University of Pennsylvania
ScholarlyCommons
Departmental Papers (NELC)
Department of Near Eastern Languages and
Civilizations (NELC)
10-2013
African Colonial States
Heather J. Sharkey
University of Pennsylvania, [email protected]
Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.upenn.edu/nelc_papers
Part of the African History Commons, Diplomatic History Commons, European History
Commons, Labor History Commons, and the Political History Commons
Recommended Citation (OVERRIDE)
Sharkey, H. J. (2013). African colonial states. In J. Parker & R. Reid (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of modern African history (pp.
151-170). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. http://repository.upenn.edu/nelc_papers/18
For more information, please contact [email protected].
African Colonial States
Abstract
This chapter sketches a history of European colonial states in Africa, north and south of the Sahara, during the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It explains when and why colonial states emerged, what they did, how
they worked, and who shaped them. Noting discrepancies between the theory and practice of colonial
administration, the chapter shows that colonial administration was far more diffuse and less closely
coordinated than official discourses of governance suggested. The performance of colonialism involved a wide
range of actors: not only European military and civilian elites and African chiefs, but also African translators
and tax collectors, as well as European forestry experts, missionaries, anthropologists, and settlers. The chapter
also considers debates over reconciling the violence and exploitation of colonial states with their claims to,
and aspirations for, social development in Africa, particularly in light of their relationship to the postcolonial
states that succeeded them.
Keywords
colonialism, imperialism, nationalism, postcolonialism, development, labour control, colonial states, colonial
conquests, migration
Disciplines
African History | Diplomatic History | European History | Labor History | Political History
This book chapter is available at ScholarlyCommons: http://repository.upenn.edu/nelc_papers/18
African Colonial States
OxfordHandbooksOnline
AfricanColonialStates HeatherJ.Sharkey
TheOxfordHandbookofModernAfricanHistory
EditedbyJohnParkerandRichardReid
PrintPublicationDate: Oct2013
OnlinePublicationDate: Dec
2013
Subject: History,AfricanHistory
DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199572472.013.0008
AbstractandKeywords
ThischaptersketchesahistoryofEuropeancolonialstatesinAfrica,northandsouthoftheSahara,duringthenineteenth
andtwentiethcenturies.Itexplainswhenandwhycolonialstatesemerged,whattheydid,howtheyworked,andwho
shapedthem.Notingdiscrepanciesbetweenthetheoryandpracticeofcolonialadministration,thechaptershowsthat
colonialadministrationwasfarmorediffuseandlesscloselycoordinatedthanofficialdiscoursesofgovernance
suggested.Theperformanceofcolonialisminvolvedawiderangeofactors:notonlyEuropeanmilitaryandcivilianelites
andAfricanchiefs,butalsoAfricantranslatorsandtaxcollectors,aswellasEuropeanforestryexperts,missionaries,
anthropologists,andsettlers.Thechapteralsoconsidersdebatesoverreconcilingtheviolenceandexploitationof
colonialstateswiththeirclaimsto,andaspirationsfor,socialdevelopmentinAfrica,particularlyinlightoftheir
relationshiptothepostcolonialstatesthatsucceededthem.
Keywords:colonialism,imperialism,nationalism,postcolonialism,development,labourcontrol,colonialstates,colonialconquests,migration.
INFebruary2005,theNationalAssemblyofFrancepassedalawthatasserted‘thepositiveroleoftheFrenchpresence
abroad,especiallyinNorthAfrica’,whiledirectingeducatorstoundertakethe‘positivepresentationof[French]
colonialism’toschoolchildren.Ayearlater,France’spresident,JacquesChirac,repealedthislawinanefforttodefuse
whathistorianBenjaminStoracalledthe‘dangerouswarofmemories’,whichthreatenedtorupturediplomaticrelations
betweenFranceanditsformersettlercolony,Algeria.1IfanyonehadthoughtthatthehistoryofEuropeanimperialism
andcolonialruleinAfricawasdecided,thenthisepisodeandthepublicdebateitgeneratedquicklydispelledthatidea.
Amongprofessionalhistorianstoo,debatesaboutthenatureofcolonialruleinAfricahavecontinuedtosimmer.Writing
in1990fortheUNESCO-sponsoredGeneralHistoryofAfrica,thedistinguishedGhanaianhistorianAduBoahenargued
that‘thecolonialrulershadoneprincipalendinview,theruthlessexploitationoftheresourcesofAfricaforthesole
benefitofcolonialpowersandtheirmercantile,mining,andfinancialcompaniesinthemetropolitancountries’.By
contrast,RolandOliverandJ.D.Fage,whohelpedtoestablishtheacademicfieldofAfricanhistoryinBritain,portrayed
colonialrulemorebenignly.Alsowritingin1990,theysuggestedthatcolonialgovernmentshadaimedto‘maintainpeace
andtheruleoflaw’and,fromthe1920s,tofulfiltheirgrowingsenseof‘moralobligation’todevelopAfricansocieties.2
Despitethesedifferencesofinterpretation,BoahenandOliverandFagesharedbasicassumptionsabouthowcolonial
statesworked.Theyassumed,first,thatEuropeanswerecolonizers,thatAfricanswerecolonized,andthatthe
distinctionsbetweenthemwereclear.Theyassumed,second,thatcolonialstatesformulatedandappliedpolicieswitha
highdegreeofcoherence,sothatthetheoryandpracticeofruleconverged.
RecentscholarshipinAfricanhistorysuggestsamorecomplexpicture.Manymorepeople—andmorekindsofpeople—
thanpreviouslyassumedwereinvolvedinshapingcolonialstates:notonlyAfricanchiefsandEuropeanmilitarymenand
civilianelites(suchasBritishDistrictOfficersandFrenchcommandantsdecercle),butalso,forexample,African
translators,schoolteachers,andtaxcollectors,aswellasEuropeanforestry(p.152) experts,missionaries,and
anthropologists.Viewedinthisway,thelinesbetweencolonizedandcolonizerlookblurrier.Likewise,colonial
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African Colonial States
administrationwasfarmorediffuseandlesscloselycoordinatedthanofficialdiscoursesofgovernancesuggested,sothat
colonialstatesexertedtheirconsiderablepowerinwaysthatwereoftenarbitrary,variable,andcontingentondecisions
madebyindividualsinlocalsettings.IncitiessuchasParis,Brussels,andLondon,orConakry,Léopoldville(Kinshasa),
andKhartoum,theostensiblearchitectsofcolonialpolicieshadlessinfluenceovercolonialstatecraft,aspractisedonthe
ground,thantheyeitherwantedorknew.Inshort,ashistoriansreachdeepintothecolonialarchivesofformerimperial
powersandofAfricanstates,theynowrealizethattheday-to-dayarticulationofcolonialismwasmorecomplicatedthan
oncethought:‘moreamultitudeofdiscordantvoicesthanthemonotonousdroneofimperialhegemony’.3
ThischaptersketchesahistoryofcolonialstatesinAfrica,explainingwhenandwhytheyemerged,whattheydid,how
theyworked,andwhomadethemwhattheywere.Atthesametime,itaimstoexplainthehistoriographyofcolonial
states;thatis,thedifferentwaysthathistorianshaveinterpretedtheirnature,theirimpact,andtheirlegacies.
TheCreationofColonialStates
Duringtheclosingyearsofthenineteenthcenturyandopeningyearsofthetwentieth,sevenEuropeancountriesclaimed
territoriesinAfricaanddevisedadministrationswithinthem.ThesewereBritain,France,Germany,Belgium(initially
throughKingLeopold’sprivateinitiative),Portugal,Spain,andItaly.Fordecades,historianshavedescribedthis
expansionastheresultofa‘newimperialism’,whichstoodincontrastwithEurope’s‘old’imperialismshapedby
maritimetradeintheAtlanticandIndianOceanworldsandwhicharosefromnewmotives.Theseincludedadesireto
enhancenationalprestige,toguaranteeaccesstoAfricanrawmaterialsandmarketsforEuropeanindustrialgoods,and
tocontrolstrategicconcernssuchaswaterways.Forcitizensofcolonizingcountries,Africancolonialstatesalsooffered
prospectsofemployment,adventure,Christianendeavour,andpersonalgain.Thus,Europeangovernments,
corporations,missions,andindividualsfoundstakesinthecolonialenterprise.YetAfricansseizedorcreated
opportunities,too,andintheprocesspushedthehistoryofcolonialstatesdownunexpectedpaths.
Thecolonialpartition,theso-calledScrambleforAfrica,ishardtodateprecisely,butprecipitatingeventsincluded
France’soccupationofTunisiain1881andBritain’soccupationofEgyptin1882.OttovonBismarck,chancellorofthe
newlyunifiedGermany,wasconcernedaboutthislandgrab,buteageralsotogetashareofthebooty.ThusBismarck
calledameetinginBerlinandinvitedrepresentativesofEuropeanstatesthatwerevyingforAfricanterritories.Ultimately,
theBerlinConferenceof1884–5regulatedthisfree-for-all.Contestantsagreedtorecognizethespheresofinfluence
thatsomestateswerealreadyclaimingoreyeing,andagreed,too,thatcountriescouldonly(p.153) confirmtheirhold
onterritoriesbydemonstrating‘effectiveoccupation’;thatis,bydevelopinginfrastructuresforcolonialrule.Thelatter
provisionchangedthenatureofEuropeanimperialisminAfrica.Henceforth,Europeanpowersinsistedontheirrightand
needtoimposestrongcentralizedruleovercolonies,andpresumedauthoritytodictatepoliciesandextracttaxeswithin
theirborders.Atthesametime,theyinvokeda‘civilizingmission’tojustifytheiractions,claimingtospreadreligious
values,rationalthought,liberty,justice,andothergloriousabstractions.
ToappreciatethedifferencebetweentheoldandnewimperialisminAfrica,onecancitePortugal,whichclaimeda
longerhistoryofengagementinthecontinentthananyotherpartytotheScramble.In1415,Portugalcolonizedthe
enclaveofCeuta(nowclaimedbySpain,butsurroundedbyMorocco).ItdidthesameinGuinea(nowGuinea-Bissau)in
1446,theCapeVerdeIslandsin1462,andtheislandsofFernandoPóandAnnobón(nowpartofEquatorialGuinea)in
1472.PortuguesemerchantsandlatercharteredcompaniesestablishedtradingenclavesalongAfrica’ssouth-western
andsouth-easterncoasts.ThishistoryenabledPortugal,aftertheBerlinConference,tostakeclaimstowhatbecame
AngolaandMozambique,andtoestablishrulinginfrastructureswithintheirinteriors.Likewise,Spanishcolonialismin
AfricatooknewturnsaftertheScramble,asSpanishGuinea(EquatorialGuinea)shows.In1778,throughanexchange
withPortugalforlandinAmerica,SpainclaimedtheislandofFernandoPóalongwithcommercialrightstotheadjacent
coastalenclaveofRíoMuni.FordecadesSpainlooselyadministeredthisterritoryfromArgentina,inanarrangementthat
attestedtothebondsofempirestretchingacrosstheAtlantic.Yet,itwasonlyin1904(afull126yearsafterPortugal
cededcontrol,andtwentyyearsaftertheBerlinConference)thatSpainbegantocoordinateanadministrationinthis
territory,andonlyby1927thatitbegantogoverneffectivelySpanishGuinea’smainlandinterior.
Europeantechnologicaladvancesenabledthisnewimperialism:medicinalquinine(foravertingmalaria,therebyenabling
Europeanstosurviveinthetropics),rapid-firingriflesandmachineguns,steamships,theSuezCanal(openedin1869),
submarinetelegraphcables,railways,andmacadamizedroads(thelastallowingfortransportofgoodsbylorry).New
image-andtext-producingtechnologies,suchascamerasandtypewriters(withtheirpotentialforcarboncopiesand
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African Colonial States
mimeographs)becameindispensable,too,astheyenabledcolonialstatestorecord,classify,andpublicize,toconduct
surveillanceandgatherintelligence,andtoregisterandenshrinepropertyrights.Innovationscontinuedinthetwentieth
century,withadvancesinauditorydevicessuchasradios.Meanwhile,inmilitarytechnology,Italyintroducedaeroplanes
asanewtoolofempire,droppinghand-heldbombsonArabencampmentsduringits1911battletowrestLibyafromthe
OttomanEmpire.LaterotherEuropeanpowersinAfrica(suchasBritaininthesouthernSudan)alsoengagedinaerial
bombardment,inanattemptto‘pacify’peoplewhorefusedtosubmittocolonialcontrol.
Italy’sinvasionofLibyain1911presentsoneconventionalend-datefortheScrambleforAfrica;France’simpositionofa
militaryprotectorateoverMoroccoin1912another.H.L.Wesselinghasrecentlyargued,however,thattheFrench
seizureofMoroccowasamereepiloguetotheScramble,andthatthePeaceofVereeniging,which(p.154) ended
theSouthAfricanWarof1899to1902,wastherealwatershedforitsclosure.4ThefinaldefeatbyBritishimperialforces
ofthetwoindependentsettlerrepublicsestablishedbyAfrikaans-speakingagriculturalistsor‘Boers’securedBritish
controloverallofSouthAfricaandhencemercantileaccesstothegoldminesoftheTransvaal.AcriticalfigureinBritish
imperialexpansionwithinsouthernAfricawasthediamondmagnateCecilRhodes,afterwhomthetwoBritish
‘Rhodesias’,NorthernandSouthern(nowZambiaandZimbabwe)werenamed.TheBritisheconomistJ.A.Hobson
(1858–1940),whocoveredtheSouthAfricanWarfortheManchesterGuardian,wassurelythinkingofRhodeswhenhe
wrotehisbrilliantanalysisandscathingindictmenttitledImperialism.‘Finance’,wroteHobsonin1902,‘manipulatesthe
patrioticforceswhichpoliticians,soldiers,philanthropists,andtradersgenerate’,therebyservingasmotorsofimperial
expansion.5
Attheopposite,northernextremeofthecontinentlaytheFrenchwhitesettlerstateofAlgeria.Asacasestudyinthe
historyofcolonialexpansioninAfrica,Algeriawasalsosomewhatexceptional,becauseitsinitialconquestin1830
predatedtheScramblebysomefiftyyears.Yetinotherwaysitsexperienceswereemblematicoftrendselsewherein
Africa—apointthatFrantzFanon(1925–61),theMartinique-born‘psychopathologistofcolonialism’stronglyemphasized.
LikeSouthAfrica,Kenya,andSouthernRhodesia,Algeriabecameasettlercolony,althoughinthiscaseFrench
authoritieswelcomedEuropeansnotonlyfrommainlandFrancebutalsofromMalta,Corsica,Sicily,andmainlandItaly.
Asasettlersociety,Algeriadevelopedaclearhierarchyofprivilege,whichrecognizedEuropeanChristiansascitizens
butsubjectedthemajorityArabic-andBerber-speakingMuslimstoaseriesofharshpenalties,commonlyknownasthe
indigénat,whichFrancelaterexportedtoallitscoloniesinWestandCentralAfrica.Algeria’sharshcolonialsystem
explodedin1954intoastruggleforliberationthatendedwithFrenchwithdrawalin1962andwiththe‘repatriation’of
onemillionholdersofFrenchcitizenship(manyofwhomhadneverseen,orhadnoknownancestralconnectionsto
France).
FourcountriesstandoutasanomalouscasesinthishistoryofAfricancolonialstates.ThefirstwasLiberia,whichhad
beencolonizedfromthe1820sbyAfricanAmericanswhohadbeenfreedfromslaveryintheUnitedStatesandwho
declaredindependencein1847withhelpfromtheAmericanColonizationSociety.ThesecondwasEthiopia,which
retainedindependence—anditsOrthodoxChristianmonarchy—largelybyjugglingthedemandsofcompetingEuropean
players,amongwhomwereinfluentialcadresofmerchantsandmissionaries.However,in1935–6,Italy—bythenunder
theleadershipofFascistdictatorBenitoMussolini—conqueredEthiopia,butheldthecountryforonlyfiveyears.Thethird
casewasSouthAfrica,whichemergedin1910asatenseunionofBritish-andAfrikaner-dominatedregionsthatapplied
racialpoliciesempowering‘whites’andrestrictingtherightsof‘natives’or‘blacks’,aswellas‘coloureds’(mixed
heritagepeople)andpeopleofIndianorigin.ThefourthwastheAnglo-EgyptianSudan,whichfrom1898hadapeculiar
statusasa‘condominium’,orshareddomain,ofBritainandEgypt.EgyptitselfhadclaimstoSudaneseterritorythatdated
froma‘Turco-Egyptian’conquestin1820,althoughSudaneseMuslimfightershadoustedtheEgyptiancolonizersinthe
early1880s.
(p.155) ThebordersthatemergedfromtheScramblewereoftenarbitrary.Somereflectedpriorclaims,whileothers
weresetthroughthetradingoffavours.Forexample,BritainsecuredpartsofnorthernNigeriarelativetoFrance’s
NigerinreturnforrecognizingFrenchfishingrightsofftheNewfoundlandcoast.6 In1911,Franceagreedtothe
extensionofGermanCameroonbygivingittwopiecesofterritoryalongitssouthernandeasternfringes;inreturn,
GermanyrecognizedFrance’sfreereininMorocco.Evenwhenofficialssoughttorevisefrontiersinlightofphysicaland
culturaltopographies,theresultsweresometimeswhimsical.In1913,forexample,Britainsentmentotweakthe
bordersoftwoBritish-controlledterritories,theSudanandUganda,withdirectionstoaccountfortheflowofNilewaters
andtheintegrityofAfrican‘tribes’.CaptainKelly,theBritishofficerwhocamefromtheSudansideandwhoclearlyfelta
senseofteamloyalty,contemplatedsecuringtwoparticularcommunitiesofAcholipeoplefortheSudanbecause‘their
fondnessforclothesandsuchmarksofcivilisationasbrassbands’madethem‘progressive’andthus‘worthhaving’.7The
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African Colonial States
mostsignificantreorganizationofcolonialjurisdictionwastheconfiscationofGermany’soverseasempirefollowingits
defeatintheFirstWorldWar.ItsfourAfricancolonies,Togo,Cameroon,GermanEastAfrica(nowTanzania,Rwanda,
andBurundi),andGermanSouth-WestAfrica(Namibia),wereapportionedbytheLeagueofNationsas‘mandates’
underBritish,French,Belgian,and,inthecaseofSouth-WestAfrica,SouthAfricanstewardship.
ColonialStatesinTheoryandPractice
ArecurringthemeinthehistoryofAfrica’scolonialstatesisthattheydidnotemerge,develop,orfunctioninisolation.
FrederickLugard(1858–1945)wasoneofthemostimportantplayersintheBritishEmpireduringtheageofnew
imperialism.SoextensivewashiscareerthathisbiographerlaterchronicleditintwoheftyvolumessubtitledTheYearsof
AdventureandTheYearsofAuthority.8BorninIndia,LugardattendedtheRoyalMilitaryAcademyatSandhurst.Hewent
ontoserveincampaignsinAfghanistan,theSudan,Nyasaland(Malawi),andBurma,torepresentBritishcommercial
interestsinexploratoryexpeditionsineasternandsouthernAfrica,andtoholdappointmentsasMilitaryAdministratorof
Uganda,HighCommissionerofNorthernNigeria,GovernorofHongKong,andGovernorofNigeria.Lugard’sNigerian
yearswerethemostimportantofhiscareer.Huge,populous,andrichlydiverseinculturesandterrains,Nigeria
providedalaboratoryforexperimentsin‘indirectrule’,amethodandphilosophyofadministrationthatLugardlater
describedinhisfamousTheDualMandateinBritishTropicalAfrica(1922).
Indirectrulemeantidentifyingandcultivatinglocalchiefsandotherhereditaryrulers,andthenusingthemas
intermediariesincolonialgovernance.AsdescribedbyLugard,indirectruleworkedfromthepremisethatBritain
possesseda‘dualmandate’to,ontheonehand,colonizeterritoriesandextractwealthfromthemand,ontheother,to
helpbackwardpeoplestoprogress.Indeed,Lugardheldstrongviews(p.156) aboutAfricansas‘primitives’and‘child
racesoftheworld’,‘forwhosewelfareweareresponsible’.9 Athirdassumptionaboutindirectrulerestedonthe
romantic,ifdelusional,premisethatBritaincouldpreserve‘authentic’and‘traditional’localcultureswhileshielding
Africansfrommodernconditions.Alongtheselines,Lugardwrotewithcontemptabout‘EuropeanisedAfricans’—whom
otherscalled‘detribalizedblacks’—andstressedtheneedtoavoidmakingmoreofthem.Throughskilfuladministration,
Lugardsuggested,itwouldbepossibleforBritaintogetrichoffAfrica,reformandsaveAfricans,butstoptheclockon
change.HiswritinginspiredagenerationofBritishcolonialcareerists,whilehismodelofindirectrulebecameBritain’s
pan-Africanpolicy,evenifBritishcolonialstatesappliedtheideadifferentlyfromregiontoregion.
Francehaditsownloftyidealsforcolonialrule,attheheartofwhichwastheso-calledmissioncivilisatrice,orcivilizing
mission.ItsgoalwastopropagatethebestofFrenchculturealongwiththerationalistandlibertarianvaluesderiving
fromtheEnlightenmentandFrenchRevolution.Before1914especially,Frenchcolonialauthoritiesemphasizedavision
ofcivilizationthatwould‘improvetheirsubjects’standardoflivingthroughtherationaldevelopment,orwhattheFrench
calledthemiseenvaleur,ofthecolonies’naturalandhumanresources’by,forexample,buildingrailroads,improving
publichygiene,andpromotingjusticethroughtheapplicationoflaw.10 IncontrastwiththeBritish,Frenchauthorities
tendedtoeliminatechiefswhogotintheirwayandfeltlittlesentimentalityaboutprotecting‘tradition’.AlsounlikeBritish
authorities,whosupportedortoleratedthepolicyofChristianmissionaryschoolsinusingAfricanvernacularsasmedia
forinstruction,FrenchcolonialauthoritiespromotedFrench—theproverbiallinguafranca—consistentlythroughouttheir
domains.Frenchcolonialpolicyalsopromoted‘assimilation’(suggestinglarge-scaleadoptionofFrenchways),orinits
modifiedform,‘association’(implyingpartialacculturation).ItalsorecognizedatinynumberofeducatedAfricanswho
embracedtheFrenchlanguageandFrenchwaysasévolués(‘evolvedones’),andgrantedthemadegreeofcitizenship.
In1936,only2,000outofsome14millionFrenchWestAfricansenjoyedévoluéstatus,notincludingthe80,000African
inhabitantsofthefouroldcoastalcommunesofSenegal,towhichFrancehadawardedspecialprivilegesin1848.11
In1925,thedistinguishedanthropologistLucienLévy-Bruhl,whoseinstituteofethnologyattheUniversityofParis
dependedoncolonialsubsidies,explainedtheimportanceofrationalstudytocolonialrule.‘Whenacolonyincludes
peopleswithacivilizationinferiorto,orverydifferentfrom,ourown,competentethnologistsmaybejustasurgently
requiredascompetentengineers,forestersorphysicians.’Nativepopulations,hecontinued,wereascriticalasnatural
resourceslikeminesandforestsinaccountingforacolony’swealth,andrequiredinventoriesintheformof‘precise,indepthknowledgeof…languages,religions,andsocialforms’.12AlthoughLévy-BruhlwaswritingwithFrenchterritoriesin
mind,hisobservationsapplyequallytothoseofotherEuropeanpowersinAfrica,whichemphasizedtheirrationalismasa
justificationforcolonialrule.Byencouragingthescholarlyanalysisofeverythingfromfolktalesandmarriagecustomsto
nativeflowersandendemicdiseases,colonialpowerssoughttodemonstratemasterytothemselvesandtoothers
throughtheproductionofknowledge.(p.157) Inthisway,too,academicdisciplinessuchasanthropologyandtropical
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African Colonial States
medicinebecameindebtedtothecolonialstatesthatfosteredthemduringthelatenineteenthandearlytwentieth
centuries.
AllcolonialpowersinAfricadesiredtoextractprofitsfromcoloniesandtokeepthecostsofadministrationincheck.For
Germany,thehistorianHans-UlrichWehlerhasargued,money-makingwasparticularlyimportant,asBismarckhopedthat
economicsuccessandopportunitiesabroadwouldserveasareleasevalveforrisingsocialpressuresathome.German
coloniesinAfricabecame‘anintegrativeforceinarecentlyfoundedstatewhichlackedstabilisinghistoricaltraditionsand
whichwasunabletoconcealitssharpclassdivisions’.13Italy,too,wasanewlyunifiedstatethathopedtomakemoneyin
Africa,whileexportingsurpluspopulationassettlers.ForItaly,aftertheconquestofLibyain1911–12,thehistorical
romanceofAfricancolonizationwasalsocritical,sinceitallowedfortheproliferationofnationalistfantasiesabout
revivingtheRomanEmpireonbothshoresoftheMediterranean.
InGermancolonies,theCongoFreeState,Portuguese,Spanish,andItalianterritories,andsomeFrenchandBritish
domains,policy-makershopedtopasscostsofadministrationtoprivatecompaniesinaprocessthatonemightdescribe
asthesubcontractingofcolonialrule.Examplesofcompaniesthatbenefitedfromsucharrangementsincludethe
PortugueseCompanhiadeMoçambique,theGermanDeutscheKolonialgesellschaftfü rSü dwest-Afrika,andtheBelgian
CompagnieduCongoBelge.Companiesjustifiedterritorialclaimsandmaintainedorder;inreturntheygainedaccessto
labourandprofits.Christianmissionariesalsofeaturedasproxiesinthismodelofcolonialstatecraft.Authoritieshoped
thatmissionarieswouldprovidewelfareservices(suchasclinicsforthesick),openschoolstotrainAfricansasworkers
andcolonialservants,andbolsterthemorallegitimacyofcolonialism.Inreturn,thetheorywent,missionariesgained
accesstosouls.
Yettheorydivergedfrompracticeinmanifoldways.Financially,colonialstatesseldommadetheprofitsforwhich
Europeangovernmentsandcompanieshadhoped;thatis,profitssufficienttocoverthecostsofadministrationandthen
some.Certainregionshadmoretradingpotentialthanothers,dependinguponarangeofenvironmentalandhuman
factorsincludingthepresenceofexploitablerawmaterials,cashcrops,andworkers.Eventually,Francefoundan
accountingtricktooffsetitscostsaswellastheregionalvariationsinwealthbymakingitsrichestcolonies,suchasCôte
d’IvoireandGabon,subsidizethepoorest,suchasHaute-Volta(UpperVolta,nowBurkinaFaso)andOubangui-Chari
(CentralAfricanRepublic).Commercially,bigfirmswereexpectedtobehaveinwaysthatwouldfostersocialand
economicstability,butcompanieswereoftenrapacious.ThiswasparticularlysointherainforestsofBelgian-and
French-ruledequatorialAfrica,whereinthe1890sand1900s,so-calledconcessionarycompanieshell-bentonthe
extractionofrubberinordertoturnaquickprofitinflictedwidespreadandsystematicviolenceuponvillagecommunities.
WhennewsofatrocitiesintheCongoFreeStateleakedout,theresultwastheriseofmoderninternationalhumanrights
activismintheformoftheCongoReformAssociationand,in1908,thehandingofKingLeopold’spersonalfiefdomover
totheBelgianstate.
(p.158) Intermsofgovernance,Liberté,égalité,fraternitémayhavereignedathome,butinFrance’sAfricanempire
despotismwasreallytheking,withtheresultthatcoloniallawinpracticeamountedtoakindof‘rulebydecree,enacted
inoftenarbitraryandsometimesspectacularpunishments’.14Meanwhile,BritishrulersdidnotmerelypreserveAfrican
chiefdomsandcustoms;insomecasestheyinventedthem,oratleastassembledthemfromajumbleofparts,whilein
othercasesAfricanchiefsinventedorreinventedthemselves.15AssessingFrenchcolonialpracticeinlightofthehigh
idealsofcolonialrhetoric,onehistorianhasconcludedthatFrenchcolonizationintheearlytwentiethcenturyfunctioned
largelyas‘anactofstate-sanctionedviolence’.16 Yetviolencehasarguablyremainedadefiningfeatureofallstatesin
history,notonlythosethathavearisenincolonies.TheGermansociologistMaxWeber(1864–1920)famouslydefined
thestateasan‘institutionalassociationofrule’(Herrschaftsverband),endowedwithaterritorialentity,that‘laysclaimto
themonopolyoflegitimatephysicalviolence’intheenforcementofitsorder.17BuildingonWeber,othershavedefined
thestatemorerecentlyas‘anadministrativeapparatuswhereadministrationmeanstheextractionofresources,control,
andcoercion,andmaintenanceofthepolitical,legal,andnormativeorderinsociety’.18ThecolonialstatesofAfrica
certainlyclaimedmonopoliesofviolence,intheWeberiansenseoftheterm.Colonialstateswereeconomicaswellas
politicalenterprises,oftencommittedtotheextractionofnaturalresources,tothedevelopmentoftrade,andintheview
ofcriticslikeVladimirLenin(1870–1924),whowroteafamoustreatiseagainstimperialismin1916,tothepromotionof
privatebusinessinterestsintheformof‘cartelsandmonopolies’.19
Ofcourse,empiresarestates,too,eveniftheyareoftengiantsinrelationtoindividualcolonies.AsJaneBurbankand
FrederickCooperhaverecentlynoted,empiresarehighlystratifiedstates,‘self-consciouslymaintainingthediversityof
peoplethey[have]conqueredandincorporated’.Atthesametime,empiresarepopulatedbyhistoricalactorswhoare
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African Colonial States
constantly‘pushingandtuggingonrelationshipswiththoseaboveandbelowthem,changingbutonlysometimes
breakingthelinesofauthorityandpower’.20 Historiansarenowmakingsimilarclaimsaboutthetug-and-pullofauthority
andthediffusionofpowerwithinAfrica’scolonialstates.
Work,Control,andCoercion
Collectingtaxeswasaparamountconcernofcolonialstates.Sowascontrollinglabour.Colonialruledependedon
Africanlabourtobuildandtomaintaininfrastructure,fromroads,railways,bridges,andtelegraphlinestogovernment
officesandrest-houses.Colonialsourcesemphasizedtheimportanceofmalelabour,butinmanyplaceswomenwere
alsoinvolved.Earlytwentieth-centuryphotographsfromtheSudan,forexample,showlargelyfemalecrewsengagedin
thehardphysicallabourofdiggingNiledams.Inresponsetotheseneedsfor‘manpower’,colonialstatesimposed
variousdemandsforcompulsorylabour.TheserangedfromtwelvedaysayearinFrenchcoloniesto(p.159) forty
hoursaweekintheCongoFreeStatefrom1903to1908(subsequentlyrevisedtosixtydaysayearintheBelgian
Congo)—althoughinrealitypeoplewereoftenforcedtoworkforlonger.MostBritishcoloniesendedforcedlabourin
the1920s,butuntilthen,inwhatisnowUganda,thedemandwassoonerousthat‘aGandapeasantmighttheoretically
owefivemonths’labourayear:onemonth(inlieuofrent)tohisAfricanlandlord,onemonthoflocalcommunitylabour,
twomonths(inlieuoftax)tothestate,andonemonthofcompulsorypaid(kasanvu)labourforthestateor(rarely)a
privateemployer’.21IntheAfrican-AmericancolonyofLiberiaandinthePortuguesecolonies,forcedlabourremained
onthebooksuntiltheearly1960s.Ofcourse,Europeanswerenotthefirstmodernimperialiststodevisemassiveand
oftenbrutalforcedlabourschemesinAfrica.ThatdistinctiongoestoMuhammadAli(1769–1849),theOttomangovernor
anddynasty-builderofEgypt,whoroundedupvastnumbersofEgyptianpeasantsintheearlynineteenthcenturyand
forcedthemtodigirrigationcanals,operatetextilefactories,andfightinhisarmy.
Colonialstatesalsointroducedtaxesincashandeliminatedearliercurrencies.InthatpartofFrenchEquatorialAfrica
nowcontainingChadandtheCentralAfricanRepublic,authoritiesin1900imposedaheadtaxonlyonadults—butthen
definedadultsaspeopleovertheageofeight.22TheneedforcashtopaytaxescompelledmanyAfricanstoleavetheir
communitiesforwage-payingjobsinmostlyEuropean-controlledenterprises,suchasmines,factories,or,onfarms(as
incoloniesofwhitesettlementsuchasKenya).Acrossthecontinent,themobilizationoflabourbycolonialstatesgave
risetolarge-scalemigrations.Asworkersfoundthatlongdistancesandmeagreincomeskeptthemfromvisitingtheir
families,migrationinturnledtodefactoresettlementandurbanization.‘Certainly,bythelater1930s,’wroteone
historianwithregardtothecopper-miningeconomyofNorthernRhodesia(Zambia),‘itwasbecomingincreasingly
difficulttomaintainthefictionthatCopperbeltworkerswereessentiallyruraltribesmen,temporarilyworkingawayfrom
theirhomes.’23Equallyuntenable,giventhisnewurbanization,wastheromanticLugardianideaofpreserving‘traditional’
Africanvillageculturesintact.Somecolonial-eralabourmigrationsanticipatedpostcolonialtrendsofAfricanmigrationto
WesternEurope.AmidstthelabourshortagesoftheFirstWorldWar,Francepressed300,000AlgerianMuslimmalesto
crosstheMediterraneaninordertofilljobsinFrenchfactories;by1939,approximatelyoneinfiveAlgerianmenhad
workedforsometimeinFrance.24
Mobilizinglabourrequiredcoercion.After1905intheUelevalleyoftheBelgianCongo,whereonecompanydemanded
amassivelaboursupplyforextractingandrefininggold,‘recruitsontheirwaytothemineswereattimeslinkedwith
ropesaroundtheirnecks’.25InNorthernRhodesia,miningcompaniesandthestateusedforcetoroundupworkersand
marchthemtowardsthesouth.Mostofthesecollectedworkersweremen.Insomeplaces,suchasSwaziland,colonial
officialssupportedeffortsoflocalchiefsastheytriedtorestrictthelabourmigrationofwomen—withimportant
consequencesforthehistoryofgenderrelations,familystructures,patriarchalauthority,andrural–urbanconnections.
ThenewcasheconomyalsomadeAfricansintobuyersofEuropeanindustrialgoods,introducingnewculturesof
consumerism.InSouthernRhodesia,for(p.160) example,EuropeanmanufacturersmarketedLifebuoy-brandsoapto
Africanmen,intheprocessrevisingconceptionsofpersonalhygiene.26
Whatwasthedifferencebetweenusingcoerciontomobilizelabourandusingcoerciontoimposecontrol?Theanswer
was,often,notmuch.Colonialstatesreliedonanarrayofcoercivebodies,notablyarmiesandpoliceforces,butalsoon
innocuouslynamed‘labourbureaus’(asinNorthernRhodesia)aswellastheprivatemilitiasthatsomechiefsmaintained.
Moreover,thesecoercivebodiessometimesclaimedsignificantautonomyandpursuedtheirowncorporateinterests
relativetootherpartsofcolonialstates.ConsiderthecaseofGermanEastAfrica,whereduringthe1890sthecolonial
armywasanagentofchaos.TheGermanForeignOfficecreatedaforcecalledtheSchutztruppen,madeupofGerman
armyvolunteersandAfricanconscriptsandchargedwithpromotingsecurityandstabilitysothatGermanbusinesscould
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African Colonial States
prosper.ButonthegroundinEastAfrica,Germanmilitaryofficershadotherideas:between1891and1897theyfought
morethansixtycampaignsagainstlocalpeoples,butonlyreportedthebiggestonesbacktoBerlin.‘Localmilitary
commanders’,observedonehistorian,‘oftensecretlyconductedsmallercampaigns,ofwhicheventhegovernorwasnot
subsequentlyfullyinformed.’Toquellopposition,theSchutztruppenresortedtoburningvillages,plunderinglivestock
andfood,andadopting‘astrategyofsystematicstarvation’amongcivilians.Amidsttheinstabilitythattheycreated,military
officerscreatedanimpressionoftheirownindispensabilitytothecolonialstateandtherebyengineered‘themilitarization
ofcolonialpolicy’inGermanEastAfrica.27
Inothercoloniesthelinesdividingsoldiers(theoreticallywagingwarsordefendingterritories)frompolice(theoretically
maintaininglawandorder)wereblurry.ConsiderthecolonialpoliceforceoftheGoldCoast(Ghana):thisevolvedfroman
armedfrontierforcefirstestablishedin1865andmodelledonacombinationoftheRoyalIrishConstabularyandIndian
andEgyptianparamilitaryforces.Authoritiesrecruited‘Hausas’,bywhichtheymeantMuslimmenfromthenorthern
interior,anddeployedtheminvariousways,fromconsolidatingtheBritishconquestoftheAsanteandNorthern
Territoriesregioninthe1896–1900period,tobreakingstrikesandlabourdisputes,andsupervisingconvictlabourers
andguardingbanks.These‘Hausa’men,whoenjoyedopportunitiestorisethroughtheranks,cametowield
considerablepower,insomeplacesactingasmagistratesbyjudginglocalcriminalandcivilcases.AsDavidKillingray
notes:
Alltoooftenauniformseemedalicensetolootandextort,andasaresultboththeHausaConstabularyandthe
Fantepoliceweredespisedandhatedbythosetheyaffectedtopolice.Preeminentlytheywerehatedas
unaccountablerepresentativesofanaliencolonialpowerimposingarangeofnewlawsandmeasuresofsocial
controlwhichlackedanysemblanceofpopularconsent.28
WhodidthecoercinginAfricancolonialstates?Whodidtheconquering,policing,roundingup,andclampingdown?
Europeansstoodatthetopofthehierarchy,butAfricanscontributedheavilytocolonialarmedforcesaswell.Thevast
majorityofsoldiersinallcolonialarmieswereAfricans,ledbysmallnumbersofEuropeanofficers.SomeAfricansmay
havevoluntarilyjoinedcolonialarmiesorpoliceforces,butmany(p.161) moreweredraftedorotherwisecoercedinto
joining;oncein,theyfoundopportunitiesforadventure,steadyemployment,andtheenhancementofsocialstatus.Thus,
FranceachieveditsconquestofDahomeyin1892–4usingitsWestAfricanrecruits,theso-calledTirailleursSénégalais
(‘SenegaleseRiflemen’).TheAnglo-EgyptianforcesthatdefeatedtheSudan’sMahdiststatein1898consistedlargelyof
menofSudaneseorigin,whiletheItalianforcesthatconqueredLibyain1911consistedlargelyofEritreans.Duringthe
FirstWorldWar,BelgiansintheCongosentAfricansoldiersoftheForcePubliquetoinvadeGermanEastAfricaand
occupyRuanda-Urundi(nowRwandaandBurundi).HundredsofthousandsofAfricansoldiersfoughtinFrenchand
Britisharmiesduringbothworldwars,servinganddyingincampaignsfromthoseoftheWesternFrontin1914–18to
Burmainthe1940s.Asdecolonizationloomedinthe1950s,Francedeployedsub-SaharanAfricantroopsinIndochina
andinAlgeriainvainattemptstosuppressanti-colonialuprisings.
In1981,theBritishimperialhistorianD.K.Fieldhousearguedthatthemostimportantfeatureofmoderncolonialism
between1870and1945was‘thefactthatcolonialpowerstookfullcontroloverthegovernmentofthedependent
societieswithintheirempires’.WhileconcedingthatcolonialrulemayhaverankledAfricansattimes,Fieldhouse
suggestedthatitwas‘historicallythelesseroftwoevilsfacingmostindigenouspeoplesinthelaternineteenthcentury’,
withtheotherpossibleevil,heimplied,havingbeentoleaveAfricanstothemselves.29 Withitsclaimsforprudent
administration,firmcontrol,andgoodintentions,Fieldhouse’sdescriptionofcolonialruleisonethatmosthistoriansof
Africawouldargueagainst.WhereFieldhousesawcoolbureaucracy,systematiclawcodes,andcoherentpolicies,
historianshaveforsomeyearsbeenmorelikelytonoticetherandomness,incoherence,andunpredictableharshnessof
colonial‘systems’.Atthesametime,theyarenowlikelytoquestionthebroadapplicabilityofCrawfordYoung’sportrayal
ofthecolonialstateasbulamatari,the‘breakerofrocks’,atermthatCongolesepeoplesusedtodescribethebrute
forceoftheCongoFreeStateanditssuccessorregimes.Whilefewhistorianswouldquerythebrutalityandvenalityof
theCongoFreeState,theyareinclinedtoseetheexertionofcolonialpowergenerallyassomewhatmoreerraticand
uneven.30
Indeed,writingin1988aboutFrancophoneAfrica,PatrickManningemphasizedthearbitraryexerciseofpowerasa
distinguishingfeatureofAfricancolonialstates.Reflectingontheallureofcolonialservice,particularlyinremoteareas
removedfromfirmcentraloversight,henotedthata
Frenchmaninhistwenties,newlyoutofschool,mightfindhimselftobeacommandantdecerclewithcomplete
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African Colonial States
authorityover200,000people.Hecouldaccept,ifhewished,theoffersofgiftsorwomenfromsubjectswho
soughthisgoodwill.Or,forthosewhorefusedtopaytaxes,hecouldburntheirvillagesandimposepunitive
finesinthenear-certainknowledgethatthegovernorwouldbackhimup.31
Morerecently,GregoryMannhasre-examinedtheindigénat,somewhatmisleadinglydescribedinEnglishsourcesasthe
Frenchlegal‘code’.AsMannshows,theindigénatwasnevercodified;itisbetterseenasagrabbagofsanctionsand
punishments,operating(p.162) beyondtherealmofcourtsandprovidinglocalcommandants—andsometimesinrural
areastheirAfricangardes-cercle—withtheoptionofjailing,fining,orlashingAfricansforahostofpettyinfractions.32In
Algeriaalone,therewerethirty-threelistedinfractions,whichincludedspeakingdisrespectfullytooraboutaFrench
official,defamingtheFrenchRepublic,failingtoregisteradeath,refusingtofightforestfires,andavoidingcorvée
(forced)labour.33
Thearbitrarynatureofcolonialruleextendedintoplaceswhere,underindirectrule,Africanauthoritiesheeded
ostensibletradition.Illustratingthistendencyisanincidentthatoccurred1936inthewesternSudaninvolvingthecourtof
Alial-Tom,naziroftheKababishArabsofKordofan.OneofAlial-Tom’sappointees,arelative,unilaterallydivorceda
couplesothathehimselfcouldwedthebeautifulwoman.HisdisregardforIslamicsocialandlegalconventionproved
tooegregiousforlocalMuslimstotolerate,althoughBritishofficialsinKordofanwereinclinedtoletitstand(muchtothe
displeasureofBritishlegalexpertsinKhartoum).34Whilethisepisodeillustratesthelimitsofinventingorrevising
tradition,italsodemonstratestheintricatedistributionofauthorityaswellastheeffortsofcolonialstates(involvinginthis
casebothSudaneseMuslimsandBritons)tomaintainpowerandshielditfromchallenges.
Examininginstancessuchasthese,historiansarelefttospeculateabouttheconsequencesofthestrong-armandoften
arbitraryruleofcolonialstatesforpostcolonialAfricanpolitics.Colonialismbequeathedtopostcolonialstatesan
apparatusofgovernmentdepartments(rangingfromPostandTelegraphstoEducation),militarystructures,and
bureaucraticmethodsandprocedures.Butdiditalsobequeath,throughitsmethodsofadministration,agoverning
cultureofruthlesstyranny,whichincludedareadinesstoallowtheuncheckedexerciseofpower?
LocationsofPower
Inanarticlepublishedin1972,RonaldRobinsonpresenteda‘sketchforatheoryofcollaboration’.35Britishimperialrule
wasabletofunctionasitdid,heargued,becauseBritishcolonialauthoritiesfoundlocalcollaboratorswhowerewilling
toworkwithandhelpmaintaincolonialordersandamasspoweroftheirown.Robinson’sarticlebecameveryinfluential
amonghistoriansoftheBritishEmpire.Yet,appearingatatimewhen‘theAfricanizingofAfricanhistorywasstillthe
centralitemontheagenda’,inFrederickCooper’swords,andwhenmanyhistoriansofAfricaavoidedimperialhistoryas
‘whitehistory’,identifyingsomeAfricansascoloniallackeysconvenientlyleftroomforidentifyingotherAfricansas
heroes.36 AndAfricanheroes,tohistoriansofthe1960sand1970s,wereaboveallanti-colonialrebels,whetherofthe
peasant-revolter,nationalist-agitator,orguerrilla-insurrectionistvariety.Tohistoriansofthisgeneration,whowerewriting
soonafterdecolonization,itwasclearwhohadpowerincolonialstates:whitemeninpithhelmets,whitemenwithguns,
andinruralareasthathadindirectrule,someblackmensuchaschiefsandemirs.
(p.163) Here,too,historians’perspectiveshavechanged.Forastart,historianstodayaredisinclinedtowritehistoryin
celebratorymodesandarescepticalaboutfindingheroes.Thepicturenowlooksmorecomplicated.Writingin2007,
JohnParkerandRichardRathboneobserved:
Themorewediscoveraboutcolonialrule,themorefragmented,contradictory,andmalleableitappearstobe,
dependentontheactiveparticipationofsomeAfricansandfullofautonomousspaceswithinwhichothers
pursuedtheirownagendas.NolongerareAfricansseenassimply“responding”totheimpositionofalienrule
byeitheroutright“resistance”orself-interested“collaboration”.37
Tothisonemightaddthediffusenatureofcolonialpolicy-making:decisionsemanatedfromvariousquartersbecause
powerrestedinmultipleandsometimesunexpectedplaces,andmanydifferentvoiceschimedinwhenissuesofpolicy
arose.
Eventhelocusofpowerwascomplicated.Ascholarwritingin1976aboutNorthernRhodesiaobservedthatcolonial
administration‘didnotmerelyrepresentthewishesofBritain.PowerwasfilteredthroughCapeTown’,aswellasthrough
officialsoftheBritishSouthAfricaCompany,whomadetheiropinionsandprioritieswellknown.38Inasimilarvein,one
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African Colonial States
couldarguethatAlgiers,Brazzaville,andDakar,andnotonlyParis,wereimperialcapitalsforFrenchAfrica,whileCairo,
andnotonlyLondon,wasacentreofpowerrelativetotheSudanandNilebasin.In2007,ThomasMetcalfmadea
similarargumentaboutIndia’scentralitytotheBritishEmpirevis-à-vistheIndianOceanworldfromSouthAfricato
Singapore.India,heargued,wasapoliticalandculturalcapital,fromwhichemanated,forexample,distinctivestylesof
colonialarchitecture.39 ThepresenceofsmallbutrobustSouthAsiancommunitiesinEastAfricaandSouthAfrica
strengthenedtheseIndianconnections.
AmongEuropeansincolonialAfrica,thereweretheobviousholdersofpowerandauthority:administrativeauthorities,
militaryofficers,businessexecutives,bigland-owningsettlersinplaceslikeKenyaandAlgeria,and,toamorevarying
extent,missionaries.Yet,asscholarsdelveintocolonialhistorythroughthestudyofscienceandtechnology,health,the
environment,andurbanplanning,amorediverserangeofagentsarebeginningtoreceivegreaterattention.Consider,
forexample,forestryexperts.Intheearlytwentiethcentury,manyofthesescientist-techniciansproducedenvironmental
crisisnarrativesaboutAfricandeforestationandmismanagement,usingthesetojustifyinterventionsthatbenefited
Europeansettlersorfirms.InBeninDistrictofsouthernNigeria,Britishforestryregulationsradicallytransformedfarming
practicesalongwithnotionsoflandownership.In1916,anewforestryordinance‘prohibitedthefellingofalonglistof
treespeciesexceptonpaymentofpermitfeesinBeninCity’andspecifiedfinesandimprisonmentforinfractions.A
seriesofcumulativemeasuresofthissort‘virtuallycriminalizedfarmingandcausedmuchhardshipforthepopulace,
whichledtowidespreadprotestsandagitationagainsttheordinanceanditsstrictimplementation’.40 InAlgeria,
meanwhile,scientistsintheforestryserviceimplementedlandseizurepoliciesinthenameofprotectingforestsfrom
MuslimAlgerians,therebyaidingwhitewine-makersandothersettlersastheyexpandedtheirholdon(p.164) choice
farmlands.OfficialsfinedandimprisonedsomanyAlgeriansforinfractionsofforestryregulationsthat‘someinthemilitary
soughttoprotecttheAlgeriansfromtheForestServiceanditszealousagents’.41WhetherinAlgeria,Nigeria,or
elsewhere,colonialauthoritiesseemedparticularlybentoneliminatingthefarmingpracticeofburningundergrowth
beforeplanting.InoneregionofNorthernRhodesia,localpeopleevendatedaparticularfaminetooneDistrict
Commissioner’sbanontheslash-and-burntechnique.42AcrossmuchofeasternandsouthernAfrica,veterinarians
mountedsimilarinterventionsintoestablishedpracticesofcattle-keeping,whichhadaprofoundimpactonmanypastoral
communities.
Amidsuchexertionsofpower,Africansstruggledtocarveouttheirownnichesofinfluence.AsearchofFrenchcolonial
archivesbyEmilyOsbornunearthedcasesinGuineaandSoudan(nowMali)fromaround1900thatdemonstrated‘the
capacityofAfricancolonialemployeestoinfluencetheknowledge,interpretations,andactionsoftheirFrench
superiors’.OneexampleinvolvedamannamedOusmaneFallwhowasofficiallyadistrictinterpreter—butinfactaministate-builder—who‘haddesignedandsupervisedanelaboratecolonial“justice”systemthatemployedfourotherAfricans
whotraveledthroughthedistrict,hearingcases,andpassingdownjudgments’.43OusmaneFallhadalsoforged
certificatesclaimingcolonialauthorityandtakenwomenascaptives,hiselaborateschemeonlyunravellingwhen
stumbleduponbyFrenchauthorities.HiscaseprovidesagraphicillustrationofcolonialdependenceonAfrican
intermediariesandhowsuchdependencecouldleadtounexpectedmutationsingovernment.
Inaseriesofbooksandarticles,A.H.M.Kirk-Greene,aformerBritishcolonialofficialinnorthernNigeriawholater
becameanimperialhistorian,examinedtheextremesparsenessoftheBritishpresenceinAfricancolonies.Officials
weresofewonthegroundthattheyconstitutedwhathedubbeda‘thinwhiteline’,albeita‘linetippedwithsteel’.In
someways,Kirk-Greeneconcluded,BritishruleinAfricaamountedto‘agreat-confidencetrick,ahugegameofwhite
man’sbluff’.44YettheBritish,liketheFrenchandotherEuropeancolonizers,didmorethanbluff.Theyhadsuperior
technologiestobackthemuporenablesurveillance:aeroplanes,guns,radios,andsoon.Moreimportantly,theyhad
largecadresoflocalmenwhomtheydrewintotheirarmiesandbureaucracies.Colonialstates,onceagain,restedupon
complexstructuresofpower.
‘LateColonialsim’andtheStateinanEraofRapidChange
Historianssometimesdescribetheperiodfromthe1930sto1960sasAfrica’seraof‘latecolonialism’.Thistermimplies
somethingabouttiming(suggestingtheerabeforeindependence),butalsoconnotesashiftingmoodandpurposein
colonialregimes.Duringtheseyears,regimesfacedaspectrumofnewchallenges.Somewereoccasionedbythetwin
globalcrisesoftheGreatDepressionandtheSecondWorldWar;(p.165) othersbyacceleratingpopulationgrowth,
urbanization,andsocialchangeacrossthecontinent.Thedramaticgrowthofcitieswasoftenaccompaniedbyrising
urbanunrest,asworkersandtradeunionactivistsbegantoagitateforimprovedwagesandworkingconditions.Allofthis
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African Colonial States
resultedinwhathasbeendescribedasa‘crisisofconfidence’or‘lossoffaith’inthecolonialenterprise.Accompanying
thelossofconfidencewasasharperinterestintheideaofdevelopment,asstatessoughttopromoteeconomicgrowth,
expandsocialwelfare,andplacaterisingAfricanexpectations.Atthetime,the‘fundamentalassumption’ofcolonial
statesmayhavebeen‘thattherewasstillplentyoftime’;nevertheless,inretrospect,manyoftheseprojectslookrushed
andhaphazard.45
Aclassicexampleofalatecolonialdevelopmentprojectthatbroughtrapidchange,butwhichdecolonizationleft
hanging,wasthe‘ZandeScheme’.Britishofficialsintroducedthisschemein1946intheremotesouth-westerncornerof
theSudanwheresleepingsicknesswasendemic.Projectleadersuprooted60,000scatteredZande-speakingpeople
andresettledthemin‘elongatedvillageunitsof50families’inan‘agglomeration[that]alsofacilitate[d]​educational
arrangements,publichealth,andmedicalprograms’.TheschemehiredArabic-speaking,northernSudaneseMuslimsto
supervisetheZandeinplantingNigerianpalmoiltreesandcotton,andinextractingoilandfibrefromthem.Butalready,
ontheeveofdecolonizationin1955(whencivilwarwaspoisedtoerupt),projectleaderswereacknowledgingproblems
withsoilerosion,whiletheyspeculatedthattheschemeneededmanymoreyears‘tobringthepeasantrytoacivilized
andprosperous,ifnotwealthy,state’.46
Colonialbureaucracieswerealsochanging.Eagertokeepcolonialrulecheap,policy-makersfromthestarthadbeen
trainingandhiringAfricanmenaspettygovernmentemployees,whotypedandfiledpapers,surveyedplotsofland,
taughtingovernmentschools,disbursedmedicines,countedrevenues,andmore.Inthe1930s,asfinancialpressure
mountedasaresultofeconomicdownturnandshrinkingrevenues,localAfricanprofessionalsbecameincreasingly
importanttocolonialstates,whiletheiraccretionofresponsibilitymadethemmoreambitious.47Bythe1950s,asthe
politicalambitionsofurbaneliteswerejoinedbymountingpopularagitation,BritainandFrancesoughttoplacaterising
demandsbygrantingconstitutionalconcessions;theformerbyexpandingorcreatinglocallegislaturesandthelatterby
extendingAfricanrepresentationinthemetropolitanparliament.Between1945and1958,Francegraduallyextendedthe
electoralfranchise,resultingina‘dizzyingseries’ofvotesin‘fourreferenda,twoconstitutions,threeNational
Assemblies,andthreeterritorialassemblies’.48
Asthefrontierofresearchmoveseverforwardsintothesecondhalfofthetwentiethcentury,historiansofAfricaarenow
devotingincreasingattentiontothepostwareraoflatecolonialismanddecolonization.Attheheartoftheirconcernslies
theissueofthenatureofthelatecolonialstateanditsrelationshiptoindependentpolitiesthatfollowed.Thequestionis
ultimatelyabout‘whatdifferencetheendofempiremeant,aswellaswhatkindsofprocessescontinuedevenas
governmentschangedhands’.49 Thatis,towhatextentdidindependenceandnationalliberationsimplydisguiseaprocess
ofcontinuityfromautocraticcolonytoautocratic‘postcolony’? 50 Debatesaboutthelegacyoflatecolonialismalsoturn
ontheconsequencesofthemovetowardsthe‘developmental(p.166) state’.Howsubstantive,lasting,andsocially
ameliorativeweresuchprojectsinpractice?Thismuch,atleast,isclear:colonialstates(alongwithmanyChristian
missions)passedthebatonofdevelopmentandsocialwelfaretomultinationalandinternationalphilanthropicagencies,in
aprocessthatanticipatedtherolesthatnon-governmentalorganizationswouldplayinlatetwentieth-andearlytwentyfirst-centuryAfrica.
Conclusion:OntheAgenda
AshistoriansofAfricacontinuetoscrutinizetheeraofcolonialrule,theyarepayingcloserattentionthaninthepastto
thecomplexandunevendistributionofpowerwithinstates,seekingtounderstandthewaysinwhichdiversepeoples—
administrativeauthoritiesandotherEuropeanagents,butinparticularAfricanhistoricalactorsthemselves—shapedthese
statesandmadethemfunction.Theyarealsoseekingtobroadentheirrangeofhistoricalsourcesandapproachesto
them.Thispointbearselaboration.Agenerationago,historiansofcolonialstateswerelikelytorelyonofficialreports
senttoimperialorcolonialheadquarters(andnowstoredinnationalarchives),aswellasoncorrespondenceand
memoirsfromEuropeanadministrators.Thesesourcestendedtoreflectthebiasesofrulingelitesandtoconveyan
impressionofmasteryderivedfromthegatheringofknowledgeand‘intelligence’.Historiansstillreadthesetexts,of
course,butaremorelikelynowtoreadthemcritically,‘againstthegrain’,whilelisteningforthevoicesoflesspowerful
people.Now,too,historiansarelikelytodrawuponmorediversetypesofsources:oralaccounts;visualmaterialssuch
asphotographs;andtherichliteraryandartisticproductionofAfricans,suchaspoemsandsongs.Interdisciplinary
approachestohistorythroughthelensesofanthropology,arthistory,environmentalstudies,andotherfieldsarealso
openingupnewwindows.
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African Colonial States
Asaresultofthewideningframeofsourcesandmethods,thefieldof‘imperialhistory’(withitsestablishedfocusonthe
interests,policies,andbehaviourofEuropeanempire-statesandtheirrulingelites)andthatof‘Africanhistory’(withits
focusonthesocialhistoryofAfricanpeoples,includingthehumblest),havebeenmovingclosertoeachother.Growing
scholarlyattentiontotransnationalhistoryandthehistoryofdiasporas(includingthecontemporaryhistoryofAfrican
migrantslivingintheformercolonizingcountriesofEurope)hasconfirmedthistrend.Nevertheless,toalargeextent,
narrativesofcolonialstateshavecontinuedtofocusalmostexclusivelyontheactionsofmen.Onechallengestillfacing
historiansistoseekoutandexplorethehistoryofcolonialstatesastheyinvolvedwomen,aswellasthechildrenwho
wereAfrica’sfuture.
ThisstudyofAfricancolonialstateshasfocusedonthediscrepanciesbetweenthetheoryandpracticeofadministration,
alongwiththeworkofcollectingtaxes,recruitinglabour,andmaintainingcontrol.Ithascommentedonlybrieflyonthe
roleofcolonialstatesinfosteringdevelopmentandwelfare,forexample,throughvaccinationcampaignsorpublichealth
measuresthatsavedlives,orthroughestablishingschoolsthatopeneddoorstoliteracy,learning,andopportunityfor
Africanyouths.Such(p.167) welfare-relatedmeasureswereimportant,buthowmanypeopleactuallybenefited?Only
atinyproportionofschool-ageAfricansinthecolonialera,forexample,evergotthechancetogotoschool.Bigger
questionsloom,too.Howcanhistoriansassesstheevidenceforthehumanitarianandaltruisticdeedsofcolonialstatesin
lightoftheevidencefortheirbrutalityandrampant,iferratic,aggression?Returningtothedebatewithwhichthis
chapteropened,howcanhistoriansreconcilethe‘ruthlessexploitation’thatoneeminenthistoriandetectedincolonial
stateswiththeclaimsfor‘moralobligation’andservicethatwerecitedbytwoofhiscolleagues?Thisdebateaboutthe
intentionsanddeedsofcolonialstatesshowsnosignsofabating,sonewgenerationsofscholarswillneedtocontinueto
addressit.
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(17.)MaxWeber,‘TheProfessionandVocationofPolitics’,inPeterLassmanandRonaldSpeirs,eds,Weber:Political
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(19.)V.I.Lenin,Imperialism:TheHighestStageofCapitalism,inSelectedWorks(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,
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(21.)JohnIliffe,Africans:TheHistoryofaContinent,2ndedn(Cambridge:CUP,2007),203–4.
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(23.)L.J.Butler,CopperEmpire:MiningandtheColonialStateinNorthernRhodesia,c.1930–1964(Houndmills:
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Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
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PalgraveMacmillan,2007),47,50.
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(35.)RonaldRobinson,‘Non-EuropeanFoundationsofEuropeanImperialism:ASketchforaTheoryofCollaboration’,in
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Press,2005),5,43.
(37.)ParkerandRathbone,AfricanHistory,109.
(38.)RichardHall,Zambia,1890–1964:TheColonialPeriod(London:Longman,1976),p.vii.
(39.)ThomasR.Metcalf,ImperialConnections:IndiaintheIndianOceanArena,1860–1920(Berkeley,Calif.:University
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contemporaine(Paris:PressesUniversitairesdeFrance,1979),208.
(42.)Hall,Zambia,75.
(43.)EmilyLynnOsborn,‘“CircleofIron”:AfricanColonialEmployeesandtheInterpretationofColonialRuleinFrench
WestAfrica’,JournalofAfricanHistory,44(2003),30,38,42.
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(1980),25,44.
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Page 13 of 14
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African Colonial States
(46.)WilliamA.Hance,‘TheZandeSchemeintheAnglo-EgyptianSudan’,EconomicGeography,31/2(1955),149–56.
(47.)HeatherJ.Sharkey,LivingwithColonialism:NationalismandCultureintheAnglo-EgyptianSudan(Berkeley,
Calif.:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2003);BenjaminLawrance,EmilyLynnOsborn,andRichardRoberts,eds,
Intermediaries,Interpreters,andClerks:AfricanEmployeesintheMakingofColonialAfrica(Madison,Wis.:University
ofWisconsinPress,2006).
(48.)Manning,FrancophoneSub-SaharanAfrica,140.
(49.)FrederickCooper,Africasince1940:ThePastofthePresent(Cambridge:CUP,2002),15.
(50.)Onthecontinuityofpoliticalculture,seeMahmoodMamdani,CitizenandSubject:ContemporaryAfricaandthe
LegacyofLateColonialism(Princeton:PUP,1996);AchilleMbembe,OnthePostcolony(Berkeley,Calif.:Universityof
CaliforniaPress,2001).
HeatherJ.Sharkey
HeatherJ.SharkeyisanAssociateProfessorintheDepartmentofNearEasternLanguagesandCivilizationsattheUniversityof
Pennsylvania.SheistheauthorofLivingwithColonialism:NationalismandCultureintheAnglo-EgyptianSudan(Berkeley:University
ofCaliforniaPress,2003)andAmericanEvangelicalsinEgypt:MissionaryEncountersinanAgeofEmpire(Princeton:Princeton
UniversityPress,2008).WithMehmetAliDoğan,sheeditedAmericanMissionariesandtheModernMiddleEast:Foundational
Encounters(UniversityofUtahPress,2011).SheiscurrentlywritingahistoryofthesocialandculturalinteractionsofMuslims,
Christians,andJewsintheIslamicMiddleEastandNorthAfrica.
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Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: University of Pennsylvania; date: 22 October 2015