Persecution of Christians in Jos (2) An analysis of the violence in Jos and its environment, Nigeria in 2010 By Arne Mulders, researcher for Open Doors International; September 2010 1. Introduction In August 2010 I made a research trip to Jos and its environments during which I held about twenty in-­‐depth interviews with Muslims and Christians about the 2010 crisis and read some useful literature1. The 2010 crisis is the last in a sequence of 1994, 2002 and 2008 and a balanced picture is not easy to get. Much analysis focuses on economic, political and ethnic causes of the crisis and less on the religious nature of it. But of religious nature the crises at Jos and its environments are! Human relations in Northern Nigeria to which Plateau State belongs I discovered, are defined by the opposition Muslim-­‐non-­‐Muslim. An opposition with religious and historical roots but nonetheless very prevalent in the hearts and minds of the people in Northern Nigeria today [cf. Turaki 2010, p.175]. First however we look at the cause of the 2010 crisis (2), Muslim and Christian perspectives at it (3), evidence and witness of it (4), before turning to the religious nature of the crisis (5) giving recommendations (6) and a conclusion (7). 2. The Cause of the Crisis The immediate cause of the 2010 crisis was the rebuilding of a house by a Muslim man in Jos, Jarawa, Dutse Uku. The house was destroyed in the 2008 crisis, but the rebuilding started without permission from local authorities or village head. On Sunday January 17, 2010 over 200 Muslim men were working on the decking of the building blocking the road by mixing sand, stones and cement for by-­‐
passers going to church. The Muslim men were either provoking Christian by-­‐passers or provoked by the latter and fighting started. Soon the nearby churches were attacked and fighting erupted in different places in Jos, Bukuru and some Muslim villages on the outskirts of Jos between January 17 and 21 (e.g. Kuru Karama). On March 7, 2010 some Christian villages on the outskirts of Jos were attacked (e.g. Dog Nahauwa). As a result over 1000 people died, 20,000 were displaced and lots of houses and property destroyed! There are three remote causes for the subsequent crises. First there is the struggle over scarce land by indigene peasant farmers and settler cattle herders. Second there is the competition over participation in local government by indigenes and settlers as participation provides access to land, jobs, state funds and other resources. Lastly there is the failed integration of the predominantly Muslim Hausa-­‐Fulani settlers into the predominantly Christian Anaguta, Afizere and Berom indigene Plateau host society. This integration failed, because of the Hausa-­‐Fulani’s resistance to integrate into the host communities, their attitude of superiority over the indigene people and their ambition to dominate their host society. (For ample explanation see my ‘Persecution of Christians in Jos (1) point 2; cf. Danfulani p. 3-­‐4; Ostien p. 2-­‐4) 3. Perspectives from Muslims and Christians Muslims see it this way: they only want a part in Plateau State and Jos Local Government according to their numbers but experience fierce opposition to this end by majority Christians and notably the Christian governors of the State who frustrate their efforts and are inclined to expulse them from Plateau. Of course Muslims strongly contest this opposition! Christians see it otherwise: Muslims want to rule, like they do in most states of the North and are to be prevented from doing so in Plateau State. (cf. Ostien p. 20) Behind this Christians see the ‘jihad agenda2’ of the Muslim Hausa-­‐Fulani since the Sokoto Caliphate in the 19e century in which they 1
See bibliography of present article. The interviews were with Muslim and Christian eyewitnesses, religious and community leaders, scholars, politicians and journalists. 2
Cf. Magazine Blunt Truth vol. 2 no. 1-­‐2009 cover story. 1 became the rules in large parts of Northern Nigeria. This Muslim supremacy in the North continued in the 20st century under British indirect rule, was even extended over non-­‐Muslims areas in the Middle Belt and Northern Muslims dominated the whole of Nigeria for most of its time after independence. In resisting the influence of the Muslim Hausa-­‐Fulani in Jos Plateau State, the local Christians see themselves preventing Islamization and Muslim domination of the Middle Belt and eventually the whole of Nigeria (cf. Ostien p. 8). Problems in Plateau State could be solved local Muslims and Christians believe, but powerful persons belonging to networks superseding the State prevent such a thing. They meddle in local affairs to serve their own purposes and engage bands of unemployed youths easily motivated for a little money to create havoc and destruction. The heart of the problem is concentrated in Local Government Area Jos North (is Jos-­‐city) where a substantial number of Muslim Hausa-­‐Fulani live. LGA Jos North was apparently created by president Babangida in 1991 to give the local Muslims an opportunity to govern themselves. But local elections here have been heavily contested and manipulated for reasons we outlined before (cf. Ostien p. 8). 4. Muslim and Christian evidence and witness Muslims point to the fact that they ruled themselves in Jos since pre-­‐colonial times, but that things changed with the creation of States in 1968 and now others are ruling them. They want to share in the present power of the Christians and in spite of a number of investigation reports of the past crises: so far nothing has been done to accommodate to their grievances. They feel the Plateau Government is discriminating and excluding them, so they demand somebody to represent their interests at government level. The crisis of 2010, they say, was boiling anger that spilled over through the original incident. (Source: interview 18-­‐8-­‐2010/1 and 20-­‐8-­‐2010/1) This anger is also rooted in the 2008 crisis, when the Plateau State governor’s order to shoot at sight let to the arbitrarily killings of many Muslims by security forces. The Muslim Hausa-­‐Fulani still perceive this as a deliberate attempt of ethnic cleansing of their kind through politics. (Ostien p. 33) Within the same perspective Muslims refer to the irresponsible report of the Jos chief commissioner of police in a nationwide Radio State Plateau diffused press conference on January 18, 2010 about ‘deliberate and unprovoked attacks of Muslim youth on Christians in Jos, Jarawa’. This report they say re-­‐ignited the crisis on Monday January 18! The chief commissioner of Police as a consequence was instantly redeployed by federal authorities. (Source: interview 18-­‐8-­‐2010/1; 20-­‐8-­‐2010/1 and 21-­‐
8-­‐2010/2). Christians point to the fact that apparently in the initial 2010 incident the Muslims were prepared for troubles, because they were in greater numbers present than the rebuilding of the house required. They also had stocked a sufficient amount of knives, guns and machetes inside the house with which they attacked the Christians who only had stones! (Source: interview 16-­‐8-­‐2010/3; reports CMG) Christians refer to the fact that several people were warned by Muslims not to come to Jos-­‐city center on Sunday January 17, because ‘something might happen’; the simultaneous Muslim initiated outbreak of incidents on Sunday January 17th in Jos-­‐city and the derogatory remarks Muslim attackers made at these occasions, saying the like: infidels, this day we will crush you! (Source: interview 15-­‐8-­‐2010/1; 16-­‐8-­‐2010/3; reports CMG) There are also eyewitnesses of the implication of the federal army and notably the General Officer of Command General Sale Maine (GOC) in the crisis3, siding with the Muslims and even participating in or allowing extra judicially killing of Christians. There are eyewitness accounts of fake-­‐Muslim soldiers taking part in atrocities, of Muslims mercenaries (75% foreign to Plateau State) employed to create havoc4, of Muslims attacking villages despite the night curfew and of sophisticated army rifles used. 3
The GOC has been reported saying to Muslims at Bukuru, Angwa Doki about their pre-­‐mature attack: ‘I told you it was premature, it did not turn out the way it should be!’ (interview 17/8/2010-­‐1) 4
I spoke to an eyewitness of the police interrogations of arrested mercenaries! (interview 17/8/2010-­‐2) 2 Most Christians were apparently killed by soldiers. Christians in their turn speak of ethnic and religious cleansing on the Plateau5 or the provocation towards a state of emergency in which a federal authority will replace the Plateau governor! Soon afterwards new soldiers from navy, army and air force sections were deployed and all federal troops were placed under one single command in a new unified uniform for Jos! (Source: interview 15-­‐8-­‐2010/1; 16-­‐8-­‐2010-­‐3; 17-­‐8-­‐2010/119-­‐8-­‐
2010/2; reports of CMG). At last Christians point to the fact that the Fiberisima (1994 crisis), Niki Tobi (2001 crisis) and Ajibola (2008 crisis) commissions of inquiry set up by the Plateau State government accredited the cause of the subsequent crises to Muslim initiative. (cf. CMG March 2010 p. 2-­‐3; Niki Tobi 2.11 p.17; Ostien p. 10) 5. The Religious Nature of the Crisis The nature of the crises in Jos and its environments is not economic, political or ethnic, but religious. Plateau State belongs to Northern Nigeria in which the history of men and society is characterized by the opposition of Muslim and non-­‐Muslim. Longtime Muslims were superior to non-­‐Muslims, Muslims dominated non-­‐Muslims and their societies did not non-­‐integrate. This is a legacy of Islamic colonialism and slavery prior to British colonialism, but for reasons we will explain very much alive today. (cf. Turaki 2010, p.175) Before the Islamic jihad in the 19th century Muslims and non-­‐Muslims lived peacefully together. The Sokoto Caliphate generated by the jihad however, was based upon slavery. According to interpretations of the Islamic notion of ‘kuffar / kafir’ Muslims were permitted to enslave non-­‐Muslims6. Although British colonialism ended slavery in Northern Nigeria, through indirect rule however it prolonged domination of Muslims over non-­‐Muslims and extended their power over large parts of the Middle Belt Muslims previous were unable to conquer. Moreover British colonial administration was based upon racial and discriminate identities of indigeneity, ethnicity and religion, and favored Muslim Hausa-­‐Fulani supremacy over pagan ‘lesser’ tribes. At independence power in Northern Nigeria was given to the Muslim elites. (See Turaki 1993 and 2010) Although at the national level the Hausa North (2/3 of the country) had to share power with the Yoruba West and the Igbo East (roughly the other 1/3), because of the size of its territory and the numbers of its subjects Northern Muslims were able to dominate politics in Nigeria until the civil war and subsequent subdivision in states (1968). Now Northern Muslim elites saw their power diminish as the former Northern region proved less solidly Muslim in the new carved states as before. Christian missions had been successful in Northern Nigeria and many Muslim considered subjects turned out to be Christian. Christian minorities were living in the core North and Christian majorities were living in the Middle Belt, e.g. Kaduna south, Bauchi south, Plateau, Benue, Taraba and Nassarawa States. Notably the ‘Christian’ Plateau State with its capital Jos, the center of Christian Mission in the North, was a pain in the ass. It endangered the Islamic supremacy in the North and as a consequence Muslim weight in the federal power balance with the West and the East of Nigeria. If Plateau could be brought back into the Northern Islamic fold, other parts where Islam was not dominant were easy. In this way Plateau became a warfront of political intrigues by Northern elites using the local Muslim community’s interests for their own ends. Some bluntly say: The Jos crises are masterminded by the Muslim elite of the North to create a solid Islamic political base without Christians, who might align with the South or the East at the federal level. (Source: interview 21-­‐8-­‐
2010-­‐3) And in this respect the experiences of the Christians in the crises in Jos and its environments can be considered as religious persecution! Experiences they share with Christians in other states of the former Northern region, notably the twelve States that accepted shari’a law (cf. Danfulani p.23; report Christianity Solidarity Worldwide). 5
See Magazine Blunt Truth vol. 2 no. 1 -­‐ 2010 cover story. Kuffar (pl.) and kafir (sg.) means pagans who are rebellious towards Islam and are to be subdued through jihad. The best option for a prisoner of jihad was slavery. His live was spared and he was given the opportunity to get to know the truth of Islam at close quarters. (cf. Turaki p. 75 and 77) 6
3 In Jos and its environment the Christian indigenes are psychologically ingrained with the Middle Belter fear for and resistance to Hausa-­‐Fulani Muslim dominance. Their ancestors over long periods of time faced Muslim dominance and fought for independence from ‘internal colonialism’ (cf. Turaki 1993, IV c and V e, f) Democracy in 1999 in Nigeria was a revolution and in particular so for Plateau State. For the first time Christian indigenes could take affairs in their own hands! But for the Muslim Hausa-­‐Fulani it was a rude awakening: Plateau Government and Jos-­‐city were in the hands of Christian indigenes! They felt uneasy for reasons we outlined before and started to react. Plateau Government invested with the fear and resistance of their ancestors, had a severe problem facing demands of the local Hausa-­‐Fulani Muslim community. How could it develop some independence from internal colonialism if former colonialists lived in the State? Moreover how could it do so when their brothers resided in great numbers just over the borders and there is ample evidence of cooperation and support? This may well explain the difficult relationship of Plateau State government with the Muslim Hausa-­‐Fulani in Jos and its environments. (cf. interview 16-­‐8-­‐2010/1; Ostien p. 22-­‐26) In the Muslim Hausa-­‐Fulani support from over the borders of Plateau State, especially the influence of the political elites, we encounter the feature of Nigeria being one of the most hierarchical and unequal societies in Africa. Nigerian political elites in general are indifferent to the development of the nation and Northern Muslim elites are no different. They continue to pauperize the ordinary people for political gains and use their own ethnic group or co-­‐religionists -­‐ especially gangs of jobless youths – to wipe out rivals. This is an element we see clearly at work in the crises in Jos and its environments. This is also the place to mention the influence of radical Islam in Northern Nigeria. Poverty, corruption and bad governance in the eyes of ordinary Muslims are derived from Western types of government, education and values, culpable of the fore mentioned vices. They call for a radical different solution notably from Islam. (cf. Dowden p. 463, 454; Danjibo p. 17-­‐18; and see interview 20-­‐8-­‐2010/1; 21-­‐8-­‐2010/1) 6. Recommendations Muslims and Christians I spoke to recommend finding practical ways of living together and to share power and resources in a fair and equitable way. They recommend economic development in urban and rural areas, political representation at all government levels and enforcement of laws. They speak about respect for the different regional, ethnic and religious communities, protection of the dignity of religion and punition of instigators of violence. And they also point at the precondition of a government that is serious and honest at all levels, a government that brings togetherness and unity to the people, a government that develops policies and implements them into society and a government that involves the people in its projects and is transparent about economic benefits. In the crises in Jos and its environments, two problems common to Africa appear at the surface. The first is at the level of neighbor to neighbor: do we accept one another as fellow countrymen and are we prepared to share power and resources? It means an end to classification of groups on the basis of indigeneity, ethnicity and religion; and a development of the notion of individual citizenship. This requires a longstanding process of national integration and nation building. The second is at the level of ruled to rulers. Do rulers have the right to rule over the people and do the people accept their rule? This is a question of legitimacy. Is government for the benefit of all and does it foster political and economic development in which all can participate? Or does the state serve the ends of regional, ethnic and/or religious dominant groups as has been the case in Nigeria for so long? This requires the development of a viable political system. (cf. Turaki 1993, p. 258-­‐265) National integration, nation building and a workable political system means a readiness to change the present situation. It means a readiness to combat the difference between Muslim and non-­‐
Muslim, to combat the differences between the rich elite and the poor people and to combat poverty by developing the resources of the nation for the benefit of all! For this Nigerians should not 4 align along regional, ethnic or religious lines, but align along the line of those that foster a just and equitable society! (cf. Dowden p. 454) In this combat Christians and Muslims in Nigeria should examine their respective Scriptures for motivating elements to work together for the common good. (cf. Turaki 2010, p. 174) 7. Conclusion The source of the crises in Jos and its environments is religious in nature. It is rooted in the discrimination between Muslim and non-­‐Muslim based upon a specific reading of the Islamic notion of kuffar / kafir and its practical consequences through superiority, dominance and non-­‐integration of Muslims over / with non-­‐Muslims in the society of Northern Nigeria. The solution has to start from a threefold perspective: a. Religious: tribal-­‐religious identities of superiority/inferiority should be changed towards mutual respect, acceptance and equality, notably by a different reading in Muslim scriptures of Muslim and non-­‐Muslim relations. b. Political: Northern Muslim elites should use politics for the benefit of all and offer non-­‐
Muslim minorities a proportionate share in power. Plateau elites should do the reverse, but subsequent. c. Economical: federal, state and local governments should development available resources for the benefit of all. They should create opportunities especially for the youth and do so in a transparent and participatory way. This will not be easy because of the bad history of Muslim and non-­‐Muslim relations and vivid memories of slavery, inferiority and suppression. And it will not be easy because of the deep wounds and mistrust build up over years in the subsequent crises in Jos and its environments. I can only underline its urgent necessity for building a common future for the peoples of Northern Nigeria. 8. Bibliography Christianity Solidarity Worldwide (CSW): ‘Briefing Nigeria December 2009 Visit Report’; April 2010 [http://dynamic.csw.org.uk/article.asp?t=report&id=127&search=] Citizens Monitoring Group (CMG): ‘Plateau under Attack, Jos Crisis 2010, Eyewitness and Survivor Accounts; February 2010 [http://www.scribd.com/doc/28479137/Plateau-­‐Under-­‐Attack-­‐Jos-­‐Crisis-­‐
2010] Citizens Monitoring Group (CMG): Jos Crisis Update, No Peace without Truth and Justice; March 2010 Danfulani, Umar Habila Dadem: ‘The Jos Peace Conference and the Indigene/Settler Question’; draft text of presentation for seminar ‘Interreligious conflict in Nigeria’, March 2, 2006 Africa Study Center Leiden/University of Jos, Nigeria [http://www.ascleiden.nl/Pdf/paper-­‐Danfulani.pdf] Danjibo, N.D : Islamic Fundamentalism and Sectarian Violence: The “Maitatsine” and “Boko Haram” Crises in Northern Nigeria; Peace and Conflict Studies Program, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan; 2009. [http://www.ifra-­‐nigeria.org/IMG/pdf/N-­‐_D-­‐_DANJIBO_-­‐
_Islamic_Fundamentalism_and_Sectarian_Violence_The_Maitatsine_and_Boko_Haram_Crises_in_N
orthern_Nigeria.pdf] Dowden, Richard: ‘Look out World’ Chapter 16 in ‘Nigeria’ in Africa, Altered States, Ordinary Miracles, Portobello Books, Great Britain 2009 Magazine Blunt Truth: ‘The Jos Carnage, an Explosive Analysis of the Jihad Agenda on the Plateau’; Cover story in Vol. 2 no. 1 – 2009; Shekinah Prophetic Rhema Publications; Jos Nigeria. 5 Magazine Blunt Truth: ‘Ethnic and Religious Cleansing on the Plateau’; Cover story in Vol. 2. No. 1 – 2010; Shekinah Prophetic Rhema Publications; Jos Nigeria. Mulders, Arne: ‘Persecution of Christian in Jos (1)’ An analysis of the violence in Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria in 2010; Open Doors International; April 2010. Niki Tobi, Hon. Justice, Con: White paper Report of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the Civil Disturbances in Jos and its Environs in September 2001; Ministry of Information and Communications, Jos Plateau State, Nigeria; Government Printing Press, Jos, April 9, 2009 Ostien, Philip: ‘Jonah Jang and the Jasawa: Ethno-­‐Religious conflict in Jos, Nigeria; Sharia Debates in Africa, University of Bayreuth, August 2009 [http://www.sharia-­‐in-­‐
africa.net/media/publications/ethno-­‐religious-­‐conflict-­‐in-­‐Jos-­‐Nigeria/Ostien_Jos.pdf] Turaki, Yusuf: ‘The British Colonial Legacy in Northern Nigeria, a social Ethical Analysis of the Colonial and Post-­‐Colonial Society and Politics in Nigeria’; Challenge Press Nigeria, 1993 Turaki, Yusuf: ‘Tainted Legacy: Islam Colonialism and Slavery in Northern Nigeria’; Isaac Publishing USA, 2010 6