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292
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The World in the Age
of Western Dominance
In furtherance of the foregoing Appeal ... ­
the accompanying proposed protest is laid before
the readers of the Nineteenth Century, with the re­
quest that such ladies among them as agree with
it will be kind enough to sign the opposite page
and return it, when detached, to the Editor of this
Review....
Female Suffrage: A Women's Protest
The undersigned protest strongly against the
proposed Extension of the Parliamentar Fran­
chise to Women, which they believe w.
.a
measure distasteful to the great majori. y ,: ne
women of the country - unnecessarv - and
mischievous both to themselves and to .: (ltc
..........
Nationalism and Imperialism in the
Late Nineteenth Century
Nationalism, simply defined, is dedication to and identification with the interests,
purposes, and well-being of one's nation-state, a political entity consisting ideally
of individuals with a common language, history, and values. As such, nationalism
takes precedence over competing loyalties to religion, locality, and even family. No
other political force in modern history has matched its ability to inspire heroism
and self-sacrifice, both for good and ill.
Nationalism emerged during the French Revolution when the French people
transformed themselves from "subjects" to "citizens" by abolishing class privilege
and establishing a regime based on equality and popular sovereignty. When W:
broke out in 1792 between republican France and antirevolutionary Austria and
Prussia, previously apathetic Frenchmen eagerly volunteered to fight, and defense
of the Revolution became a national crusade. In 1792 and 1793 their patriotism
saved the revolution, and in the early 1800s it contributed to the stunning victories
of Napoleon that gave France control of most of Europe by 1810. French conquests
in turn aroused nationalism among Germans, Italians, Poles, and Russians, wh.:
fought to throw off French rule and establish self-government.
Although successful in defeating France on the battlefield, nationalists had their
hopes dashed in 1815 at the Congress of Vienna. Diplomats gave Norway to Swe­
den, Belgium to the Netherlands, and much of Italy to Austria; divided Poland
among Russia, Prussia, and Austria; lind kept Germany fragmented. But national­
ism could not be snuffed out by redrawing maps and making diplomatic compro­
mises. Strengthened by romanticism, Darwinist notions of competition and
struggle, economic rivalries, and popular journalism, nationalism intensified in the
nineteenth century, not only in areas of foreign rule and political fragmentation,
but also in long-established states such as Great Britain and France. It contributed
to some of the nineteenth century's most important political developments: the
revolutions of 1830 and 1848, the unification of Italy in 1870 and of Germany in
1871, runaway militarism among the Great Powers, the emergence of new states
in the Balkans, and what concerns us in this section, late-nineteenth-century
imperialism.
r
Chapter 8 The West in the Age ofIndustrialization and Imperialism
Unlike nationalism, a new historical phenomenon, European imperialism has a
history that goes back to the medieval crusades and the sixteenth-century con­
quests of the Americas. Europe's overseas expansion continued in the late eigh­
teenth and early nineteenth centuries despite the loss of American colonies by
France, Great Britain, Portugal, and Spain. The British extended their authority in
India, the F~ench subdued Algeria between 1830 and 1847, and the European
powers led by England forced China to open its ports to foreign trade after the
Opium War 0839-1842). Then in the closing decades' of the 1800s - the Era of
Imperialism - the long history of Western expansion culminated in an unprece­
dented and astounding land grab. Between 1870 and 1914 Great Britain added
4.25 million square miles of territory and 66 million people to its empire; France,
3.5 million square miles of territory and 26 million people; Germany, 1 million
square miles and 13 million people; and Belgium, 900,000 square miles and 13 mil­
lion people. Italy, the United States, and the Netherlands also added colonial terri­
tories and subjects.
These acquisitions were made possible by a number of key technological devel­
opments. The replacement of sailing vessels by metal-hulled steamships reduced
two-month ocean voyages to two weeks; undersea telegraph lines enabled govern­
ments and businessmen to communicate in seconds, not weeks or months; medical
advances and new drugs protected Europeans from diseases that flourished in
warm, humid climates; rapid-fire rifles and machine guns gave Western troops an
insurmountable advantage over any Africans or Asians who resisted the invaders
of their lands.
Technological capability alone, however, cannot explain the expansionist fever
that swept through the West in the late 1800s. Anticipated economic gains, mis­
sionary fervor, racism, and a faith in the West's civilizing mission all contributed.
But the most important cause was nationalism. Politicians, journalists, and mil­
lions of people from every walk of life were convinced that foreign conquests
brought respect, prestige, and a sense of national accomplishment. To have
colonies was a sure sign of Great Power status.
Racism, Militarism, and the New Nationa.lism
67 ... Heinrich von Treitschlee,
Extracts from HISTORY OF GERMANY
IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURYand
HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL WRITINGS
As nationalism grew in nineteenth-century Europe, it also changed. In the first half
of the century, when nationalists saw conservative monarchical governments as
the main obstacle to national self-determination, nationalism was linked to repub­
licanism and liberalism. During the middle of the century, especially in Germany
and Italy, nationalism was championed by pragmatic and moderate leaders who
believed that hard-headed politics, not romantic gestures and lofty republican
293
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The World in the Age of Western Dominance
ideals, would bring about national unification and independence from foreign
rule. By century's end nationalism was increasingly associated with conservative if
not reactionary groups that used it to justify large military outlays, imperialism,
and aggressive foreign policies. It also would lure the masses away from socialism
and democracy.
The German historian Heinrich von Treitschke (1834-1896) represents this later
link between nationalism and militarism, racism, and authoritarianism. The son of
a Prussian general, Treitschke taught history at several universities, including the
prestigious University of Berlin. He also was a member of the German representa­
tive assembly, the Reichstag, from 1871 to 1884. His best-known work is his seven­
volume History of Germany in the Nineteenth Century. In this and his numerous
other writings, lectures, and speeches, Treitschke acclaimed militarism, authoritar­
ianism, and war as the path to German greatness. His views struck a responsive
chord among many Germans who feared socialism and democracy and yearned for
the day when Germany would be recognized as the world's most powerful nation.
QUESTIONS FOR ANALYSIS
1. What, according to Treitschke, is the relationship between the state and the
individual?
2. Why, according to Treitschke, is monarchy superior to democracy?
3. What qualities of Germans set them apart from other peoples, especially the
English and the Jews, according to Treitschke?
4. Early nineteenth-century nationalists believed that all nations had a contribu­
tion to make to human progress. What is Treitschke's view?
5. What, according to Treitschke, is the value of war for a nation?
ON THE GERMAN CHARACTER
lish character. This seems to be due to the fact
that in England physical culture is sought, not in
Depth of thought, idealism, cosmopolitan views; ,
the exercise of noble arms, but in sports like box­
a transcendent philosophy which boldly over­
ing, swimming, and rowing, sports which un­
steps (or freely looks over) the separating barriers
doubtedly have their value, but which obviously
of finite existence, familiarity with every human
tend to encourage a brutal and purely athletic
thought and feeling, the desire to traverse the
point of view, and the single and superficial am­
world-wide realm of ideas in common with the
bition of getting a first prize.'
foremost intellects of all nations and all times.
All that has at all times been held to be charac­
teristic of the Germans and has always been'
ON THE STATE
praised as the essence of German character and
breeding.
The state is a moral community, which is called
The simple loyalty of the Germans contrasts upon to educate the human race by positive
remarkably with the lack of chivalry in the Eng- achievement. Its ultimate object is that a nation
"Ireirschke is correct in drawing a distinction between Eng­
lish and German sports. The English prized comperirive
athletic contests, while the Germans favored group calis­
thenics and exercises.
~
Chapter 8 The Westin the Age of Industrialization and Imperialism
should develop in it, a nation distinguished by a
real national character. To achieve this state is the
highest morai duty for nation and individual
alike. All private quarrels must be forgotten when
the state is in danger.
At the moment wh;n the state cries out that
its very life is at stake, social selfishness must
cease and party hatred be hushed. The individual
must forget his egoism, and feel that he is a
member of the whole body.
The most important possession of a state, its
be-all and end-all, is power. He who is not man
enough to look this truth in the face should not
meddle in politics. The state is not physical
power as an end in itself, it is power to protect
and promote the higher interests. Power must
justify itself by being applied for the greatest
good of mankind. It is the highest moral duty of
the state to increase its power. ...
Only the truly great and powerful states ought
to exist. Small states are unable to protect their
subjects against external enemies; moreover, they
are incapable of producing genuine patriotism or
national pride and are sometimes incapable of
Kultu? in great dimensions. Weimar produced a
Goethe and a Schiller;' still these poets would
have been greater had they been citizens of a Ger­
man national state.
295
appeal to the popular understanding. We Ger­
mans had an experience of this in the first years of
our new empire." How wonderfully the idea of a
united Fatherland was embodied for us in the
person of the venerable Emperor! How much it
meant to us that we could feel once more: "That
man is Germany; there is no doubting it!"
ON WAR
The will of the state is, in a monarchy, the expres­
sion of the will of one man who wears the crown
by virtue of the historic right of a certain family;
with him the final authority rests. Nothing in a
monarchy can be done contrary to the will of the
monarch. In a democracy, plurality, the will of
the people, expresses the will of the state. A
monarchy excels any other form of government,
including the democratic, in achieving unity and
power in a nation. It is for this reason that monar­
chy seems so natural, and that it makes such an
The idea of perpetual peace is an illusion sup­
ported only by those of weak character. It has al­
ways been the weary, spiritless, and exhausted
ages which have played with the dream of per­
petual peace. A thousand touching portraits tes­
tify to the sacred power of the love which a
righteous war awakes in noble nations. It is alto­
gether impossible that peace be maintained in a
world bristling with arms, and even God will see
to it that war always recurs as a drastic medicine
for the human race. Among great states the
greatest political sin and the most contemptible
is feebleness....
War is elevating because the individual disap­
pears before the great conception of the state.
The devotion of the members of a community to
each other is nowhere so splendidly conspicuous
as in war.
Modern wars are not waged for the sake of
goods and resources. What is at stake is the sub­
lime moral good of national honor, which has
something in the nature of unconditional sancti­
ty, and compels the individual to sacrifice himself
for it. ...
The grandeur of war lies in the utter annihila­
tion of puny man in the great conception of the
State, and it brings out the full magnificence of
the sacrifice of fellow-countrymen for one anoth­
er. In war the chaff is winnowed from the wheat.
Those who have lived through 1870 cannot fail
to understand Niebuhr's? description of his feel­
ings in 1813, when he speaks of how no one who
'German for culture or civilization.
3Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832) and Johann
von Schiller (1759-1805) were poers and dramatists who
lived before Germany became a unified state. They both
spent much of their adult lives in Weimar, the capital of the
Duchy of Saxe-Weimar.
'When Germany became a unified stare in 1871, the king of
Prussia, William I, became emperor of Germany.
ON MONARCHY
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The World in the Age of Western Dominance
has entered into the joy of being bound by a com­
mon tie to all his compatriots, gentle and simple
alike, can ever forget how he was uplifted by the
love, the friendliness, and the strength of that
mutual sentiment.
It is war which fosters the political idealism
which the materialist rejects. What a disaster for
civilization it would be if mankind blotted its
heroes from memory. The heroes of a nation are
the figures which rejoice and inspire the spirit of
its youth, and the writers whose words ring like
trumpet blasts become the idols of our boyhood
and our early manhood. He who feels no answer­
ing thrill is unworthy to bear arms for his coun­
try. To appeal from this judgment to Christianity
would be sheer perversity, for does not the Bible
distinctly say that the ruler shall rule by the
sword, and again that greater love hath no man
than to lay down his life for his friend? To Aryan?
races, who are before all things courageous, the
foolish preaching of everlasting peace has always
been in vain. They have always been man enough
to maintain with the sword what they have at­
tained through the spirit....
English cowardice and sensuality are hidden be­
hind unctuous, theological fine talk which is to
us free-thinking German heretics among all the
sins of English nature the most repugnant. In
England all notions of honor and class prejudices
vanish before the power of money, whereas the
German nobility has remained poor but chival­
rous. That last indispensable bulwark against the
brutalization of society - the duel - has gone
out of fashion in England and soon disappeared,
to be supplanted by the riding whip." This was a
triumph of vulgarity. The newspapers, in their
accounts of aristocratic weddings, record in exact
detail how much each wedding guest has con­
tributed in the form of presents or in cash; even
the youth of the nation have turned their sports
into a business, and contend for valuable prizes,
whereas the German students wrought havoc on
their countenances for the sake of a real or imagi­
nary honor."
ON JEWS
The hypocritical Englishman, with the Bible in
one hand and a pipe of opium' in the other, pos­
sesses no redeeming qualities. The nation was an
ancient robber-knight, in full armor, lance in
hand, on every one of the world's trade routes.
The English possess a commercial spirit, a love
of money which has killed every sentiment of
honor and every distinction of right and wrong.
The Jews at one time played a necessary role in
German history, because of their ability in the
management of money. But now that the Aryans
have become accustomed to the idiosyncrasies of
finance, the Jews are no longer necessary. The in­
ternational Jew, hidden in the mask of different
nationalities, is a disintegrating influence; he can
be of no further use to the world. It is necessary
to speak openly about the Jews, undisturbed by
the fact that the Jewish press befouls what is
purely historical truth.
SBarrhold Georg Niehuh r (177 6-1 11'\ 1) was a Pruss ian civil
servant and historian, He Iecrured for a time at the Univer­
sity of Berlin and is best known for his three-volume history
of Rome.
GToday, the term Aryan, or Indo-Iranian, refers to a branch of
the Indo-European family oflanguages, which also includes
Baltic, Slavic, Armenian, Greek, Celtic, Latin, and German­
ic. Indo-Iranian includes Bengali, Persian, Punjabi, and
Hindi. In Treitschke's day Aryan was used not only to refer
to the prehistoric language from which all these languages
derive but also to the racial group that spoke the language
and migrated from its base in central Asia to Europe and
India in the distant past. In the racial mythology that grew
in connection with the term and later was .ernbraced by
Hitler and the Nazis, the Aryans provided Europe's original
racial stock.
"Ireirschke is making a point about what he considers the
hypocrisy of the British, professed Christians who nonethe­ less sell opium to the Chinese. I
"Aristocratic males frequently settled disputes concerning
their honor by dueling. To Treitschke, abandoning the duel
for less manly pursuits such as hunting and horseback riding
was a sign of decadence.
"Treitschke is again using examples from sports to under­ score the differences between the Germans and English.
English sports such as rugby and football (American soccer)
were organized into professional leagues; the Germans were
still willing to be scarred in duels to defend their honor.
ON THE ENGLISH
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