£ o
i-i
a'?
CD
as
o
CO
cp
SlO
a series of violent
who
who
left the plants
twice smashed
finally caused
them
be scrapped.
<J=!
It
consists finally in the fact that the policy of indus-
unionism, of militant unionism and progressive leadership, based upon rank-and-file democracy, has proven
trial
to
be the only correct form of organization
4
which can
<$
i
i-i
o
fa
effectively
A
has
test
meet and defeat the corporations of big
now been made on
the
this test industrial
little
more
for the right to organize the plants.
This right was conceded by General Motors in words and
denied in deeds by the discharge of workers for joining
and
dismissing
of
those
wearing
the
union
button. These were the issues which caused the strikes in
now agreed
they may wear
Atlanta and Kansas City. General Motors has
their
workers
may
organize and that
a national conference for collective
bargaining. General Motors refused this
demand and
ferred the unions to the individual plant managers.
result of the strike, such a conference
re-
As
a
was held and a written
agreement between the union and the corporation was signed
before the shop could be reopened.
Now
a conference begins
recognition as the sole collective
bargaining agency for all the
that to
tion.
it
workers.
General Motor?
would grant no such recognition, holding
be an inviolable and sacred principle of the corpora-
General Motors has
now
agreed
to
deal
union as the exclusive bargaining agency for
six
months
(the exact
form of the agreement
is
a
with the
period of
only a face
saver for General Motors).
General Motors
6
in
company but
has already declared
it
application
its
for
an
injunction
at the
end of the
refusing the request for negotiations
condition
strike, as a
resuming operations, General Motors has agreed
return
workers
all
former
their
to
positions
to
without
discrimination.
General Motors had said that
questions with the union until
and
"unlawfully
its
it
would not discuss any
its
plants were evacuated
plants
seized
were
restored",
but
General Motors finally backed away from this position,
and entered into discussion with the union and entered
it
into
was signed did the workers
leave the plants.
That
is
why
the outcome of the struggle has encouraged
and raised them
the workers everywhere
of enthusiasm.
That
is
why
to a
the auto strike
is
high pitch
giving direct
nourishment and impetus to the drive to organize the unorganized workers in the country. That
of the struggle, a
consider the demands of the union.
The union demanded
declared that
in
an agreement, and not until
union buttons.
The union demanded
to
of the
for
union
Motors
in the
declared that the stay-in strikers were no longer employees
closely.
that the
General
wage
the highest possible
a five-cent hourly increase in wages.
Let us consider the outcome of the struggle a
the
was paying
form of organization
unionism has been entirely and triumphantly upheld.
The union fought
it
industry but as a result of the strike,
mass production industries and in
for the
declared that
of battle of the
field
craft union versus the industrial union
capital.
and other
now
new wave
factories,
and
of strikes
that
is
why
why, as a result
is
is
beginning in auto,
the Wall Street Journal
cries out against the strike that "its effectiveness
was
obtained by illegal means".
Comrade William
Z.
Foster
says that the "auto strike
part in
the
is
is
indeed correct when he
fated to play a very important
American labor history" and that
new era
that
is
dawning
"it is
in the trade union
a sign of
movement
in this country".
7
class instincts than to organized calls,
appearing practically from nowhere
on the
came
to the plants,
to protect the
workers
inside.
Special importance attaches to the great activity of the
How Was
N the
the Victory
Union Achieved?
of the
J.
women workers who organized "women's emergency brigades" in Flint and who were assisted by women's brigades
from other cities, who participated directly in the struggles,
first
place, the victory
was won because the workers
used and perfected the sit-down tactic of striking which
shall describe later
among
won because
the auto workers.
by the
to
danger. Toledo and
Norwoed workers came
land, Chrysler and
battlefront
and Saginaw
Flint
in
the
Dodge, Kelsy-Wheel, Mid-
other workers
from Detroit and
came spontaneously and repeatedly
Flint
at
to
and greatly strengthened
fighting lines. General Motors,
cities
Norwood, and
every critical situation and to every
the first days of the strike
from other
but
strike,
operated as a single unit, as an army
in Flint,
which responded
pre-
The General Motors work-
particularly in Detroit, Cleveland, Toledo,
all
of the
and profound solidarity which
ers in practically all the states affected
above
and were ready
to
move
to
also
to the
Anderson
lend a hand in beating back armed thugs
to
Workers
and
vigilantes.
the
departments
of
in Detroit
their
battlefront. In Flint itself
plants
and Toledo shut down
and
left
for the
Flint
on a number of occasions, the
workers on the outside, responding more to the prompting of
8
militancy
a
is to
be found in the fact that the auto industry.
composed largely of young people and these people were"
on the side of the strike. Another and more basic reason
is
In the second place the victory was
vailed
we
along.
fighting determination
vanguard of the fighting divisions which added
great strength and solidarity to the workers' ranks and
cemented their unity. One reason for this mobility and
making up
for this militancy
is
the fact that the auto workers
several attempts in the past to strike the plants
right to organize
and were held
in check,
had made
and win
the
were deceived and
betrayed by the A. F. of L. officialdom and by the President's
agreement of 1934. The workers now gave vent to their
accumulated hatred and expressed their determination
this
that
time matters would be changed. All of which reveals
the fact that in the last years, particularly since the crisis,
the workers have
and
grown
in
class consciousness, militancy
solidarity.
Third, the victory
was won because
of
the
firm
and
united leadership provided by the C.I.O., which brought to
the struggle that degree of aid
large-scale battles
in strikes
where
and unity so essential to
and which has been lacking
craft
in the past
union divisions prevailed. The C.I.O.
under the aggressive leadership of John L. Lewis made
it
possible to maneuver with success the ending of the glass
I
strike at a timely
moment
upon General Motors.
It
so as to exert the greatest pressure
also helped to
work out the
strategy
been cleaned out or pushed into the background, especially
at the
most
critical points of the struggle in Flint, Detroit
of utilizing the competition between General Motors and
and Cleveland, and a new,
Chrysler and Ford to the benefit of the
taken
unions sent organizers into the
speakers, helped
workers in
St.
strike.
The
picketing as, for example,
in
C.I.O.
strike, sent delegations
Louis and other
the
and
steel
and gave moral and
cities,
material aid to the auto union.
Fourth, the victory was
their
won because
the craft unions in
outside of the C.I.O. gave
support notwithstanding the treachery and the sabotage
of the Greens
and the Freys,
as, for
example, the support
-.Sixth, the victory was won because the union carried out
modern progressive mass methods of fighting. It engaged
demonstrations and mass picketing;
agitation through bulletins
a
medium
organized mass strike committees based on rank-
and-file representation
Cleveland
for state aid,
there
is
among
craft
unions
and
the A. F. of L. unions
a strong discontent with the policies of the Executive
Council and that
is
it
possible to
work hand
in
hand with
mass singing of
of agitation and education (although on a limited
Michigan State Federation of Labor, and for a time the
and numerous
use of mass
labor solidarity songs, and employed the labor theater as
scale)
unionists. This proves that
made
and special newspapers, made
successful use of the sound car; introduced
rendered by the Detroit and Flint Federations of Labor, the
Federation,
had
fresh, militant leadership
place that the strike could be carried on with such
vigor and success.
in
movement
sections of the labor
its
;
;
formed
and committees
relief
committees and fought
to ferret out spies, held fre-
quent mass meetings and gave reports on
all
developments;
on educational classes; established solidarity of
carried
men and women and
Negro and white; and
unity of
and welcomed the support of
the craft unionists against the Executive Council and secure
listed
the unity so essential at the present time in the important
labor movement. The union appealed
sections
of
the
and received
the
all
to
en-
fights
which the C.I.O. and also craft unions will develop
support of the middle class sections, pointing out the ad-
in the
near future.
vantages to them of a victory of the workers and stressing
Fifth,
the victory
was won because of the progressive
leadership of. the international
union nationally and be-
the
men
common
in
interests of the
workers and small business
weakening the power of
this gigantic trust. It is to
cause of the progressive and militant leadership in the most
be regretted that the union did not fight for and
important areas of the
use of the radio as a
strike.
The
existence of
numerous
means of
rank-and-file leaders especially within the plants gave a
must be laid upon the use of the sound
car,
powerful backbone
an indispensable instrument in such
fights
who did not
enemy.
10
It
to the strike
because here were people
or run before the first blows of the
was because the old Green-Dillon clique had
falter
make
agitation. Special
better
emphasis
which has proven
and should be
introduced everywhere. Care must be taken immediately to
thwart any attempts to restrict
its
use by laws, attempts
11
Library
University of Texas
Austin, Texas
which are being made by stealth in auto and
These methods, as against the
steel areas.
isolated, restricted,
narrow
and bureaucratic forms employed by the old Green-Dillon
officials,
in strikes
have proved the only correct methods to be used
which involve large masses of people.
And, seventh,
the
was won because
victory
union
the
did not hesitate to use political as well as economic weapons
of struggle.
It
fought against and exposed the company
-
controlled sheriffs, prosecuting attorneys, judges, and poIt
lice.
demanded
the removal of the share-holding Judge
Black and strike-breaking Chief of Police Wills of Flint,
and laid a demand for the impeachment of the judge before
Michigan
the
State
Legislature and the governor.
manded and secured
the deputizing of union
police in Anderson.
It
called
men
It
de-
as special
upon and secured the aid
of
the La Follette Committee on Civil Rights, which had the
effect of
tempering the ruthless violence of the company-
dominated local
of the civil
authorities.
It
demanded
full
protection
rights of the workers and the right of collective
bargaining from the governors of the
states,
from the De-
partment of Labor, and from the President of the United
States,
and
in that
way fought and
to a certain extent suc-
ceeded in offsetting the one-sided use of the state power,
which has always been employed as an agency of
breaking.
ing
on
It
cooperated with
all sections
civil rights
of the labor
strike-
conferences, draw-
movement and middle
class
people.
The Michigan Conference for the protection of civil
rights, as well as the American League Against War and
Fascism, proved of inestimable value in promptly organ12
m
*
I.:
izing local
and national protests against company terrorism.
the Protection of
In Cleveland the People's Conference for
same
Rights also served a useful purpose toward the
The Attitude
Government
of the
Civil
end.
Special mention must be
of the role of the Flint
made
main
battlefield
workers and their leaders. Flint was
because it is the heart of the General Motors industry and
the
was most
for that reason the struggle there
acute. Special
the
tribute must be paid to the workers and leaders of
sit-down strikers in the plants, the leaders and rank-and-file
workers, and
its
chief organzer,
to the Chevrolet plant
the
Fisher Body
who spread
and held firmly
the struggle
to their positions in
plants to the very last day of the struggle,
notwithstanding the violence,
the
provocations,
and the
attacks carried out against them. The Flint leaders ably
prepared for the strike by the development of a shop
steward system, carried out persistent recruiting, exposed
and eliminated stool pigeons, and understood the importance
of the strike of the bus drivers,
weeks before the auto
making the
fight,
strike their
which occurred several
rendering them every aid and
own, and in that way organizing
favorable sentiment in the city for unionism. In return they
were well rewarded for their
efforts
by the
worked hand in hand with
the
General
Motors Corporation remained in control in the Flint situation, the
outcome of the
have been entirely
strike against
different.
By
importance among the reasons
must be considered the
for the victory,
ernment.
first-rate
the government I
mean
attitude of the gov-
in this case the attitude
of the Governor of the State of Michigan and of President
Roosevelt.
created
strike,
The defeat
more favorable conditions for the winning of the
for it gave encouragement to the workers and was
the signal that the
brought into
tions that
moment was
office in
ripe to start the battle.
assist the
General Motors would
It
Lansing and Washington, administra-
were committed
to the continuation of the
demo-
form of government and which had promised
cratic
and
of the reactionaries in the last election
to
workers in obtaining improved standards of living
the right of collective bargaining.
Republicans come into
office
Had
the
Landon
they would have taken the
usual hard-boiled Tory attitude on labor
unionism
and
strikes.
Lenin has noted two methods of rule of the
class.
He
says:
capitalist
:
assistance ren-
dered them by this small but important body of workers.
Had the old group of leaders that belonged to the Dillon
clique and that
J? inally, but of
"The bourgeoisie in all countries in practice inevitably elabotwo systems of governing, two methods of struggle for its
interests and for the defense of its domination, and these two
methods now replace one another and interlace in different
combinations. These are, first, the method of violence, the
method of refusing all concessions to the labor movement, the
method of supporting all ancient and dying institutions, the
The second
method of uncompromising rejection of reform.
method is the method of 'liberalism', of steps toward the derates
.
.
.
14
15
:
velopment of
political
rights,
of reforms,
of concessions,
etc,
"The bourgeoisie passes from one method to another not
through the malicious design of individuals and not by accident, but by force of the basic contradictoriness of its own
position."
This
is
type of government which rules today in
the
Lansing and Washington.
Lenin notes
The
strike.
policies of
compromise
conflict,
and
the contradictoriness which
such a position was present even in the short
in
period of the
And
Murphy and
Roosevelt were to seek a
in the struggle, to avoid a
to
terminate
because of the militant
it
sharpening of the
as early as possible, not only
mood
the struggle passing over to
and the danger of
of labor
other sections of the
labor
movement, but also because of the pressure of a section of
the capitalist class which found the strike
The government had
interests.
to
harmful
entire country,
would have meant a sharp break with their
labor support, would have meant a shattering blow to
the
Democratic Party, and would have led to a tremendous
development of the movement for the independent political
action which asserted itself in the last election campaign
although on a restricted scale.
Consider the forceful position taken by the union. The
telegrams of the sit-down strikers addressed to Governor
Murphy and
President Roosevelt are classical not only because of the passion and self-sacrifice which they expressed,
but also because they voiced the insistance of labor that
history shall not repeat itself and the promises
made
in
the last election broken. Let us quote from one
of these
telegrams to the Governor of Michigan
to its
face the outcry of the
"We
feel it proper to recall to you the assurance
you have
times given to the public that you would not permit force
or violence to be used in ousting us from the plants.
Unarmed
many
reactionaries, the big capitalist interests, that the sanctity
was being
of private property
phy was called upon
private property",
to
uphold the Constitution, "to defend
support the courts, and to use the
evacuate the plants. There was the ever-
National Guard
to
present danger
that
time the National
to
and Governor Mur-
violated,
this pressure
would succeed. At one
Guard established
virtual
martial law
as
we
imprisoned the sit-down strikers there.
If the
National Guard was not used
that both
it
was due
to the fact
and because they realized
that the
use of violence with the danger of killing
worki
would have aroused
vs
the
working class
many
of
the
the introduction of militia, sheriff or police with
will mean a blood bath of unarmed workpolice of Flint belong to General Motors. The sheriff
of Genesee
County belongs to General Motors, and the judges
County belong to General Motors.
It remains to
be seen whether or not the governor of this state also belongs to
of Genesee
.
General Motors.
illusions
expect that
will
Governor Murphy and President Roosevelt faced
a stiff resistance of the workers
The
ers.
no
around the Chevrolet and Fisher No. 2 plants and virtually
are,
murderous weapons,
be
We
what
if
killed.
if
phasis
have decided to stay in the plants.
We
take this method to
and
who must be
mine W. W.)
—
We
We
have
fully
violent efforts are used to put us out,
to the
this result follows
are the one
.
sacrifices this decision will entail.
wives, our children,
that
.
make
it
many of us
known to our
people of the state and country,
from the attempts
to
eject us,
you
held responsible for our death" (Em-
It was because of this forceful position of labor, and it
was because of the growing movement for independent
16
17
political action,
would injure the
that any
compromise was prevented
interests of the strike
What
that
are the facts about organization?
and the union.
of
workers within
approximately twenty plants.
where the plants were organized
tent that they
Full Objective?
the
union win the
full
objective which
set
it
No, the union did not win completely
itself?
its
for
major
demand
of becoming the sole collective bargaining agency
nor was
it
still
shut down.
round of
It
battle, all
strike
is
was
still
economic
local communities,
it
in progress
and
the plants
not to be expected that in the
first
the demands can be won, because of the
huge wealth of the corporation,
ing which
its
able to achieve the negotiations of
demands while the
its
its
entrenched position in the
strong political power and the back-
received from the steel and financial magnates,
and on the other hand the youthfulness of the union. General
Motors proved a ruthless enemy which did not hesitate to use
every means, foul or
fair, to
achieve
its
end of breaking
the strike.
It is
is
true that the union shut
Body plants
in Flint
to its knees only
of the union, only
by bending the
full energies
by demonstrating the greatest
strength,
in organizing the largest
numbers
and only by succeeding
to
any considerable
strikes.
The
ex-
facts are that
The very audacity of
industry.
The
union did not prove strongly enough organized to reach
the strategic Fisher
that this
worked
the union in challenging a
corporation which held undisputed sway encouraged the
workers and brought many thousands into the union during the strike, but
still
this
was not enough for an industry
employing hundreds of thousands and indirectly
the jobs of a million.
The union attempted
sphere of the strike but
success.
The union was
its
forces were too
affecting
to
widen the
weak
to achieve
therefore confronted with the di-
lemma
of having carried through a general
in
the plants.
shutdown without having carried through and declared a general
strike
all
by
While some 40,000
to 50,000
were
af-
another 100,000 workers were
thrown out of work. This gave General Motors the posstrikes,
crying "that a minority was attempting to dictate
the majority", to make the struggle appear as a battle
sibility of
to
of workers into the union before the battle begins.
down
and Cleveland and
greatly to the advantage of the union in paralyzing the
fected directly
clear that such a corporation can be fully defeated
and brought
were shut down by
was
It
General Motors, and that such strongholds as Pontiac, Saginaw, and Grand Rapids, were practically unorganized.
It
\3 ID
outset
not all the plants were well organized in Flint, Detroit,
or in Michigan, generally, the most strategic centers of
Did the Union Win
Its
At the
of the strike the union succeeded in organizing a majority
between union and non-union workers, to keep a large
of workers on the sidelines, and to create to a certain extent a popular mass cover for the usual strong-arm
number
this goal.
19
18
stopped a bogging of the strike and a weakening of the
methods. This they did through such organizations as the
campaigns (obviously
Flint Alliance, through petition
ranks as a result of the defeat suffered at Anderson, where
in-
spired by General Motors and carried through by coercion
the leadership
but nevertheless successful because of the lack of organiza-
of a mistake
tion in such places), through organizing
mass meetings
The
of
was driven out by
made
in calling off the
insufficiency of organization
"loyal workers", and by staging what might be called a
the fact that while the union
"pro-company rebellion", through sending delegations
eral
the governor of the state,
and
in general creating the
to
danger
,
was a more or
The
Motors also
strike
to raise the cry that
the rights of non-union
The A.
movement
officials
it
was serving
to protect
members.
less
on November
Kansas
18,
followed several weeks later by the
and towards the
City,
the next
in with the tactics of the corporation
which
Flint.
A
day by sit-downs
in Fisher No. 1
down
the auto industry
many
by the corporation had
its
foundation in the company
unions which were practically untouched in the preparations of the strike. This insufficiency of organization
and
weakness in failing to break into new territories
one
at
stage of the struggle gave the offensive to the side of General Motors,
which seriously threatened the outcome of the
was
their leader,
move
at this
moment
that the Flint workers
Robert Travis, conceived and executed a
bril-
in achieving the sit-down in the Chevrolet As-
sembly Plant No. 4 which once again gave the
into the
hands of the
end
the
20
and
strikers
back-to-work
was
at this
and which virtually put an
movement
moment,
initiative
started
by General
too, that the Flint
workers
and No. 2
at
contributing factor here was the glass strike which
a shut-down occurred. But there
It
Decem-
in
of the corporation along, especially since these
position to the strike and the counter-movement attempted
Motors.
week
last
ber there took place the sit-downs at Cleveland, followed
the sole collective bargaining agency. But basically, the op-
to
strike, actually there
spontaneous outbreak of the struggle.
threatened to shut
liant
to attack Gen-
General Motors began at Atlanta with the
fight against
strike at
to
F. of L. officialdom did its bit in helping this
fell
It
must be attributed
had planned
claimed that other workers were opposed to the union as
strike.
Saginaw meeting.
Moters and to develop a general
of a strong back-to-work movement. This enabled General
and also because
vigilantes
feel that
it
was
Motors allowed the
strike
is
movement
and which made
blow before such
advisable to hit the
no doubt that General
to develop in order to
bring matters to a head, thinking that the union was entirely
unprepared and would be defeated.
General Motors had expected to win.
armed force which
strikers
ties
through
its
would enable
time.
Why
prove false?
it
It
thought that the
could put into action against the
complete control of the local authoriit
to
end the
strike
in
double
quick
then did the calculations of General Motors
It
was because General Motors did not reckon
with the leadership of the C.I.O. and the militancy of the
workers and because
it
was entirely unprepared for and
unable to meet and overcome the new
—
tactic of the
workers
the sit-down strike.
21
Sit-Down Strike Tactics
sanitation, patrol
and policing,
trial
committee (kangaroo
greatest
by means of such organization exercised the
vigilance and control, developing fully both the
strategy
and the means of defense against any
court), and
he
big corporations
strike but
know how
General Motors did not
to deal
with a walkout
know how
the sit-down strike.
The attempts to use the usual methods
of securing an injunction, illegalizing the strike,
and breaking up the picket lines by armed force, as they attempted
do
to
named
in Flint
and
in the battle before Fisher No. 2
(now
the "Battle of Bulls Run", because the police did
emphatically barred firearms)
,
their positions. In the Fisher
down
strikers covered the
sheets through
which
the running on that day)
any gas or firearm
dignation of the masses. The attempt to cut off the heat
service.
and food proved likewise
rounds
failed miserably and only enhanced the prestige of the union while arousing the in-
to be a boomerang. The General
Motors workers and especially the Flint workers developed
this
weapon
to the highest degree in the following
ways:
First of all they strategically locked themselves
in,
ing
it difficult
to dislodge
makthem without the use of consider-
able force and numbers, while at the same time, by taking
over the gates, they obtained the possibility of freely
com-
ing and going and thereby relieved the strain which
they
would otherwise have found a serious factor in their "vol-
fire
within the plant to hold
No. 1 Plant in
Flint, the
sit-
windows with bullet-proof metal
hoses could be put out to meet
attack. They organized and drilled
squads in the use of the water hoses for quick and efficient
They organized a police patrol which made
the
at given
hours to detect any untoward movement
of people in adjoining wings of the building occupied
by
the office help so as not to
be caught by surprise
attacks,
etc.
Third, they combined the method of sitting
down
within
the plant with a system of outside car picket patrol,
which
was supplemented by the union by daily outside meetings
through a public address system, carried on by the use
of sound cars. This
was further supplemented by largeby the union to meet any
untary imprisonment". Thus, by coming and going in shifts,
they were able to hold out for a long time and thereby
scale demonstrations arranged
improved the methods of continually staying in the plants
which was the practice in the Midland Steel, Kelsey-Hayes,
American Aluminum and other Detroit auto strikes.
basis of the injunction.
critical situation,
such as the threat ef evacuation on the
Such a combination of an inside
with outside mass mobilization and support rendered the use of the sit-down most effective. It was because
strike
Second, they developed a complete and efficient organization within the plant, establishing a strike committee,
and
of this
various sub-committees, and captains, including health
and
the
22
The
attacks.
workers virtually barricaded themselves within the plants
and prepared themselves to use all devices available (but
to deal with
organized mass support that the corporation wai
frustrated in
its efforts to dislodge them. For example
on
day when the evacuation was expected, following the
23
issuance of the injunction, about 3,000 workers formed a
picket line before Fisher No.
and many thou-
1 at Flint,
sands more were present and ready to pitch into the battle
if
the evacuation
down
out the strategy of organizing a
the face of the massing of
in
Lenin, have emphasized
many
movement, Marx and
of
struggle will inevitably arise as special conditions change,
The sit-down
sit-
numerous company
new forms
times, that
"forms hitherto unseen by active people
were attempted.
Fourth, they worked
great teachers of the working class
in the
movement".
strike is not the old syndicalist tactic
the folded-arms strike,
of
nor the application of the theory
guards who were ready to use firearms to prevent the occur-
of the militant minority (the idea that a small group of
rence of a sit-down. This they did in connection with the
resolute people can impose
sit-down in Chevrolet Plant No. 4.
The move executed
by the Flint strike leadership consisted in arranging a
down
men and women
union
way
workers in Plant No.
strike of the
to give
9,
sending outside
them support, and
engaged the attention of the
sit-
company thugs
in thai
of Plant
No. 9 and those of other plants, and while the battle raged
here, organized a
march from Plant No. 6
to Plant No. 4,
which was the better organized and the most strategic plant
because
it
produces motors for
all
Chevrolet cars, and
fected the successful sit-down in this plant.
ef-
Thus they com-
bined a march from other plants as reinforcements for the
main point
We
must properly evaluate
strike
of the workers
this
new
tactic of the workers.
has arisen spontaneously from the ranks
and
is
a
new weapon forged
to
meet the
problems of struggle against the big corporations.
is
a
cessful
at the
becoming the principal form of
strike struggle
present time and for that reason must be paid the
closest attention in order to impart to this
method
the great-
consciousness and efficiency. Experience shows what the
24
ac-
was
suc-
because these workers represented and were sup-
ported by a big majority of the workers of the shop. There
is
no doubt that the sit-down
this
instrument
among
the
French work-
strikes of the
had the most profound influence
ers have
American
in
introducing
workers,
but
the
changed conditions within the country have favored the use
of the sit-down strike here.
are these conditions? At
first
sight
is
the experi-
ences of the workers in their struggle against the big
dustrialists in
force, the
and other
acts of violence.
It
must be
re-
that in 1930, the picket line of Fisher Plant No.
was broken up and driven out of the
masse by the chief of police. This lesson was not
the Fisher
in-
which they found themselves beset by brutal
breaking up of the picket lines and use of hired
strike-breakers
1 in Flint
It is
is
number
was a minority of the work-
ers of the factory, nonetheless, the sit-down strike
well as large factories, in industrial as well as other
however, which
upon large masses and
drag them along irrespective
tually sitting within the plants
membered
plants.
est
It
will
of their sentiments and convictions). While the
already being employed in small
tactic,
as
their sheer determination
What
of attack.
The sit-down
by
its
city en
lost
upon
Body workers.
Secondly, the last elections and the defeat of the eco-
nomic royalists have given
to the
workers the feeling that
25
government was on
the
against the
come
is
their
side,
would protect them
big corporations, and would not so
readily
carry out "expropriation", but instead carefully guarded
out against them as a strike-breaking agency. Thirdly
the property and in fact prided themselves that they took
care of the property and machines "far better than the
plant guards". They declared their readiness to leave the
the
growth
consciousness and understanding of the
in
workers of their strategic importance in the mass production set-up, the inter-dependence of departments and plants,
and thus
tion
by
their ability to
their
power
cess of production
to
match the strength of the corporainterrupt and stop the whole pro-
by stopping the movement of the
plant property, reveal that deeper forces have been at work
in the course of the last years.
Let us consider the question of property and property
rights.
where
General Motors and the ruling class press everyset
up a howl against the sit-downers,
taken over the factory, and were trespassing
that they
upon
had
the rights
of the owners. Mr. Sloan spoke about "holding the
factory
for ransom". And the pretentious quack scholar, John P. Frey
the
American Federation of Labor, followed
footsteps
with
tories. Editorials
talk
about
the
occupation
of
in
the
his
fac-
were written about the sit-down becoming
a daily habit in the life of the people.
"How would
you
came into your house and squatted in
your dining room and refused to leave." Such was the theme
like
it
if
a stranger
of the editorials
and new
articles turned out in
reams by
the capitalist writers. This
was intended to shake the morale
of the workers, to scare the small property
owners and
turn them against the strike, and to bring pressure
the authorities
—"sworn
upon
to
uphold property rights and the
constitution". But matters did not turn out that way.
workers did not
sit
down
in the factories in
plants
if they were given the assurances and were guaranteed that the plants would not be put into operation until
a settlement
was reached. The workers did not
themselves strangers in another man's home.
belt.
But the use of the sit-down, the "occupation" of the
of
them over and dispossess General Motors, They did not
The
order to take
Auto Worker pointed
out, the
part and parcel of the factory.
at all feel
As
the Flint
workers of the plant were
They spent more days, weeks
and years in them than did the owners, many of
whom
have
never seen the factory and have not spent a single day
within its walls. And thus the workers were not motivated
by revolutionary aims
in
limiting themselves to a
occupying the plants but were
form of pressure
to achieve their
immediate economic ends.
They were encroaching upon
—capitalist
rights
— the
the rights of the capitalists
right
of
unlimited
exploitation
and ruthless oppression, and were asserting labor's
the right to a decent livelihood under
of work.
But does
when workers cease
this
human
rights,
conditions
not happen in a walk-out strike,
to labor
and stop the working of the
machinery (the property of the
capitalists), stop the hiring of scabs and interfere with the "sacred right" of the
capitalists to
make
profits, just as
needs of the working people?
long as they ignore the
And has
this not
always
been the cry of the capitalists against strikes? Only here,
to be sure, we have a more advanced form of this
"interference" with the sacred and
let it
be said tyrannical prop-
erty rights.
26
27
a
we
maturing of the
acute.
idea among the workers that the factories are not merely
see to
Nonetheless, in this action,
owners
the sole property of the
as they see
fit,
see the
to
but that there are
do with and
human
to
handle
rights to be safe-
to the
For that reason, in sit-down
it
that the
aims of the
whole population, that
strikes, the
union must
strike are clearly set forth
it
imparts to the middle class
—the merchants and professional people—clear knowledge
guarded and that these rights must take precedence over
of the purpose of the strike and in that
property rights. Here we see the greater consciousness of
dle elements on the side of the union and the strike, and
the position of the workers as
wage
slaves.
the emergence of the working class as a class.
development which
finding and will find
is
An
field.
epochal change
the mentality of the working class.
is
align the mid-
Here we
see
that the
Here we
see
do not waver before the propaganda onslaughts of the cor-
the sharp alignment of the classes within the country
on the political
way
its
—
union leadership hold firmly to their rights and
poration.
expression
taking. place in
The years of the
de-
pression and crisis have shattered the old relationships, have
lowered the prestige of the ruling class and have raised the
independence and self-assertedness of labor.
It is this
new
Special Advantages
of the Sit-Down
strength of the working class which General Motors and
their
henchmen encountered
Motors strongholds; and
to
it is
in
Flint
and other General
this strength
which they
tried
break through the organization of the Flint Alliance, a
combination of foremen, superintendents and local business
was because
men, dependent upon General Motors.
It
this strength that the local
began to deputize
loyal citizens
"shoot
it
out".
and threatened
Had
it
authorities
to
go down to the plants to
not been for the cool-headedness of
the union leadership, a local civil
precipitated
of
war could have been
by the guardians of law and order.
The big corporations
undoubtedly repeat the
in
meeting with sit-down strikes will
tactics of
General Motors. The cry
against alleged expropriation will continue. This attitude
of the corporations will
28
make
the strike struggles extremely
V herein
tactic?
are
the
special
advantages of the
sit-down
Observation of a number of strikes leads
think that the following are
among
the
me
most important
to
rea-
sons for the introduction of this tactic:
Sit-down strikes give to the workers a greater feeling of
strength and security because the strikers are inside the
plants, in the solid confines of the factory, at the
which are the sources of
from the
plant,
machines
their livelihood, instead of
moving around
in
away
"empty space", on the
sidewalks surrounding the factories.
Sit-down strikes give to the workers greater sureness that
there are
no scabs within the plants and no production
being carried on and makes
it
difficult to
is
run in scabs. For
29
example, in the walkout
of
picketing.
strike, the great
Mass picketing
around the factory gates
—
—throwing
problem
that
is
of large masses
of the utmost importance
is
scabs are to be kept out but even then the problem
is
if
ex-73
tremely
view of the
difficult in
size of the factory
numerous entrances. Take the Fisher Body No.
Flint,
This takes
of points throughout the day
workers
is
is
1 plant at
up an area of one-half mile around
and requires large masses concentrated
strike the
a
and the
and
problem of picketing
at a great
night.
With
reduced for, with the
is
absolutely essential so that the workers inside
is
U
the sit-down
sitting in, a relatively smaller picket patrol
going on outside)
J3
number
sufficient to
(this
know what
guard against the
©
in-
W
filtration of scabs.
The sit-down strike furthermore makes it difficult to
sume operations even partially where scabs have gotten
down one
because by holding
to
section of the plant
it is
H
re-
1—"
in
M
uf
hard
-o
o
begin operations.
The sit-down
.1-1
<d
a
strike
affords
strikers
greater possibility
s
o
of defending themselves against the violence of the police
i-i
and company men because they are inside the plants and
are able to bar the
to
way
of the attackers and also are able
organize means of defense and
cur, the public understands clearly
The sit-down
strike
makes
when an
who
among
P-,
are the attackers.
o
group
for a greater discipline,
consciousness and comradeship
3
o
attack does oc-
the strikers because
of the very position in which they find themselves and there-
by
enhances
the
militancy
and
fighting
spirit
of
the
workers.
Finally, the sit-down strike arouses the widest
sympathy
30
I
a
and support among the working population because of the
courage of the workers in taking "possession" of the fac-
and because of the
tory
such action entails. This
self-sacrifice
is
particularly the case of indus-
communities where the factory
trial
and hardship which
is
ficulties
its
own
set of dif-
and problems. The question of sleeping within
the
plant, of contacts with the families, of feeding the workers, of
out
tory
more
difficult
make an approach
as to
and thereby
isolate
to the fac-
and starve out the
workers.
The sit-down
It
course, the sit-down strike creates
way
plants in such a
the center of every-
thing.
Of
ers" forcibly to eject sit-down strikers, to organize their
strike is not
an exclusive method of
does not replace the walkout strike
we must
used but
of the arsenal of
and can use
tactic.
Both will be
now
state that the sit-down tactic is
weapons which unionism
is
strike.
part
using, will use
in the struggle against the exploiters.
holding the workers within the plants, of keeping
company men,
of guarding against provocations, of the
danger of the stoppage of heat and food, of organizing sets
of inside and outside strike committees, the timely switching from an inside to an outside strike
not hold,
etc., all
when
Tasks
the lines do
require careful study in order to readjust
Now Facing
the
Union
X
position of the United Automobile
the methods of strike organization to the problems of the
sit-down.
The use
of the sit-down
away with the general
method of
tactics
strike does not
and strategy
in the
do
operation
of strike struggles, that of the necessity for adequate mass
he
before
it
the question
as the basis of the strike, or of achieving the largest
amount
mass support among the workers of the plant all features of good strike organization which have generally been
has
employed
union from capitalizing on
—
in the
the features of
The sit-down
walkout
tactic.
an organized
tactic
I
have in mind, of course,
caught the corporations unprepared
but already they are developing counter methods to defeat
it.
These methods include the enlargement of company
police, the organization of special
32
groups of "loyal work-
of wages, hours
won an agreement
It
from becoming
ground
its
it.
It
General Motors will
in order to prevent the
enhanced prestige and
and continuous
to
the only union in the industry.
will therefore require the utmost vigilance
the union
still
but the agreement has only the value
contest every inch of the
it
has
and working conditions.
of the organized strength behind
prevent
strike.
it
the task of the negotiation of an agreement on
preparation of the strikes, of the building up of the union
of
Workers has been
greatly strengthened as a result of the strike, but
on the part of
activity in order that
a satisfactory settlement of.
its
it
may win
demands. Strong-arm meth-
ods used in Anderson and other places show that General
33
Motors
is
The most important thing
is
consolidate the newly
to
gained membership and to entrench
plants. Consolidation
an
company union set-up. Already in Cleveland, there
are signs that the American Federation of Labor intends
to move in and use whatever membership the company
for a
not yet going to abandon the field to the union.
efficient
means above
itself
firmly within the
all the
establishment of
union elements can provide
shop steward system. Through the establishment
organization.
of a department shop steward system the union will have
the forces to carry
on recruitment,
to
defend the condi-
tions of the workers in the shop, to take care of the griev-
ances,
and
to
bar the way to the company
men who
seek to create confusion and steer the workers
the union.
The establishment
elections,
be necessary to expose
Labor
move and
coming
in
only with the object of dividing the ranks of the work-
and destroying the
be prepared where
away from
this
show up the American Federation
its
of
at the
as
of the International
effectiveness
Auto Workers Union. But
will
in order to establish a rival
to
ers
same time, the union must
own ranks are too weak within cer-
tain departments to send forces into such a set-up with the
of a strong shop steward sys-
tem requires the carrying through of
It will
it
object of wresting
department
away
the leadership of such independent
by department, plant by plant, instructing the shop stew-
union and in that way disrupting the tactics of the com-
ards in their tasks, and above
pany.
all,
securing shop stewards
The consolidation and development of the union
requires,
who have proven themselves to be militant and active men,
who have demonstrated their loyalty and reliability in the
furthermore, the continuation of the labor papers that have
course of the strike. In the election of shop stewards, non-
been issued by the union during the strike and the estab-
union members as well as union members should have the
lishment of papers of the union where none have existed,
right to participate,
and
in that
way
and the building up of sports groups, athletic teams, glee
the shop stewards will
clubs,
truly represent all the workers of the department.
The
necessity for a vigorous recruiting
campaign
is
ment of the women's auxiliary
obvi-
cause General Motors will
carry
It is
Nor can
also essential be-
through maneuvers
issued to
to
it
by the
local authorities
selves to be tools of the
pany union
Flint
undoubtedly compel General Motors
to
Motors as well. as
in Detroit, the
eral
the question of electing union
to
who have shown themin such places as
and other industrial communities controlled by Gen-
remain a creature of the company. Here the American Fed-
more than ready
of which will power-
company. And
seek to build up an independent organization which will
eration of Labor will be
all
the union ignore the challenge which has been
build up a competing union. The ineffectiveness of the comwill
—
fully reinforce the union's strength.
ous, particularly in those strategic places in which General
Motors held out against the union.
dramatic groups, educational classes, the enlarge-
men
union must consider
into political office, to
oust the General Motors politicians, and to build
help out the
up
local
tabor parties in order to achieve that aim.
corporation and to provide an apparent independent front
35
34
i
The General Motors
strike has set the ball rolling.
so that
Other
would
upon a strong foundation. In the strike
the Communists sought to imbue the strikers and the
it
rest
plants are stepping into line. Strikes are growing in the
itself
independent as well as in the plants of the other big corpora-
workers generally with the greatest discipline, organization
The question of an agreement with Chrysler is now
being placed upon the order of the day. The question of
and persevcrence.
tions.
the organization of
Ford
is
not a far distant question. The
There
no doubt
is
where
that
Communists were
active
and took an outstanding
ticularly
most
decisive
at
the
points
part, par-
the
of
the
struggle,
union should discuss the lessons from the General Motors
struggle in order to fully prepare itself to tackle these
there the strike was strongest,
points.
tendency to waver in the face of the sharp blows of the
of the whole battle.
and
this
made
for the success
The Communist workers combated any
enemy and helped to keep the ranks
The Party members, not only in
as firm as possible.
the areas of the strike
but in various parts of the country, gave moral
aid,
Activities of the
in the
Communists
and material
helped to collect food and funds, arranged solidarity
meetings, helped the union in the distribution of
Auto Strike
terial,
and gave practical assistance
in other ways.
its
ma-
The Com-
munist Party early recognized and sought to impress upon
every one the decisive importance of Flint as the main battle-
/Vmong
ground of the struggle, and in that way aided in keeping
the auto workers there are former miners and
the eyes of the entire country
who have had many years of labor experience. Their
experience made for added solidarity and discipline. In
others
upon
Flint so as to render
that front the greatest assistance.
The Daily Worker contained many columns of news
strike, editorials and articles, which pointed out
and the union there were also radical-minded
workers and among this group, in the first place, must be
mentioned the work of the Communist members of the
this strike
about the
the
problems of the
strike struggle,
which
tried to foresee
union as well as the work of the Communist Party itself.
What were the activities of the Communists? The Com-
and warn against the many dangers that lurked ahead
munists and the Communist Party gave the most loyal backing and support to the strike, to the aims, policies and ac-
each and a total of 150,000 copies, which was undoubtedly
tivities
the battle.
It
in
issued a special supplement of 25,000 copies
of aid to the strike, and in such places as Cleveland, the
Communists
of the union and the C.I.O. The Communists worked
in the strike issued a special
shop paper which
dealt with the problems of the strike at the Fisher Bod)
ardently and earnestly in helping to build up the union and
tried in every way possible to properly prepare the strike
plant.
37
36
1
The existence of groups of Communists within the shops
was undoubtedly of great help because thereby a core of
the strike? No, this cannot be said.
experienced people were in the shops to help in the solu-
strike struggle, a fault
new problems connected with
tion of the
Party organiza-
all
which shows that the Party
is
not
mobilized for joining in the economic fights
yet sufficiently
The
the sit-down.
Not
Party members participated in assisting the
tions or all
shop form of organization, the shop groups (units), has
and that sectarian tendencies which keep Party members
more than
away from
justified
itself.
Where
the Party
organization
paid attention to these units, there the efforts of
many
is
years
work were fully rewarded. The shop unit form of
also
most
this
But
vital task are still prevalent.
related to the insufficient connection
this
and leader-
or-
ship of the county and state committees with the branches
ganization and the attention to the shops are of even greater
and membership. The lack of Party organization in such
importance today with the development of the sit-down
places as Pontiac, Anderson
of
strike
sible for the
methods.
There were some who raised objections
tion of the
Daily Worker
in the
situation
to the distribu-
shops among the
The
strikers,
its
material.
Communist Party to
The "Red scare" which was raised
times although timidly and mostly by
at
company men
tories
that
did
movement, there the company succeeds
dis-
easiest for
company men
to get the
in divid-
all
allowed, there the consciousness of the workers
is
est
place before the Party more
and trade unions the center of
its
making the
fac-
attention, in order
might be of greatest assistance. The distribution of
now ready and
willing to hear all points of
movement. The organization of
a speakers'
bureau and the
enlargement of the work of agitation and education are also
badly needed, so as
group?
is
struggles,
in the auto centers, the
view with respect to the problems and tasks of the labor
upper hand. Where
democratic policies prevail and the opinion of
strike
workers are
ing the ranks, there the strike becomes weakened and there
it is
new labor movement
Worker and Sunday Worker, of literature, must
center chiefly around the shops and the unions, for the
crimination occurs against the activities of one section of
the labor
rise of a
the Daily
not take effect because the workers had learned that where
such scares are created against Communists and where
it
impos-
at these places, a
acutely than ever before the necessity for
did not interfere with the right of the
distribute
Party to render assistance
it
which must be corrected in the near future.
growth of
but quite generally the workers welcomed the paper and
and Saginaw made
to
impart to the working class move-
ment a knowledge of the workings of the labor movement
and of the social and political problems confronting it,
high-
and the greatest unity and militancy obtain. The more
united the struggle, the better the fight and the greater the
and
success.
firmly over the giant factories of the country and to en-
Can
it
in that
large
be said that everything was done by the Com-
way
aid in planting the flag of trade unionism
and strengthen the
social
and
class
vision
of the
workers.
munists and the Communist Party that was possible to help
38
39
i
<
t
It
is
especially urgent to put on a real recruiting drive,
fcX)
to
win
to the
way enable the Party
and
contacts,
its
which
of great urgency
among
is
enlarge
to root itself in the shops, to
strengthen
to
influential
is
s
Party the ranks of active people, and in that
itself
as
-i—
*£
bo
an organization
mass of auto workers. But
the
showing
the necessity of
to the
o
work-
4-1
show the workers what
ers the face of the Party, to
Party
is
doing so that
importance of the
it
may have
Communists
activities of
class struggle. This
the
a 2
a full appreciation of the
was by no means done
in the
working
any
sufficient
to
II
.£
extent during the strike.
So much for the
the
Communists
It is
activities of the
60t4H
Communist Party and
2 °
in the struggle.
also interesting to discuss the activity of other work-
3 3
m —
3
O
"3
rr,
ing class groups, particularly that of the Socialist Party.
Members
of the Socialist Party carried on creditable activity
•
during the strike and their
union. Several
members
activities
3
O
were of help to the
of the Socialist Party performed
work. These were Socialists who were not
outstanding
infected with the poison of Trotskyism or influenced to any
° o
3 "-P
O
• i-H
large extent
by the sectarianism
of the "militant Socialists",
but followed a true course of mass struggle. In the strike
the
«>
8 g
Communists cooperated with these
Socialist Party
mem-
S
-S3
03
4-1
"bb
t»
$ a
3
cd
o
•
bers (although not on the basis of any formal pact)
and
J8
such cooperation proved fruitful.
But the same cannot be said of the line of policy pursued by the Socialist Party through the columns of
its
its
policies
3
o
lead-
ing organ, the Socialist Call. While devoting considerable
space to the strike
.
£ 3
O
were by no means free from
4-1
sectarianism.
Take for example
in the Socialist Call of
40
the article of
February
6.
Here he
Frank Trager
states that the
T3
offensive wliieh took place in Flint during that
week "was
down
in Chevrolet
No.
4.
Thus we
and
see the worthlessness
under the spirited leadership of the Socialist leaders". This
lack of reality contained in such high sounding statements
statement is not only guilty of unjustified boasting but,
reported above. In general
what
is
worse, separates the leadership of Flint from the
general leadership of the union and the C.I.O., and also
dismisses the leadership of militants
strategic points in Flint
who occupied
and who are by no means
But the harmful sectarianism
Socialists.
found in another
to be
is
the most
part of his article in which he states that the offensive
tions".
The
long conferences and round table negotia-
inference here
union was wasting
the workers
cialist
its
is
leadership
that the
time in useless negotiations (while
were favoring action) and
Party they finally received
tortion of the situation
of the
and what
it.
is
thanks to the So-
on by the union leadership and the
tions carried
contrast to the negotiations of the old Green
group,
set
new mark
a
making use
Nor can we
Thomas
in his
the sit-down.
strike as a
dismiss
picket
comment made by Norman
the
column of January 30 on the question
On
of
the one hand, he endorses the sit-down
weapon which has obvious advantages
workers "beautifully demonstrated in Flint
for the
where the
spirit
a complete dis-
and discipline of the workers have been remarkable". On
more, reveals a lack of
the other hand, he remarks that because "the sit-down strike
This
is
a powerful
parent emphasis upon "action" and scorn for "talk" appear
does not follow that
indeed very revolutionary and are the
latest
fad of some
leaders of the Socialist Party. But any knowledge of the
that the action in Flint in taking Chevrolet's
Plant No. 4 became ripe only with the rise in union
mem-
bership during the strike and also followed on the heels
of the discrediting of the General
and conferences not to injure
work of the men and women on the
properly used
shows
and Dillion
lines.
understanding of the tactics of strike leadership. This ap-
situation
C.I.O., in
in the practice of labor leaders in
of negotiations
but to aid the
took place because "the Flint auto workers discarded the
futile strategy of
must be said that the negotia-
it
Motors
officials
due to
is
is
it
weapon for
the workers
—
has no dangers", and says, "if
it
it
used for the advantage of some small group rather than
body of workers,
for the advantage of the whole
used without discipline;
hostility,
It
if it is
moment when
the General
it
is
used so as to create public
then the sit-down strike
must be remembered that
if
is
this
not an advantage".
was written
at the very
Motors Corporation was publish-
Washington,
ing full-page ads and the entire press of the country was
followed the rebuke which Secretary Perkins administered
crying out that a small group was keeping large masses out
their very failure to enter into negotiations in
to
Mr. Sloan, which raised the morale of the workers and
sharpened their militancy and determination without which
it
would have been
a sharp battle
42
difficult to
and such
have carried through such
tactics as
were involved in the
sit-
of work, at a
moment
ing to give the
also
when
the capitalists were try-
impression that the public was aligned
against the sit-down strike method.
Of what use
ing on the sit-down and discussion of
its
is
moraliz-
disadvantages at
43
a
1
such a
moment? Such
a
moment
conditional support, and emphasis
new weapon,
the
firmly to
it,
may master and
Thomas draw from
What
conclusions did
these remarks?
the all important thing
is
hold
Communist Party, was just the very thing which the company needed to reinforce its campaign of violence. Such
weakening the resistance
assisted in
He drew
the
activities
Norman
moral "that
but the kind of union which the workers build". Here
group has a revolutionary
mon
movement would conduct
1N
cently followed
by
is
the leadership of the Socialists of evad-
—
phrasemongering
lastly, a
real people's
a phrasemonger-
a little sect of Trotskyist followers in Detroit
Revolutionary Workers Group
the
—a
split- off
main Trotskyist body. This group
struggles, at the very
is
movement— a
movement which
activity of
known
re-
work within the country,
working class and of
will
revolutionary-minded
few remarks upon the disruptive
com-
—
forces that are at
people, a process which
ing which conceals true revolutionary deeds.
And
new
the unity of the
refuge in balanced statements which are both here and there,
in "revolutionary"
of the
in
forces which are driving toward an extension and strengthening of the labor movement and which are welding also
typical of the course re-
ing a concrete answer to concrete questions and seeking
and
name
more
conclusion, the strike of the automobile workers
veals the
which the workers were carrying through.
Thomas
far
ment.
thing was the most effective use of the "particular kind of
This statement of
and has
built
depended upon the very success of the kind of strike which
was being used, and contrary to Thomas the all important
strike"
title,
semblance
the work of little reactionaries
and disrupters parading as a section of the labor move-
question of the sit-down which the above remarks revealed,
was being
slightest
with the type of work which enemies of the labor
is
and wavering upon the
for in fact the particular kind of union that
and propaganda have not the
of any revolutionary activities, although the
not the particular kind of strike
the essence of the underestimation
to call for the formation of
Such propaganda, which was emphatically condemned and repudiated by the workers and by the
useful-
its
them and
'workers' guard".
the importance of
for any wavering or doubt as to
the intended evacuation.
to
upon
so that the workers
would only have
ness
the C.I.O. disarming
requires unqualified, un-
all
progressive-minded
giving rise to the growth of
real
embrace
section
of
also
the
most aggressive
the
—
working class
Communists and the Communist Party. The
the great and dramatic auto strike of 1937
as the
and variant of
coming struggles ahead of us. It
landmark in American labor history.
the
at the height of the
will
the
full effects of
will be felt in
prove
to
be a
moment that the vigilantes were seekand when the workers had organized
ing a pretext to attack
a
formidable demonstration of their strength, issued a
let
the substance of which
was
to
leaf-
warn the workers "against
45
44
i
a
—
people's united front
I
want
to join
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