Needs Assessment Report
Op
Opening
Doors
Economic Opportunities
for Immigrant Women
This report was prepared by
Public Interest Strategy & Communications Inc.
340 Harbord Street
Toronto, ON M6G 1H4
www.publicinterest.ca
[email protected]
TABLE OF CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY.........................................................................................1
The Project.......................................................................................................................................... 1
Literature Review................................................................................................................................ 1
Key Informants................................................................................................................................... 2
Focus Groups...................................................................................................................................... 3
Service Inventory................................................................................................................................ 3
Next Steps........................................................................................................................................... 4
INTRODUCTION.....................................................................................................5
PROJECT DESIGN.................................................................................................7
Project Framework.............................................................................................................................. 7
Needs Assessment Activities................................................................................................................ 8
Advisory Committee........................................................................................................................... 8
LITERATURE REVIEW: EMPLOYMENT FOR NEWCOMER WOMEN..................10
Methodology..................................................................................................................................... 10
Themes............................................................................................................................................. 11
Racial Skews in the Labour Market................................................................................................... 11
Intersections of Gender, Race, and Family......................................................................................... 12
Language and English Fluency.......................................................................................................... 13
The “Nativity Effect”.......................................................................................................................... 13
Settlement Patterns: Gateway Cities and Suburbs.............................................................................. 13
Ethnic Enclaves................................................................................................................................. 15
Employment Mismatch and Deskilling.............................................................................................. 16
Literature Review Analysis................................................................................................................ 17
FOCUS GROUPS.................................................................................................19
Focus Group Design......................................................................................................................... 19
Community Animation..................................................................................................................... 19
Focus Group Process......................................................................................................................... 20
FOCUS GROUP DEMOGRAPHICS.....................................................................22
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS....................................................................................23
Current Job Status of Focus Group Participants................................................................................ 23
Employment Expectations:............................................................................................................... 24
Information for Job Searching in Peel................................................................................................ 24
Expectations on the Relative Ease of Finding a Job............................................................................ 24
When to Start Looking for a Job........................................................................................................ 25
Job Search Behaviours....................................................................................................................... 25
Job Searching Process........................................................................................................................ 25
Job Searching Technique Most Helpful.............................................................................................. 25
Job Searching Techniques Least Helpful............................................................................................ 25
Balancing Securing a Job at the Right Scale Versus Accepting a Survival Job...................................... 26
Barriers to Employment.................................................................................................................... 26
Obtaining Employment..................................................................................................................... 28
Retaining Employment...................................................................................................................... 29
Impact of Looking for Employment.................................................................................................. 29
Strategizing for the Future................................................................................................................. 30
KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEWS..........................................................................31
Key Informant Interview Design....................................................................................................... 31
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS: KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEWS...............................32
Barriers to Employment .................................................................................................................. 32
Existing Supports.............................................................................................................................. 32
Gaps to Services................................................................................................................................ 32
Impact of Unemployment/Underemployment................................................................................... 33
Obtaining and Retaining Good Jobs.................................................................................................. 34
Supporting Immigrant Women in Accessing Employment................................................................ 34
Policies and Practices that Impact Job Capacity................................................................................. 35
Overcoming Policy/Practice Barriers.................................................................................................. 36
Strategies and Best Practices.............................................................................................................. 37
SERVICE INVENTORY..........................................................................................39
Methodology..................................................................................................................................... 39
Summary Of Findings....................................................................................................................... 39
Analysis Of Findings......................................................................................................................... 39
ANALYSIS OF MAJOR FINDINGS........................................................................41
NEXT STEPS........................................................................................................44
RECOMMENDATIONS .........................................................................................45
For The Non-Profit Sector................................................................................................................. 45
For Governmental Bodies.................................................................................................................. 45
For Funders...................................................................................................................................... 46
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......................................................................................47
REFERENCES......................................................................................................48
APPENDIX A.........................................................................................................52
APPENDIX B.........................................................................................................53
APPENDIX C........................................................................................................65
APPENDIX D.........................................................................................................69
APPENDIX E.........................................................................................................74
APPENDIX F.........................................................................................................92
APPENDIX G........................................................................................................94
APPENDIX H........................................................................................................95
APPENDIX I..........................................................................................................97
APPENDIX J.......................................................................................................103
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
THE PROJECT
Peel enjoys exceptional immigration rates, attracting skilled and experienced workers from
around the world. For many of these immigrants, there is stubbornly slow progress in accessing
employment appropriate to their skills and experience.
Working with a grant from Status of Women Canada, the Brampton Multicultural Community
Centre (BMC) set out to examine the employment challenges faced by immigrant women and
identify the extent to which the current employment support systems adequately address those
challenges.
The research phase of the project consisted of four components: literature review, a service
inventory, interviews with key informants, and focus groups with immigrant women carried
out in their own languages.
The research was overseen by an Advisory Group representing a broad cross-section of
stakeholders including businesses, service providers, advocacy groups and public institutions
in Peel. The Advisory Group reviewed and amended the work plan and research strategy,
reviewed research results, provided guidance and interpretation of the findings and reviewed
the draft report, offering feedback on the text.
LITERATURE REVIEW
The literature review focused on Canadian research but also included information from research
in the UK, Australia and the US as guidance on matters where Canadian literature was sparse.
Several themes emerged clearly from the literature. Firstly, the Canadian labour market is
skewed along racial and gender lines. Women and immigrants earn less, have jobs that are
less stable and are disproportionately represented in low skill jobs despite often significantly
higher levels of education. Literature also indicates that women face distinct challenges in
the labour market. Household responsibilities, levels of social isolation, cultural expectations
and caregiving duties tend to place different constraints on women seeking employment than
their male counterparts. These challenges, however, vary widely by cultural group and other
factors. Immigrant women are a heterogeneous group with varying levels of need and access to
support. Although certain supports, such as affordable childcare and accessible transportation
are more universally mentioned, few interventions are consistently appropriate for all groups
of immigrant women.
Similarly, the literature shows employment outcomes vary considerably by race and cultural
background, in complex ways that defy simplistic solutions.
While literature shows that immigrant women see improvements in employment prospects as
they become more familiar with the English language and Canadian employment contexts, those
gains are becoming increasingly less significant and the ability of immigrant women to catch
up to their Canadian-born counterparts is declining. Local enclaves, which attract newcomer
women and provide valuable early support in orientation and settlement, also have negative
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
1
effects that limit the long term scope of social networks and access to accurate employment
information and resources. As a result, immigrant women in established enclaves appear to
have worse long-term employment outcomes than those in less culturally comfortable settings.
Literature shows that women have responded to these challenges by lowering both their
expectations and their ambitions. Women are increasingly likely to downplay their skills and
seek jobs that do not draw on the training and experience they have to offer, depriving both
their families and the economy as a whole of the benefits of their skills and capacities.
KEY INFORMANTS
Key informant interviews showed considerable concern about the context of women’s efforts
to seek employment. Key informants saw immigrant women as facing substantial challenges in
seeking work, and noted significant gaps in the service infrastructure.
Many key informants expressed concern about the gap between the work women could obtain
and their skills and experience. They saw a steep challenge for women who continued to seek
appropriate work and overabundance of situations in which women instead pursued work
that failed to capitalize on what they had to offer. They described these situations both in
terms of lost opportunity and of the impact on immigrant women’s families and communities.
Key informants noted not only poor prospects of obtaining appropriate work, but even
weaker prospects of advancing in the workplace as well as considerable difficulties retaining
existing jobs.
Key informants noted that the existing systems of support were inconsistent in their ability
to link women to work. Many felt the “hidden” job market, with positions obtained through
contacts and networks, were harder for newcomer and immigrant women to navigate and
played a very large role in the allocation of many jobs. Existing services focused far more on
résumés and interviews, with little emphasis on intensive work of developing networks and
linking to appropriate mentors and contacts. The success of the job seeker was also seen as
dependent to some extent on “soft skills” related to the social and business practices typical of
Canadian workplaces, posing a barrier to recent arrivals and socially isolated individuals, with
few services designed to overcome this hidden barrier.
Key informants also noted the difficulty employers have assessing the skills and capacities of
applicants with international training and experience. Training for employers to help them
better understand and appreciate the opportunities represented by Peel’s diverse workforce was
seen by many as an inescapable necessity.
The need for some solid supports was also emphasized. Access to affordable child care, respite
care and care associated with employment services was frequently mentioned, and access to
affordable, reliable transit was also a high priority.
Though key informants had no simple answers to these difficult challenges, they encouraged
the enhancement of the existing service infrastructure and the need to tailor services to the
diverse, real world needs of immigrant women. They also expressed concern about rapid and
sometimes disruptive changes in legislation and regulation affecting immigrants and their
employment prospects.
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OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
FOCUS GROUPS
Focus groups corroborated the themes drawn from both the literature and key informants, and
added the impact of lived experience.
Many participants were frustrated about the disconnection between the skills they demonstrated
to gain access to immigration and the lack of willingness of employers to draw upon those skills.
Despite investing considerable time and effort in their job searches, very few focus group
participants had found appropriate employment.
Women who had sought services and programs to help them overcome this gap found many
of the services offered provided repetitive opportunities to adjust résumés, improve interview
skills and seek out advertised jobs. Their experience often inclines them to believe that much
of the job market is driven by networks and contacts and few programs build significant
capacity in those areas.
Women find employers often negatively disposed to employing immigrant women. Many
women found employers had few tools for assessing their training and background accurately
and seemed inclined to select candidates with more familiar résumés, cultural practices and
names.
Most women faced the added challenge of family responsibilities. Child care and household
duties constrained the time they could spend looking for work and the hours they were available
for employment.
SERVICE INVENTORY
The service inventory was conducted using 211 data supplemented by one-on-one interviews
with service providers. The inventory reinforced the evidence from focus groups and key
informant interviews. Peel’s immigrant employment infrastructure needs to grow if it is to meet
the needs of the community. Peel has roughly half as many service providers per immigrant
as Toronto, despite a faster growing immigrant community. Programs are limited in size and
scope, and many are inactive. Few programs are geared specifically toward immigrant women
and fewer still reflect the scope of needs the diverse community in Peel requires.
RECOMMENDATIONS
This report makes a number of recommendations that reflect the evidence obtained through this
study. These recommendations are outlined in detail at the end of the report, but in summary
they focus on the following:
1. Grow the service infrastructure: There are too few programs in Peel for the volume of
need.
2. Diversify the service offerings: One size does not fit all and the highly diverse population
in Peel needs programs tailored to the mix of needs.
3. Focus on the keys to success: Many jobs are obtained through networks and contacts
but few programs focus on those needs and those that do not always focus on the most
appropriate tools and relationships.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
3
4. Support good jobs: Programs should place a priority on women accessing appropriate
work as well as on advancement and retention, not just on getting survival jobs.
5. Successful employment systems depend on good employers. Employers in Peel need
training and information to enable them to identify when immigrant applicants meet
their needs and to recognize the benefit of Peel’s diversity.
6. Address straightforward barriers to work: Affordable child care, respite care, and
accessible transit are all key factors in women accessing suitable employment.
NEXT STEPS
In the near future, BMC will host an event to share the finding of this report with stakeholders
in Peel. This event will be designed to help build a network of participants oriented around
improving supports for immigrant women seeking employment in Peel. BMC will work with
partners throughout 2015 to identify and support the development of strategies to meet these
needs.
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OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
INTRODUCTION
Peel is home to one of the most diverse populations in Canada. Between 2001 and 2006,
immigration accounted for approximately 80% of growth in communities across the region.
One in every two residents of Peel immigrated to Canada, almost twice the rate of neighbouring
Halton. In 2011, this translated into 650,530 immigrants living in Peel; a number that is expected
to increase to 1.65 million by 2031(Statistics Canada, 2011). Of that population, 100,910 were
recent immigrants that arrived in Canada between 2006 and 2011. Though the proportion of
immigrants settling in Ontario has diminished since 2006 in relation to other provinces, 43.1%
of Canada’s 1,162,900 recent newcomers chose to make Ontario their home. 37% of all foreignborn residents in Canada live in the Toronto census metropolitan area (CMA), including Peel,
which is increasingly becoming the destination of choice for newcomers. The share of the
GTA’s immigrant population settling in Peel has grown from 12% to 20% since 2001, while the
immigrant population settling directly in Toronto has dropped over the same period from 80%
to 60% (Statistics Canada, 2011). More immigrants are settling in the GTA than anywhere else
in Canada, and Peel can benefit enormously from the economic, social and cultural wealth that
these populations bring with them.
Along with this demographic
advantage,
however
come
significant challenges. Of all
adult newcomers, 39.6% are
between the ages of 25-44 at the
time of immigration. These are
generally considered to be prime
working years, and the promise
of reliable, well paid work is
made all the more significant for
these newcomers as they begin
to build new lives. Yet immigrant
populations in Peel continue to
struggle economically. 44% of
recent immigrants aged 25-54
have a post-secondary degree, Source: Statistics Canada, National Household Survey 2011.
diploma, or certificate compared Image from Peel Data Centre
to only 19% of the Canadianborn population. Yet the unemployment rate for these newcomers is 10%, whereas only 3% of
Canadian-born graduates are unemployed (Portraits of Peel, 2011). The situation is worse for
visible minorities. About 20% of visible minorities in Peel live in poverty, roughly double the
rate of non-visible minorities. 33% of recent immigrants in Peel are low income, three times the
rate of non-immigrant populations.
Immigrant women, despite being largely of prime working age with high levels of educational
attainment, continue to bear the brunt of this disparity across Canada. A 2011 study found that
racialized women were 48% more likely to be unemployed and earned on average 55.6% the
income of non-racialized men (Block & Galabuzi, 2011). While studies have shown that all
women in Peel earn on average only two thirds the median income of their male counterparts,
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
5
immigrant women were found to earn roughly half the median income of immigrant men (Peel
Newcomer Strategy Group, 2008). Similarly, while the unemployment rate among women was
roughly 2% higher than men in 2005, the rate among immigrant women was nearly double the
rate of immigrant men (Peel Newcomer Strategy Group, 2008).
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OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
PROJECT DESIGN
In 2014, Brampton Multicultural Community Centre (BMC) secured funding from Status of
Women Canada for their project, Opening Doors: Economic Opportunities for Immigrant Women.
The overall objective of “Opportunities for Immigrant Women” is to engage women and community
stakeholders in developing and implementing strategies that address the disparities outlined in
the introduction and improve prosperity for immigrant women.
The project goals were to engage immigrant women directly in enhancing their economic
options by tapping into opportunities in their communities. By developing and augmenting
local partnerships, the project sought to identify and address the unique challenges
immigrant women in Peel face when seeking meaningful employment.
Opening Doors was carefully constructed as a collaborative project that facilitated a multistakeholder approach. BMC selected Public Interest as a project partner. This decision was
based on Public Interest’s history of community engagement and their extensive experience
doing collaborative work with diverse stakeholders. Public Interest was hired to conduct a
thorough needs assessment, identify gaps in services as well as identify and report on
promising practices to inform and fulfill the project objectives. This report reflects the
methodology and learnings from this needs assessment.
A project team was established early, providing leadership and support to all the project
activities. This project team included: Dima Amad (BMC), Program and Services Director;
Shirin Forouzin (BMC), Project Lead; Sean Meagher (Public Interest), Project Lead; Neemarie
Alam (Public Interest), Team Lead; and Nicole Pietsch (Independent Evaluator). By drawing
on the expertise of all team members, Opening Doors conducted its activities with attention to
both process and ease of evaluation.
PROJECT FRAMEWORK
In designing the project, there was recognition that immigrant women may face several barriers
to their participation and the project team worked together to minimize these barriers. Every
activity was mindful of Gender-based Analysis Plus (GBA+), defined by Status of Women Canada
as: “an analytical tool the federal government uses to advance gender equality in Canada. It
looks at how gender impacts the way a person interacts with and experiences the world around
her or him.” (Status of Women Canada, 2013)
The “plus” designates that Gender-based Analysis goes beyond gender, including a more
thorough examination of social location such as age, education, language, geography, culture,
and income. Different social locations can hold varied levels of socio-political power and
privilege. For our project, we started with what we knew to be true – that people of colour,
particularly women, experience discrimination. We used this awareness in our assessment of
how discrimination potentially impacts immigrant women, noting that participants would
require a multi-pronged approach to feel safe and heard. The project was designed to work in
the languages the women spoke, and engaged them through familiar places and people that
shared their perspective and experience. We also questioned how this reality worked itself
into the policies, programs, and initiatives that intersected with immigrant women’s lives, and
incorporated that analysis into the design of the inquiry.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
7
A GBA+ analysis has been used throughout the Project in an effort to develop a comprehensive
picture of the realities of immigrant women’s barriers to employment.
NEEDS ASSESSMENT ACTIVITIES
A thorough needs assessment required four major activities. These activities were: literature
review, focus groups of people with lived experience, key informant interviews with people that
had a history of work or research in the field, and the service inventory of relevant services. The
activities were also constructed to inform each stage of the project. For example, the literature
review helped develop the questions for both the focus groups and the key informant interviews.
Doing the service inventory concurrently with the literature review supported outreach for
the focus groups and helped identify key informants. Similarly, hosting the key informant
interviews allowed us to identify spaces where immigrant women were already gathering, and
to host focus groups in those locations.
With guidance from the Advisory Committee, we examined both peer-reviewed and gray
literature from Canada, the United States, and Europe, identifying both factors that impact
immigrant women’s capacities for employment and searching for best practices and public
policy strategies to mitigate these factors.
The project identified a need for eleven focus groups, nine within the major linguistic communities
in Peel (Punjabi, Urdu, Spanish, Arabic, Tamil, Hindi, Gujarati, Cantonese and Mandarin) and
two in English to reach the general population and the Afro-Caribbean community). The focus
groups would consist of immigrant women aged 25-55 who self-identified as underemployed,
employed, and unemployed. The focus groups would be conducted by community animators.
These community animators were women with lived experiences from relevant communities,
who were trained and supported to carry out direct outreach, creating a familiar and safe place
for immigrant women to share their stories.
We were also committed to conducting 16 key informant interviews with a diverse group of
stakeholders that could provide considerable insight into how the current support systems
work, and the challenges women face. The interviews were created to gather information on
existing practices and support innovation of new strategies.
Lastly, upon completing the service inventory, we wanted to modify it to reflect the most accurate
information with respect to service provision. To accomplish this, we included Peel Newcomer
Strategy Group and the United Way of Peel in reviewing our data. We also followed up with
certain services providers via telephone to clarify any missing data. The result is a service
inventory that is hopefully more useful as a referral source, as well as a way to understand gaps
in service provisions.
ADVISORY COMMITTEE
At the start of the project, an Advisory Committee was established to provide guidance and
community support. The committee consisted of key stakeholders who had diverse expertise in
working with immigrant women, and could facilitate engaging different ethno-specific groups.
They were also members keenly interested in benefitting from project findings, and supporting
or implementing report recommendations, as the project would require continuous support to
move from research to action. To ensure inclusion, committee members included representation
8
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
from the community service sector, the business sector and academia. A complete list of
Advisory Committee members can be found in Appendix A.
The Advisory Committee had the opportunity for input for all components of the project.
They helped shape the literature review, provided feedback and guidance on project design,
and connected us to both potential community animators and key informants. Following each
stage of the work, they also reviewed the data and provided feedback on the interpretation of it.
Over time, the original project design underwent several modifications, reflecting feedback
from the project team, the Advisory Committee and the community animators.
After reviewing the immigrant populations present in Peel, the decision was made not to conduct
a Cantonese focus group, but rather to explore more areas of employment: women who are selfemployed and temporary foreign workers. As the project progressed, there were considerable
challenges in hosting a focus group that would consist of temporary foreign workers and
that strategy was modified to reflect learnings from that population through intermediaries.
Learnings from this process are documented in Appendix H.
Additionally, we struggled to find and attract individuals from some linguistic communities.
Certain communities have strong internal support systems, but do not have ethno-specific
community services. Women from these communities usually access cultural and familial
supports, and therefore, do not frequent community resources, making it more difficult to
find access points for large numbers of women in those communities. In some linguistic
communities, community animators reported cultural shame associated with unemployment
or underemployment. Women from these communities were reluctant to gather and speak
to their barriers. As such, participation rates in focus groups varied, though most exceeded
10 participants and all exceeded a minimum of six participants. This allowed us to engage
participants, and obtain useful information.
We also modified our approach to the key informants. After interviewing the initial sixteen
informants, we wanted to further explore systemic barriers to employment. As such, we
interviewed three more informants for a total of nineteen.
Lastly, upon completing the service inventory, we wanted to modify it to reflect the most
accurate information about service provision. To accomplish this, we included Peel
Newcomer Strategy Group and the United Way of Peel in reviewing our data. We also
followed up with certain service providers via telephone to clarify any missing data. The
result is a service inventory that is hopefully more useful as a referral source, as well as a way
to understand gaps in service provision.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
9
LITERATURE REVIEW: EMPLOYMENT
FOR NEWCOMER WOMEN
METHODOLOGY
Public Interest conducted searches of both academic and non-academic sources in an iterative
manner from May to September of 2014, to gather peer-reviewed literature in English that
covered a variety of topics.
Search terms used to generate articles included “newcomer,” “immigrant,” “women,” “workers,”
and “precarious employment,” yielding 164 articles. Secondary search terms included “shadow
economies,” “minimum wage,” “labour market inequality,” “workplace discrimination”.
Public Interest also searched for literature that covered related issues such as
•
Precarious employment
•
Shadow economies
•
Newcomer experiences and expectations regarding their employment and
employability
•
Newcomer responses to communities
•
Minimum wage and immigrant workers
•
Inequality in the labour market
•
Spatial mismatch
Searches yielded 72 articles. Articles that were purely theoretical, lacking any reference to real
world evidence and application were culled from the searches. Articles reflecting Canadian
and especially Peel Region data were given particular attention. Of the articles generated by
searches, forty-three articles provided sufficient information and were chosen for review. Of the
articles, majority (24) were Canadian-based, and 19 articles were outside of Canada, mainly
the United States of America (USA) or Europe. While we focused our research on developing
and understanding the Canadian context, articles from the USA and Europe were useful in
both identifying immigration policies and trends internationally and reviewing best practices.
Search results were filtered by four reviewers who read abstracts and scanned full text
documents, where available, to assess their relevance. The list of references from the initial scan
was tailored further through input from project leads and members of the Advisory Group. The
Advisory Group was updated throughout the iterative literature search at regular meetings, and
submitted their suggestions for relevant literature to be reviewed as well.
Reviewers then read the full-text of the list of remaining sources to further evaluate their
relevance. Articles were then organized into groups based on the scope of evidence they
provided, as follows:
•
10
Structural articles that provided an overview of the research topics;
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
• Literature that discussed best practice, compared practices and findings from various
contexts, or both; and
• Articles that discussed factors that impact newcomer employment generally, and
newcomer women specifically.
Key themes emerged through full readings of the literature, and included:
• Skews in the labour market that impact hiring and employment, regarding race,
gender, fluency in English, Canadian work experience, and more
• The disproportionate representation of newcomers, women, and racialized workers
employed in precarious jobs and/or participating in shadow economies
• Communities as both supportive social networks, and restrictive socio-economic
enclaves
• Employment mismatch and underemployment, exacerbated by deskilling
• Barriers presented by requirements for education “upgrades” and re-certification
These themes are explored in further detail below, with a specific focus on newcomer women.
A list of references is available at the end of the Report.
THEMES
RACIAL SKEWS IN THE LABOUR MARKET
The structural barriers that exist in Canadian society are reflected in our labour markets.
Women, racialized workers, and recent immigrants are disproportionately represented among
workers earning minimum wage (Akter, Dyson, & Topkara-Sarsu, 2013). Women account for
49.3% of all employees, but 57.4% of minimum wage workers (Block, 2013). Women also
make up 57.3% of workers in the informal economy (Akter, Dyson, & Topkara-Sarsu, 2013).
Leading explanations for ethnic variation in women’s labour force participation derive largely
from research on men (e.g., Borjas, 1994) and focus on differences in their human capital
characteristics (e.g., education and English language), labour market factors (e.g., industrial
restructuring and discrimination), cultural assimilation (e.g., nativity and duration of residency),
and family structure (e.g., household size and income) (Read & Cohen, 2007).
Race-based discrimination is identified as a significant market barrier by participants in a
qualitative study conducted by Access Alliance in 2014. Based on responses to research
completed in 2005, the study found that racialized workers earn 13.3% less than non-racialized
workers, and that recent immigrants are almost twice as likely to be unemployed as nonrecent immigrants (at a rate of 12% versus 6.7%). Furthermore, income disparity is a growing
pattern based on the types of jobs obtained by recent immigrants. They are more likely to
have lower paying jobs, are more commonly represented among the “working poor,” and are
underrepresented in high paying positions (Galabuzi & Teleksingh, 2010).
Recent newcomers have not experienced much improvement in their employment prospects. A
common finding in the income literature is that each successive cohort of Canadian immigrants
in recent history has done worse than its predecessor despite rising education levels, with only
some evidence of recent stabilization (Grant, 1999).
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
11
INTERSECTIONS OF GENDER, RACE, AND FAMILY
The literature found that, overall, gendered prescriptions regarding family obligations, and the
way women experience them, restrict their access to employment. The impact of race, socioeconomic background, household relationships, domestic roles and professional and educational
backgrounds vary among newcomer women but the overall impact is quite substantial.
According to Access Alliance (2014), many of the social barriers newcomer women face in
finding employment are associated with household gender relations. The key social barriers
that study participants listed include:
•
Social isolation and limited social support systems
•
•
Childcare obligations that persist due to a lack of affordable options
A high load of household and caregiving work
•
Lack of support from male partners
•
Limited mobility, driven both by practical and social barriers (e.g. not being able to
travel far for work, or to certain areas, or performed work that involves travelling
when it is dark)
Limited social support systems, a lack of affordable childcare, and the high burden of household
work were cited by many participants in the Access Alliance study as the most significant social
barriers to employment. In the case of South Asian and Arab women, Read and Cohen (2007)
found that, in the United States, marriage had a particularly restrictive impact on employment
and their net household wages, yet these and many other constraints varied significantly
by ethnic group. The impact of barriers may grow or diminish in the context of a variety of
protective factors or compensating occurrences in different cultural groups.
In a study of three ethno-cultural newcomer communities in Toronto’s east end, the Toronto East
Local Immigration Partnership workgroup found that 25% of their respondents reported caring
for one’s own family as major source of stress in daily lives (Akter et al, 2013). In their study
of employment outcomes for ethnic minorities in England and Wales, Clark and Drinkwater
(2009) found that marriage and children greatly decreased women’s economic activity.
Across the literature, it was found that these social barriers were themselves problems but
also compounded other social challenges. The aforementioned roadblocks exacerbated
social isolation, undermined women’s health, restrained their capacity to participate in their
communities, and restricted their ability to practice and expand their fluency in English.
These challenges persist, in part, due to the gendered approaches to immigration which can
reinforce the ‘tied/dependent’ relationship even for economically active women (Access Alliance,
2014). Read and Cohen (2007) found that gender roles impacted women’s settlement after
arriving in the United States. As women immigrate predominately as wives and mothers or as
refugees, and a smaller number immigrate as highly-skilled workers, the system is not tailored
to meet their economic needs. Particular cultural prescriptions compound women’s domestic
and familial responsibilities which can inhibit the positive effects of conventional factors (e.g.,
education) on their employment decisions.
In addition to familial responsibilities, Michael Haan’s 2008 paper, which explored the
intersecting factors that influence the economic well-being of immigrants in Canada’s gateway
cities, found race to be another significant factor for newcomer employability, though Haan
found a number of variations in the patterns of impact.
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OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
Blacks, Latinos, South Asians, Southeast Asians, West Asian/Arabs, and other visible
minority members are all significantly more likely to be unemployed than reference
group whites, whereas only Filipinos and the Japanese have significantly lower
unemployment rates. Chinese and Koreans do not differ significantly from reference
group whites. (p. 763)
Read and Cohen (2007) also found that race varied in its impact on the relative benefits that
higher rates of female employment had on racialized women in a given area.
Most women benefit from living in areas with higher rates of female employment; the
exception is Vietnamese women. Asian Indian and Mexican women are the only groups
whose likelihood of employment increases in areas with higher unemployment rates,
suggesting that they work in sectors less affected by market fluctuations (i.e., lowincome or niche positions). (p. 1725)
LANGUAGE AND ENGLISH FLUENCY
Across the literature, fluency in English was found to be an important determinant of economic
well-being for newcomers overall, with language identified as a significant labour market asset
(Access Alliance, 2014; Akter et al., 2013; Clark and Drinkwater, 2002; Haan, 2008; Kanter,
2009). According to Akter et al. (2013), only 28% of newcomers with beginner level English
skills had any employment at all, compared to 71% of respondents with advanced English
skills. Language barriers intersect with other factors, such as gender and race, to compact the
challenges newcomer women face to their employment and economic outcomes.
THE “NATIVITY EFFECT”
Employment and employability was found to improve for immigrants the longer they have been
in their receiving countries. Immigrants that are “more settled” generally fare better, but this
effect seems to be minimal and lessens over time (Haan, 2008). Unfortunately, progressively
settling is not enough to overcome employment barriers overall, especially for women. Haan
(2008) suggests that, over-time, immigrants are likely to acquire more Canadian experience and
become better acquainted with the Canadian labour market (Haan, 2008).
In exploring the “nativity effect,” Read and Cohen (2007) found that the employment gap
between Caucasian women and most other ethnic groups were always largest for the most recent
immigrants, and smallest for the immigrants who had lived in their new country the longest.
They noted, however, that the effect varied by ethnicity. U.S.-born Arab women (contrary to
popular stereotypes) recorded employment rates approaching the rates for Caucasian women
and established Asian and Middle Eastern immigrants had similar employment rates to nativeborn women, but there was less successful progress over time for all other groups.
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS: GATEWAY CITIES AND SUBURBS
Joppke (2007) notes the growing awareness that immigration and settlement are constant
and continuous, and not a finite historical episode. Over time, newcomers follow largely
socio-cultural settlement patterns that form communities and neighbourhoods that are both
influenced by, and influential for, the labour market.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
13
In their analysis of unequal funding allocations to immigrant organizations in the San Francisco
Bay Area, de Graauw et al. (2013) identified three types of communities based on their size
and historical settlement patterns: 1) continuous immigrant gateways (e.g. New York, Chicago,
San Francisco), which are large central cities with immigrant populations that have been
far above national average for more than a century; 2) 21st century gateways (e.g. Atlanta,
Washington, D.C., San Jose), with immigrant populations that have tripled or quadrupled in
size over past few decades; and 3) suburban immigrant communities, which are similar to 21st
century gateways in that their experiences with increasing immigrant populations are relatively
new, but with fewer residents, and therefore smaller, less complex government bureaucracies.
These three distinctions are useful in understanding the various experiences and patterns of
immigrant communities as explored by the literature. De Graauw’s work in the USA supports
Haan’s work in Canadian cities.
Haan (2008) identified some potential explanations of the factors influencing immigration
trends towards the first community type identified by de Graauw: gateway cities. First, it is
often agreed that immigrants choose gateway cities as their destination because they assume
their prospects for employment will be solid. Second, and particularly according to Citizenship
and Immigration Canada (CIC), gateway cities are simply the most established and wellknown. Thirdly, there’s the well-known “group affinity hypothesis” whereby pre-existing ethnic
communities are especially adept at attracting and retaining new immigrants.
The first assumption, that gateway cities offer better employment prospects, is not wholly
supported by the literature and not reflected in the experiences of newcomers in gateway
cities generally, and census metropolitan areas (CMAs) specifically. On the one hand,
immigrants in gateway cities fare better than their counterparts in non-gateway cities at finding
employment that matches their education and skills. However, Haan (2008) notes that while
the unemployment rates for the Canadian-born hardly vary across gateway and non-gateway
cities, the employment rates for immigrants vary in a noticeable way. Although higher levels of
unemployment are experienced by immigrants than non-immigrants across gateway and nongateway areas, it is especially true for immigrant populations in CMAs where unemployment
rates are over two percentage points higher than those who are Canadian-born. Conversely,
unemployment rates for immigrants in non-gateway cities are almost a full percentage point
lower than the unemployment rates for immigrants in gateway cities. Overall, Haan’s research
found that people who migrate to gateway CMAs do so at the cost of their potential earnings,
though they might be better suited to the work they do find (Haan, 2008). The “Spatial Mismatch
Hypothesis” in the literature offers one explanation for the trend of employment opportunities
moving away from urban centres where eager-to-work minority populations are concentrated
(Clark and Drinkwater, 2002; Haan, 2008).
According to de Graauw et al. (2013), spatial mismatch can also be applied to political will
and practice where funding supports and services for immigrant populations are concerned.
Public officials in suburban jurisdictions, they argued, are less informed about new immigrant
demographics and fail to do adequate outreach to those communities. They called this
phenomenon “suburban free riding.” De Graauw et al. (2013) noted that most suburbs do not
provide sufficient support to immigrant populations, especially when those populations are
particularly disadvantaged and/or located in relative proximity to gateway cities. This was due
to slow reactions to demographic shifts and a discrepancy between the image many have of
the “suburban bedroom community” and the lived experiences of the immigrants who reside
in the suburban areas they serve. De Grauuw et al.’s notes that 21st-century gateway cities,
and especially the surrounding suburbs, lack established service infrastructures and have less
14
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
history to support the legitimacy of funding it, in the view of both elected and nonelected
city officials. Public officials also presume that immigrants rely on the services and resources
provided by other jurisdictions, and are included in the public-private partnerships and
bureaucratic structures that facilitate those services and resources. This is particularly true in
urban jurisdictions where suburban officials might expect larger populations of immigrants
would live. Due to the lack of awareness of particular needs and the assumption that many
needs are taken care of by existing institutions, immigrant services in suburban communities
are often under-represented in potential grants, and suburban immigrant organizations are not
sought out as potential service partners. This makes it difficult for leaders and other members
of immigrant communities to access the resources necessary for establishing and running new
organizations and programs in their communities.
ETHNIC ENCLAVES
“Ethnic enclaves” refer to the concentration of socio-cultural ethnic groups in geographical
areas, usually in sub-municipal districts. The growth of these ethnic communities has typically
been explained via the “group affinity hypothesis” (Haan, 2008). However, this explanation
begins to lose pertinence beyond settlement trends and patterns. The literature shows that
ethnic enclaves do not simply attract new immigrants, they also have the effect of retaining
them (Haan, 2008) through a series of mechanisms that interact with both formal and informal
economies (Akter et al., 2013).
Ethnic communities offer significant social and economic supports, and were found to be
valuable to the settlement process for newcomers to CMAs. These communities “foster
cultural and interpretive supports, and economic opportunities, such as mentoring, job
referrals, job offers, and business deals” (Akter et al, 2013). Approximately 45% of
respondents to a survey of three ethno-cultural enclaves in the Greater Toronto Area (Akter
et al., 2013) reported finding employment through friends and family. Clark and Drinkwater
(2002) explored how others have highlighted or theorized about the positive impacts of
concentrations of ethnic minorities. Less consumer discrimination, they observed, improves
opportunities for paid work and self-employment. Common language and culture diminish
the language barrier and “boost” opportunities for trade specific to the community, and may
make possible a “protected market” for minority-run businesses that provide goods and
services with particular cultural significance. However, data presented across the literature
illustrates that, ethnic enclaves experience lower rates of both paid work and selfemployment, and generally poorer economic well-being.
In England and Wales, ethnic minority populations are relatively concentrated, and the
social and economic indicators for those areas worsen as concentration increases (Clark and
Drinkwater, 2002). Ethnic enclaves tend to attract immigrants with weaker proficiency in the
English language. Rates of paid-employment and self-employment are also lower. In addition,
the possible economic benefits offered by proximity to fellow ethnic minorities depended largely
on the disadvantaged quality of the urban and typically inner-city areas in which they settle.
The growing racialization of poverty is a root cause of segregation within neighbourhoods.
As communities become more divided along the line of income bracket and confined by
social networks, ethnic enclaves increasingly have become poverty traps. The residents within
enclaves have fewer ways to bridge outside their communities.
One of the mechanisms of ethnic enclaves that were seen to contribute to poor social and economic
indicators was that local labour markets (including shadow economies) that were comprised of two
prominent survival activities – under-employment and unregulated self-employment – were the
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
15
primary markets to which immigrants could gain access through the social networks in their
ethnic enclaves (Akter et al., 2013). As employment opportunities circulate through those
social networks, the residents of those ethnic enclaves are increasingly over-represented in
those labour markets, particularly survival markets with substandard employment. Clark and
Drinkwater (2002) also found that ethnic enclaves have unique characteristics that affect the
supply and demand for labour and goods and services, especially those with respective cultural
significance. Furthermore, the lower-income in ethnic enclaves limits the business opportunities
in the area, and in England and Wales, non-enclave areas with lower concentrations see a
greater proportion of minority entrepreneurship.
Ethnic enclaves were seen to constrain job search behaviour, as well. According to the Access
Alliance (2014) report, participants identified barriers to information and access to services,
along with limited professional networks, as some of the key labour market barriers. According
to Akter et al. (2013), 85% of their study’s respondents reported using the internet for job
searches and communicating with contacts for potential employment. However, immigrants
who were identified as professionals, or who had been in Canada longer, were more likely
to network outside of their ethno-cultural communities. They also found that those seeking
professional work, or specifically work in the finance sector, were more likely to use broader
job search techniques.
The experiences of immigrant women varied in specific ways. According to Hagan (1998),
immigrant women in Houston, Texas were likely to cluster in domestic work, a phenomenon
influenced by gender but also supported by social networks: typically, a newcomer domestic
worker’s first “live-in” position is established through friends and family already living and
working in the area. This type of employment was also generally less secure and under-paid
compared to the work found by men. In addition, it was found that men’s social networks
expanded over time, thereby expanding their employment options, whereas women’s social
networks contracted, negatively impacting their prospects for future job opportunities.
EMPLOYMENT MISMATCH AND DESKILLING
Literature confirmed the challenges newcomers encounter when seeking employment which
matches their skills and professional backgrounds more so than their Canadian-born counterparts
(Haan, 2008). This “employment mismatch” was measured by Haan as the disparity between
the required skills of a subject’s current job and their previous training. According to the data,
approximately 30.9% of immigrants in gateway CMAs experienced employment mismatch,
whereas immigrants outside of Vancouver, Toronto, and Montreal experienced employment
mismatch rates at 29.5%. Haan also found that the probability of employment mismatch
did not decrease with time spent living and working in Canada, contrasting with traditional
assimilation theories. According to Kanter (2009), early intervention is critical, because this
mismatching of skills sets in motion a trend of compounding barriers and gradually leads to
deskilling. The longer newcomers spend working outside of their profession, the more likely
they are to begin losing their skills, and the more difficulty they face in finding suitable jobs that
match their professional and educational backgrounds later on.
According to Access Alliance’s 2014 research, half of longer-term immigrant women had gone
back to school to upgrade their certifications or get an additional diploma or degree. Most
participants chose to do fast-track courses at a college. Participants with higher educations, and
those who were married, were more likely to return to college or university to upgrade their
degrees or get a new one. For those women working in regulated professions (e.g. healthcare)
16
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
where re-certification is required to meet the standards and requirements of local industries and
sectors, this could mean thousands of dollars, and months or even years spent working towards
re-certification, and often in vain. Even where long-term immigrant women successfully recertified or augmented their certifications with additional training and education, they tended to
fare no better than immigrant women who were recent newcomers or had in Canada mediumterm (Access Alliance, 2014).
Employment mismatching, and the deskilling that may result, were also found to impact job
search behaviour. Mismatched skills, even where women were over-qualified, could be both an
outcome of, and a barrier to, gaining employment. Many participants in the Access Alliance
qualitative study (2014) hid the extent of their professional and educational backgrounds, and
skills, to present themselves as a better fit for work they were over-qualified for (Access Alliance,
2014). They also indicated they preferred dropping off résumés to applying online for these
jobs as these experiences were often awkward and disempowering.
LITERATURE REVIEW ANALYSIS
Language and cultural barriers,
non-recognition of credentials,
lack of Canadian experience,
inadequate support services,
discrimination and racism
against immigrant populations
continue to hinder their
integration into the Canadian
economy, yet women face
further challenges. Child or
family care and household
responsibilities
constrain
potential
working
hours,
meaning those women that
do find employment are
overrepresented in part-time Source: Statistics Canada, Census 2006
and precarious positions. This
trend has only been compounded by the recession of 2008 (TEIDI, 2011). According to 2006
census data, only 56.8% of recent immigrant women aged 25-54 were employed compared
to 70.5% amongst immigrant women. 64% of those recently immigrated women aged 2554 worked part-time work, while 49% of immigrant women worked part-time. Women who
recently immigrated to Canada with university degrees were three times more likely to work
in sales and services than their Canadian-born counterparts. They were almost 15 times more
likely to work in occupations unique to processing, manufacturing and utilities than Canadianborn women that were almost twice as likely to occupy management positions (Chui, 2013).
The estimated loss of productivity from the absence of immigrant women from the labour
market is significant. 60% of immigrants are not able to work in the same occupational field
as they did in their country of origin. If we can increase the share of immigrant scientists and
engineers working in Canada by 1%, we would see an estimated 41% increase in patenting
(Portraits of Peel, 2011). Additionally, unemployment can lead to participation in the informal
economy which has been linked to depression and anxiety as well as dangerous situations
marked by coercion, discrimination and exploitation from employers (Dyson et al., 2013). As
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
17
a social determinant of health, unemployed women face a greater risk of suffering from both
mental and physical illness. In order to counter such stark inequities, immigrant women need
to be engaged in a process that allows for their voices to be heard and for their experiences to
inform changes both at the local and policy levels.
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OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
FOCUS GROUPS
FOCUS GROUP DESIGN:
The literature review also informed the focus group guide. To more fully utilize the knowledge
from these focus groups, three guides were developed: one to be used for all of the ethnolinguistic communities, one specific to self-employed women, and one specific to temporary
foreign workers. Each focus group guide contained distinct sets of questions aimed at elucidating
information unique to the particular category of immigrant women. The three focus group
guides can be found in Appendix B.
Being mindful that different populations of women may experience job searches and
employment services differently, and in order to compare ethno-cultural experiences with
the employment process, we recruited immigrant women from more than one linguistic
community. These included: Arabic, Mandarin, Spanish, Tamil, Punjabi, Hindi, Gujarati, and
Urdu. We also conducted three focus groups in English for the following populations: women
who were either self-employed or were in the process of establishing self-employment, the
Afro-Caribbean community, and a general population focus group. All of our participants
were recent immigrants aged 25-55, who had migrated to Canada after 2009, and were either
seeking employment or were employed.
Eleven focus groups were conducted during the fall and winter of 2014. Each focus group
consisted of six to sixteen women. Groups of this size allowed adequate discussion and
encouraged all women to share their opinions. A total of 120 women participated.
Consent forms were explained, reviewed, and obtained prior to the focus groups (Appendix C).
Women had the option of ceasing their participation at any point, or not participating in some
portion of the discussion. Prior to group discussions, women were asked to fill out an optional
demographic survey (Appendix C). The findings of the demographic survey are summarized
in Appendix I.
COMMUNITY ANIMATION
In order to facilitate comfort and candor amongst focus group participants, the project
developed an engagement team comprised of “community animators,” female immigrants who
demonstrated an understanding of the project goals and were connected to their ethno-specific
communities.
Community animators also helped alleviate some of the barriers to engaging immigrant
communities through their understanding of these communities. This model is aligned with
fostering a GBA+ framework for outreach and diverse community engagement. Community
animators can be seen as people that understand the actual lived realities of recent immigrants
within specific cultural or linguistic groups. As individuals who have faced similar barriers to
the participants, they also are more empathetic, further facilitating open and honest discussion.
In an effort to effectively support project goals, 9 community animators were hired and trained
by Public Interest. Aiming to maintain a GBA+ approach, animators were also selected to reflect
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
19
the diversity of age, language, and culture of immigrants in the following linguistic communities:
Afro-Caribbean, Hindi, Gujarati, Tamil, Urdu, Punjabi, Spanish, Arabic, Mandarin, and women
who are self-employed. Candidates for the community animator positions were identified
through referrals from BMC and the Advisory Group. Each community animator candidate
participated in an intake and interview process to determine their understanding of their
community.
Appendix D provides the interview questions used in community animator recruitment.
Community animators were given training on the project and in outreach and focus group
facilitation. Three sessions of community animator training were provided to all animators in
groups, pairs and on an individual basis to accommodate their schedules. Community animator
training topics included communication and active listening skills, group facilitation skills,
outreach strategies and work-planning.
Community animators were supported by Public Interest and BMC staff through coaching
efforts after the formal training sessions. Consistent communication between project staff and
community animators was implemented on a regular basis, including:
•
Weekly telephone calls;
•
Frequent email communication;
•
In-person meetings where necessary to work through emerging challenges.
This consistent communication ensured that community animators received the support they
needed to implement their work-plans and conduct the focus groups. This process also provided
the opportunity for community animators to identify challenges in outreaching ethno-specific
communities and gain support in brainstorming various outreach techniques.
Appendix E provides the full community animator training presentation.
FOCUS GROUP PROCESS
The groups were conducted at the offices of community organizations throughout Peel Region,
and each session lasted approximately two hours. Through the outreach process, certain
community organizations were identified as gathering spaces for different ethno-linguistic
communities. Immigrant women were familiar with these organizations, and were well
acquainted with staff at these particular centres. To facilitate ease of conversation and
comfort, focus groups were hosted out of these locations. Nine focus groups were conducted
by community animators in the languages specific to the targeted ethno-specific communities.
Two focus groups (one with women who were self-employed or exploring self-employment
and another with the general population) were conducted in English by Public Interest staff.
Focus group participants were given an honorarium of $10 gift cards to various food stores.
Women in the self-employed group were given an honorarium of $50 to offset time away
from their businesses. Bus tickets, childcare, and refreshments were also provided. If
transportation provided a significant barrier for women, alternative transportation was arranged.
Measures to foster (1) diverse community engagement and (2) focus group access reflect GBA+
processes integrated into the Project design (for more on GBA+ and accessibility, see “Opening
Doors: Improving Prosperity for Immigrant Women Evaluation of Needs Assessment”).
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OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
Community animators recorded each focus group, and took notes both during the focus group
as well as after in preparation to review the data with Public Interest staff. Public Interest staff
arranged to meet with each community animator to review the contents of the focus group
recordings, contextualize the information, and explain cultural nuances.
Responses were incorporated into a spreadsheet, organized by interview question. Patterns
in the responses were identified, including: responses that constituted a higher portion of
the responses; responses that deviate from established patterns; and responses that point to
specific trends amongst ethno-specific communities. The findings were summarized from each
demographic and compared to each other and the literature review.
Recommendations have been drafted based on these findings.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
21
FOCUS GROUP DEMOGRAPHICS
Focus group participants were typical of immigrant women in Peel seeking employment.
The majority of the women self-identified as being married with children and living in
Mississauga. Most of them had completed their post-secondary education. They had been
employed or educated in a variety of skilled fields in their country of origin, with teachers,
administrators and technology/IT being the top three.
Throughout the focus groups, women were open, vocal, and honest about their experiences.
Many participants defied the traditional idea of immigrant women. They often came from
backgrounds with higher socio-economic status in their country of origin. Some spoke about
having maids, servants, and nannies prior to migration. Their reasons for coming to Canada
had more to do with the political situations in their countries of origin than poverty or a lack
of employment opportunities. Most of them were well-informed about the social and economic
realities of Canadian culture, and many of them reported gathering information pre-arrival
from varied sources in preparation of their new lives.
In answering our focus group questions, women displayed a great wealth of knowledge and
insight about complex public policy and systemic issues. They consistently articulated the
barriers they face and the resources they needed to resolve them.
22
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
There were several major commonalities across the eleven focus groups:
•
The strong disconnect between Canadian immigration policy and the labour market
The majority of the women came in as skilled workers but then there either
weren’t jobs in their area of expertise and/or their international qualifications and
experience weren’t recognized – the same qualification and experience which
was deemed legitimate and strong to be successful in the immigration process.
Expectations of highly skilled women were often disappointed, and in fact women
with less pre-immigration training and experience found the employment market
less frustrating.
•
Who you know is more important than what you know – the importance of effective
networks
Many women were surprised that for themselves and the majority of others that
they know the main criteria for success in securing a job was who you know. It
is important to develop a strong network as quickly as possible. Women did not
need to be taught that networks were important; rather they needed support and
concrete opportunities to develop these networks. Volunteering did not seem to be
as effective a way to develop networks as assumed.
•
Additional supports beyond job searching skills are required to ensure a successful
job search
Women required additional supports such as subsidized, accessible and available
childcare when the employment was offered, transportation subsidy and in some
cases support in securing reasonably priced car insurance. These additional
supports are required to support securing and maintaining employment.
•
Service access is an issue
Women often lacked information on services and found the existing infrastructure
did not meet their needs.
CURRENT JOB STATUS OF FOCUS GROUP PARTICIPANTS
While the majority of participants are currently working, most held positions in survival jobs
or were not employed in their field. Most of these women were working in lower level positions
than the positions they held in their country of origin. For the participants, this degradation in
position resulted in lowering their self-esteem and a loss of income. For some participants, they
had to restart their careers, either re-doing their education or accepting entry-level positions. A
few participants, particularly those that did not have careers in their country of origin, found that
they had more freedom and were more satisfied with their overall employment opportunities.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
23
EMPLOYMENT EXPECTATIONS:
INFORMATION FOR JOB SEARCHING IN PEEL
The majority of women did not look for specific information on how to find a job in their
field in Peel. Two of the reasons cited by participants were that they did not know where to
find the information (i.e. what services, resources and organizations were available) and that
they did not know what information to search for. Some participants also expressed that when
they did find information, it was not helpful or it was presented poorly, including information
distributed by settlement agencies. For many participants, the information was not as helpful
as networking: consistently through the focus groups, participants expressed a strong belief that
networking and knowing the right people was the key to getting employed. Mandarin-speaking
participants attempted to access information online and through their social networks, but
language barriers made it difficult for them to find professional jobs and re-enter their fields.
EXPECTATIONS ON THE RELATIVE EASE OF FINDING A JOB
Across the focus groups, women had allocated time for their job search, ranging from three
months to one year, with the knowledge that they would not immediately find employment.
Despite this, women reported that it took longer than anticipated and it became increasingly
difficult for them to secure a job. While most women started by researching positions in their
fields of study or previous work, they were often dismayed to find that these jobs were not
readily available or that the employers were dismissive of their qualifications and experience.
Over time, women realized that they would either have to re-start their careers, start new
careers, or settle for precarious employment opportunities.
Many participants pointed out the disparity between Canadian immigration policy and the
labour market; they felt that the Canadian government actively recruits for skilled immigrants
and advertises the ease of securing employment. Despite Canada’s reputation as a “dream
country” for its economic stability and a higher standard of living, many immigrant women
found that they lost their dreams. The labour market is ultimately unresponsive to their skill
sets and experiences, and most are now focusing on creating opportunities for their children.
There was no correlation between the number of workshops on job searching or résumé writing
attended, number of résumés distributed, or amount of organizations approached for support
and the women’s capacity to secure meaningful employment. Many participants felt that these
extra efforts did not necessarily pay off. One participant described “shopping” for employment
agencies, and having her résumé re-edited several times for minute “errors.” Despite the edits
to her résumé, she never received an interview. Women expressed continual frustration that
requesting external support, sometimes at the cost of their pride, did not make it easier to
secure employment.
All of the women talked about their need to adjust their expectations, that what was
advertised as part of the Canadian immigrant experience was not the reality they faced.
Participants repeatedly pointed out that the very factors that contributed to their ease of
immigration – their professional and academic success – did not help them develop new lives
in Canada.
24
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
WHEN TO START LOOKING FOR A JOB
Upon arrival to Canada, women first struggled to deal with their family’s settlement needs,
including finding accommodation and schooling, setting up bank accounts, and adapting to their
new life. They also needed time to acclimatize to Canadian culture and adapt to a more Western
lifestyle. Some women started their job search quickly due to their personal finances. Many of the
participants had young children and did not start searching until their children grew older.
Motivators outside of personal finance included maintaining their former lifestyles and
expanding their social networks. A few women noted they wanted to work so they could
maintain the same lifestyle they had in their countries of origin. Some women were motivated
by the fact that they were bored staying at home and they needed to find other activities.
Securing a job was also another avenue to setting up a social network and making friends. For
many of the women being able to secure a job meant they were less isolated, generally happier,
self-confident and more active.
JOB SEARCH BEHAVIOURS:
JOB SEARCHING PROCESS
Women who have immigrated to Canada use the same standard job searching process as a
majority of job seekers. They searched for jobs online and apply to them, distributed their
résumés widely, cold call companies both inside and outside their field of expertise, and
accessed and relied on their networks once they are developed. When they become aware of
these resources, they take résumé writing and job searching workshops, frequent job fairs,
and utilize the library to access information. They become clients of employment and
settlement agencies, and send their résumés to temp agencies.
JOB SEARCHING TECHNIQUE MOST HELPFUL
Despite the wide array of job search tactics women employed, networking with links to the
hidden job market was seen as the most effective method of job searching by far. As part of
networking, building a relationship with key personnel such as Human Resources personnel
in a company was seen as effective. Participants spoke to their frustration with watching
people around them get hired because of their connections: some knew other immigrant
women who were better connected and obtained employment quickly, despite having fewer
qualifications or limited language skills.
JOB SEARCHING TECHNIQUES LEAST HELPFUL
The least successful strategy was online applications, where a majority of the women felt it
went into a void. Job fairs were also seen as unhelpful because they did not cater to skilled
workers, particularly for upper management positions. Job fairs served as more of a forum
for survival jobs.
Women had varied results with different employment organizations and agencies. While some
participants valued what they learned from attending workshops, and built relationships with
their employment counselor, others found that these agencies were ill-informed of both the
Canadian labour market and international work force. Women did find benefits from attending
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
25
workshops, including increasing their self-confidence, gaining new skills, and being better
informed about resources and the labour market, but they were frustrated that they could not
translate their global experience and education to the counsellors assigned to support them, and
that these counsellors could not match their expertise to Canadian companies. Women found
that investing their time in employment agencies, both non-profit organizations and private
temp agencies, often did not result in meaningful employment. Employment agencies also did
not have the hours or childcare facilities to accommodate immigrant women, as women with
children or working shift hours could not easily access services.
Another strategy that women did not find effective was upgrading their qualifications through
private colleges. The experience was they would spend their time and money at these private
colleges getting certified to then find that the certification was not recognized. There was a call
to regulate these private colleges more robustly.
Women were also using temp agencies to obtain quick employment, but did not have good
experiences with them. They reported being called in last minute for jobs, not always being
paid properly or on time, and having to pay a portion of their salaries to these agencies. There
was some frustration with the fact that these temp agencies are not regulated, and that they
continue to prey on the immigrant population.
BALANCING SECURING A JOB AT THE RIGHT SCALE VERSUS ACCEPTING A
SURVIVAL JOB
Participants in the focus groups openly debated whether it was more beneficial to work survival
jobs, despite their qualifications or experience, or to continue looking for work in their fields
of expertise.
Women who accepted survival jobs understood they currently have limited options, with
most stating that they would continue searching for employment in their field. Women who
opted to continue solely seeking employment in their respective fields also acknowledged that
they also had greater familial and financial support. A few participants expressed resignation
and had temporarily stopped seeking employment. Most of these women decided to accept
any secondary careers or explore entrepreneurial opportunities rather than hold out hope
of obtaining work that fully reflected their skills and experience. Our focus group findings
mimicked those of the Peel-Halton Workforce, which found that there was a greater share of
women pursuing secondary careers in the Second Career program (54%) in comparison to the
province (49%). Additionally, a higher proportion of these clients have completed a university
degree in comparison to the provincial average.
BARRIERS TO EMPLOYMENT
Across the focus groups, there was consensus on the barriers to employment for immigrant
women. These commonalities are listed below:
•
Changing cultural context for job search
Several women noted the differences in job searching within Canada in comparison
to their country of origin. Different countries have different résumé requirements
and job application processes, including appropriate interviewing skills. The
duration of time between accreditation and securing a job also fluctuates, with
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OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
most participants stating that they received job offers immediately upon completing
graduation.
•
The additional resources required to be able to job search
Women noted that additional resources are required to effectively job search.
Public transportation is difficult to navigate, time consuming, and expensive,
but it is a critical component for women who do not have access to a vehicle. In
addition, securing affordable, accessible and available childcare to free up the time
and space to job search was exceptionally difficult. Additionally, demonstrating
English proficiency through standardized exams such as the TOEFL or meeting
other Canadian accreditation requirements were both time-consuming and
expensive. Another unexpected expense was the process of acquiring transcripts for
recertification. Participants particularly from war-torn countries such as Iraq and
Afghanistan found it impossible to acquire transcripts from educational facilities
that were destroyed as a result of war.
•
Network development
Several immigrant women face the challenge of not belonging to a professional
network and subsequently being unable to secure references. Simultaneously, they
continue to apply for positions or risk what they felt was an unexplainable gap in
their résumés otherwise they would be highlighting their new immigrant status
which seemed to be detrimental for securing a job.
•
Lack of Canadian experience and education:
A majority of the participants found that their lack of Canadian employment and
educational experience acted as a significant barrier, to both professional and manual
labour positions. Their previous education and employment often did not translate
into recognized credentials. Even participants that had worked in internationally
recognized companies, including Canadian companies, were unable to secure
employment. Women also expressed frustration that they could not possibly
obtain Canadian experience without employment. Volunteering had mixed results
as women had gained a greater understanding of the Canadian work culture and
applicable skills but at the expense of time that could have been allocated towards
job searching. Participants often discovered that their qualifications from their
countries of origin were considered inadequate for jobs here even at their previous
level of employment.
•
Personal presentation:
While many accepted that they had to match the Western expectation of professional
attire and presentation, some were uncomfortable with this level of assimilation.
Participants also spoke to the expectation of acculturation and expressed mixed
reactions to assimilating at the cost of their own cultures. This was particularly
predominant for women who wear hijabs and they suspected their clothing
contributed to their difficulty in finding employment. Women were also cognizant
of their spoken English and their accent. While there was some discussion on
whether an accent actually impacts employment, their negative perception of
their own accent made it difficult for them to gain the confidence to interview
successfully or present their ideas.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
27
For some ethnic groups, there were no cultural differences in how they presented
themselves in Canada in comparison to their countries of origin. In particular, the
Spanish focus group participants stated that they were comfortable with how they
were expected to dress, as it mimicked their professional attire in their countries
of origin.
•
Racism and Sexism:
Participants referenced racism and sexism as possible impediments without indepth discussion. Amongst the narratives we heard, one participant recounted
dropping off résumés at various sites, and hearing employers make fun of her dress
and accent. Another participant who wore an abbaya (a robe-like cloth worn by
Muslim women) spoke about interviewing for a position and doing well. She was
offered a second interview, and her interviewer seemed surprised at her clothing.
The nature of the questions she was asked changed from her capacity to do the
job to whether her husband and family would be alright with her working outside
of her house. Angry and hurt, she left the interview. Yet another participant joked
that she would get hired if she changed the name on her résumé to “John Smith”.
A few participants speculated that male employers felt threatened by their
qualifications and refused to hire them. One of the coping strategies women
incorporated was downplaying their qualifications and some thought that men did
not need to utilize such strategies.
OBTAINING EMPLOYMENT
The emphasis on having the right connections to find employment was ubiquitous through the
focus groups. Some participants were disillusioned by this reality as it mirrored their experiences
in their country of origin. While they had grown accustomed to it, they expected that Canadian
society was more transparent and valued merit over personal connections. Women felt that
an effective strategy in aiding them to find meaningful employment would include support in
developing and establishing broader professional and personal networks.
Several participants have volunteer experience, most noting that these volunteer opportunities
must be diversified and provide employment options specific to their fields. There was the
recognition that the pathway has to be strengthened between volunteering and obtaining a job.
Women expressed equal parts satisfaction and dissatisfaction with their volunteer experience.
They felt they were either underutilized or over-utilized; they were often doing work that they
should have been paid for without getting additional training or support, which is associated
with volunteering positions. Volunteering rarely resulted in employment. In fact, participants,
particularly those that had volunteered for long periods of time, felt as if they lost employment
opportunities or time to job search. The few women who were employed by their volunteer
agencies noted that the culture of the organization was open to newcomer skills; organizational
culture played a big role in retaining and employing good volunteers. Volunteering then did
not become a pathway to securing a job and economic security but often detracted from the
participants’ ability to achieve economic stability. The benefits to volunteering were more
indirect, including opportunities to practice and improve upon their spoken English, build
relationships and networks, obtain references, and deepen their understanding of Canadian
work culture.
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OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
To secure entry-level positions, many women did not indicate the extent of their work history
or underplayed their educational and professional qualifications. More participants spoke to
the effectiveness of downplaying their skills over taking additional courses and “upgrading.”
Some downplayed their experience on the advice given by their employment counselors or
community members who warned that being overly experienced would significantly reduce
their chances of employment, while others were concerned with the cost of upgrading.
RETAINING EMPLOYMENT
The majority of the participants who were employed found little or no opportunity for
advancement; even if they could advance, it would be dissatisfying as the employment they
had obtained was not in their field of interest, was not related to their previous work
experience, and was often unrelated to their skillset.
Many women described how survival jobs resulted in precarious work situations where
employment security is limited. They identified workplace hazards including strenuous
physical labour, unreasonable work hours, and a lack of compliance with safety regulations.
Other workplace environments were toxic with abusive behaviour, which included belittling
the workers, cutting hours or pay without notice and withholding pay.
Most participants had limited knowledge of their labour rights and were afraid to complain in
case they were fired. Those who had a better grasp of English, or were more knowledgeable
of their rights expressed anxiety towards speaking against their supervisors in fear of negative
repercussions on their immigration status.
Relationships with supervisors seemed to be an important factor; even in a survival job, despite
the drawbacks, women were willing to work in environments where they had a positive
relationship with their colleagues or supervisors.
IMPACT OF LOOKING FOR EMPLOYMENT
Most participants were motivated to immigrate to Canada for their children; some stated that if
they did not have children, they would not have immigrated to this country. Similar to Canadian
mothers, immigrant women face challenges in finding work that enables them to meet their
children’s needs. Women across the focus groups spoke to the lack of affordable daycare and
lack of flexible work schedules. Some women were also concerned with the quality of care
provided for their children in daycares and after-school centres, citing cultural or religious
constraints. While older participants stated that they felt pride at their children’s success, they
were aware that this feeling was fleeting. In examining their own situations, they continued to
feel disheartened.
The challenges of raising children curtail the hours and location of where immigrant women
can access employment. Additionally, families are impacted by women’s job search and job
situations because of the emotional and physical toll. As the lack of employment opportunities
and the push to either downplay their skills, assimilate or accept precarious positions many
participants lowered their expectations which, in turn, lowered their self-esteem. Consequently,
many women spoke about the psychological ramifications they were experiencing such as
depression, irritation/extreme frustration and high degrees of social isolation that negatively
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
29
impacted their familial relationships. Participants openly discussed increasing frustration in
their spousal relationships. Children were also impacted by the family atmosphere. While most
women noted that their children supported them to the best of their ability; children coped
by assuming more mature roles and took on further responsibilities. The influence on
immigrant women's mental health also impacted their physical well-being. Women often
missed their extensive social network in their countries of origin. Those who did not have
family in Peel felt further isolated and relied more heavily on community support(s).
STRATEGIZING FOR THE FUTURE
Accounting for the additional resources required to undertake a job search – such as subsidized
transportation and accessible, affordable, quality childcare – would greatly improve women’s
ability to conduct their job search.
Women felt the services available were not always relevant to their needs and that information
that was accurate, readily available in different languages, reliable, and customized would
be more useful. Immigrant women need to be matched with a community animator/expert
who can help them work through the information and provide tailored recommendations. In
addition, workshops should be more specialized to provide relevant information.
Employment and settlement organizations should deliver consistently effective services that
recognize what is relevant to immigrant women. While some organizations are performing
very well in terms of supporting immigrant women's socioeconomic needs, many
organizations are not meeting the particular demands of this population. Participants felt
that employment agencies should allocate more time and effort into understanding
immigrant women’s realities prior to designing services that alleviate the unique stressors
immigrant women face. Programs and services that have a more holistic approach,
integrating English learning skills with mentorships and childcare, would be more
beneficial. Services such as résumé writing or job search workshops have limited usability
and do not account for the emotional and physical tolls of unemployment and settling as a
newcomer in Peel region. Additionally, immigrant women do not need to be “taught” that
networking is important for employment. Since immigrant women do not have the resources
to enter or establish their networks, more supports should be provided to develop these
professional networks. Immigrant women need more opportunities to build connections and
professional relationships with employers.
Policy and actions must be developed to address this need for “Canadian” experience and
tackle the misperception of immigrants experience and education as being of lesser value.
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OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEWS
KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEW DESIGN
The literature review informed the design of the questions for the key interviews (Appendix
F). The questions were developed by Public Interest and reviewed by Brampton Multicultural
Community Centre.
Possible key informants were selected to include people who met some combination of the
following criteria:
•
Experience in the field with considered opinions on the issue
•
Well-informed individuals/service provider(s) who could provide in-depth analyses
of the topic/issue(s) currently facing newcomer women in Ontario and Peel
•
Able to provide vital, local perspectives that may not be reflected in either the
literature review or focus groups
•
Supportive and in some cases possess the authority to create socioeconomic change
along with developing strategic relationships with others including, but not limited to
key stakeholders
•
Capable of contributing information and specific data from a diverse social positions
including (but not limited to) gender, thereby offering capacity for GBA+ to the
Project design and development
A list of critical stakeholders was comprised from Advisory Group recommendations and
individuals who had agreed to support the project prior to its launch. A total of 19 key
informants were individually interviewed from a broad scope of Peel’s non-profit sector,
academia, businesses, and local government leaders. Interviews conducted with members of the
non-profit sector included a cross-section of different levels of non-profit staff, such as executive
directors, managers, and frontline workers. Informants had mostly long histories of working
with immigrant women, ranging from two years to over twenty years. Many informants also
self-identified as being immigrants at some point in their lives, and drew upon their lived and
professional experiences. A list of stakeholders interviewed can be found in Appendix G.
Multistakeholders were asked to provide insight into the employment conditions of immigrant
women and what services were required to support them. They also discussed the extremely
limited number of meaningful employment opportunities and the subsequent, long term
impact this had on immigrant women, their families, and the larger community. All
interviews, conducted in English, lasted between 45 and 60 minutes.
Detailed notes were taken during each interview to track discussions. Two data sets were
grouped according to the participants’ knowledge of public policy; Set 1 displayed a greater
understanding of public policy in response to question 11 and 12 than Set 2. The data sets
were imported into spreadsheets and coded for recurring themes and patterns. They were also
analyzed for best practices, strategies, and recommendations for the final report.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
31
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS: KEY
INFORMANT INTERVIEWS
BARRIERS TO EMPLOYMENT
Overall, informants identified both systemic and individual barriers to employment for
immigrant women. Most commonly, informants focused on systemic barriers including, the
lack of Canadian experience, and the expenses and time requirements associated with access to
accreditation. Other major systemic barriers included lack of information around employment
supports, lack of knowledge about employment rights, and the need for legislative reforms.
In identifying individual barriers to employment, informants commonly spoke about the
language barriers and prohibitive costs associated with securing and attaining childcare
provisions. There was also concern over the cultural expectations of motherhood and creating
a life-work balance.
EXISTING SUPPORTS
Informants recognized the supports currently offered by non-profit agencies, particularly
settlement and employment organizations, but acknowledged that there were gaps in
attaining appropriate service provisions. They noted that access to agency support is not
always appropriate when considering the needs of this particular population, as access to
some services is dependent on one's immigration status. Furthermore, service providers may
lack the critical lens and resources that would assist them in meeting the specific needs of
immigrant women. They also stated that the current non-profit agencies working with
immigrant women have limited capacity, and offer a mix of free and fee-for-services, often
without concurrent childcare services, which greatly limit women’s ability to participate. An
informant also noted that there was a lack of an elaborate network of agencies that service
immigrant women.
GAPS TO SERVICES
Majority of the informants stated that “employment services do not meet the specific needs of
immigrant women.” There was discussion of the top-down structure of some employment
services, which places employment counsellors in the position of experts, rather than clientcentered supports. There is also a disparity between how funders define “success” and how
newcomers view “success”. Agencies do not match the skills immigrant women have with
positions, instead encouraging clients to accept available work, though it may be precarious or
not in their intended field. Since an immigrant woman’s client file may be closed once she has a
job, she may no longer access supports or additional services and is viewed as a “successful”
candidate. Women who do find work may not be available for the positions they have been
accepted in, as they have competing needs with family obligations, or may find that their
income will only cover the cost of childcare. Volunteering, which is encouraged as part of the
job search process, does not always result in employment. Informants also noted that immigrant
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OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
women face greater social isolation, and that there is a gap in services for mental health issues
and domestic violence.
Immigrant women who are required to undergo accreditation may not have the financial
resources to do so. Informants attributed the lack of financial resources to immigration
policies that do not allow them to bring financial savings for over six months, which is not
enough time to find employment or complete costly accreditation processes.
The lack of a network of employment and settlement agencies also implies a lack of longterm planning: services do not naturally support women at different stages of their job search
process.
Other gaps mentioned by informants included limited access to public transit, a significant
barrier mentioned consistently throughout both the interviews and the focus groups.
While some informants viewed unemployment as a systemic issue, others placed greater
responsibility on immigrant women. An informant stated that there was a lack of knowledge
about online resources, and immigrant women did not always know that they could access
information online. There is also a lack of understanding pertaining to relevant programs and
services offered, which prevents women from exploring all possibilities.
Lastly, some informants placed the responsibility on employers, stating that they need to
broaden their understanding of immigrant women’s qualifications.
IMPACT OF UNEMPLOYMENT/UNDEREMPLOYMENT
Informants were mostly unequivocal in their acknowledgement of the negative effects of
unemployment on both immigrant women and on the broader community.
As a social determinant of health, unemployment has a profound impact on immigrant women’s
emotional well-being, which also affects their physical health. Informants described this impact
as causing lower self-esteem, mental health issues, lower self-confidence, depression, stress,
loneliness, anger, demoralization, discouragement and anxiety ultimately causing them to give
up. The impact on their mental health can also impact their family relationships, and force them
to make difficult decisions about their lifestyle choices. It also contributes to the internal or
family conflict over assimilation and retaining culture. An informant noted previous studies
that show Canadian immigrant health starts to decline within five years of arriving in Canada.
Some informants stated that immigrant women need to better manage their expectations,
claiming upholding higher expectations can result in feeling like a failure, which can contribute
to feelings of embarrassment and shame, thereby increasing their level of social isolation. Others
were concerned about skill degradation. As immigrant women do not find employment in their
fields, or as they accept employment in other positions, they may slowly lose their skills.
Informants also spoke to how unemployment impacted the broader community, noting that
the decreased capacity for immigrant women to support family members, especially children
and husbands, contributes to domestic violence. Unemployment can also result in poverty and
homelessness.
Lastly, the labour market cannot fully utilize immigrant women’s skill sets. Some informants
noted that the continued unemployment of immigrant women confirmed existing stereotypes
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
33
of immigrants needing taxpayers to support them. This, ultimately, contributes to the current
politically salient narrative of immigrants being a burden on the economic system.
OBTAINING AND RETAINING GOOD JOBS
Most informants acknowledged individual factors that contribute to obtaining or retaining a
“good” job. A “good job” was broadly defined as employment that offered benefits, livable wage,
and advancement opportunities.
Informants noted that successful job-seekers often had volunteered; displayed positive
attitudes; had strong organizational skills and capacity to balance family time and work; had
strong English skills; found a way to go back to school; had confidence and a warm personality;
had an understanding of the Canadian economy; and was able to develop networks.
Some responses acknowledged that immigrant women in different positions of socio-economic
privilege had greater access to resources. These included women who had pre-established
connections; immigrants who migrate with more time and financial resources; relationships
with successful Canadian immigrants who give other immigrants employment opportunities;
immigrant women who come to Canada with employment pre-arranged; and those that come
from cultures similar to Canadian culture.
While these barriers were broadly recognized, a few informants did not view immigrant women
as having a uniquely difficult time with obtaining employment, stating that the economy is
difficult for everyone, and that the labour market was not beyond the impact of bias.
SUPPORTING IMMIGRANT WOMEN IN ACCESSING
EMPLOYMENT
The responses to how to better support immigrant women in accessing employment reflect
individual interventions, which is appropriate since individual factors were seen as greatly
contributing to employment success.
Most informants felt that more supports needed to be offered through the non-profit sector,
often in the form of additional or better programming. There was emphasis on mentoring
programs that produce role models for immigrant women. Other programs would include
stress management programs, health and well-being programs, and programs that focus on
soft skills, such as utilizing the Internet and enhancing verbal and written communication.
Opportunities for speed networking or network development were also mentioned, as
informants strongly believed that networking would create employment prospects. A few
informants named the need for free, quality training for immigrant women, particularly in
non-traditional fields, such as STEM (science, technology, engineering, and math) and trades.
Some informants were concerned with the quality of service provision. They stated that services
needed consistency and better coordination, and should offer or improve their follow-up process.
One participant noted that more flexible programming would allow greater participation, as
immigrant women would have more choice regarding how and when they participate.
A few informants also mentioned the need for systemic supports, including legislative reforms
that focus on employment discrimination with stronger punitive repercussions for work places
that abuse immigrant women. Some indicated a need for employment equity and stronger
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OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
collective bargaining for immigrant women in unionized positions. Employers also need to
obtain education and training to achieve a better grasp on the realities immigrant women in
Peel face and to adapt to changing migrant trends. There was discussion of shifting onus for
employment away from the individuals who seek it to the employer, with emphasis on
better understanding the quality of human capital in Peel.
Other supports included providing necessary childcare and better transportation.
POLICIES AND PRACTICES THAT IMPACT JOB CAPACITY
There were disparate answers around the practices and policies that impact employment
capacity.
The proportion of jobs in the “hidden” (or unadvertised) job market presents a barrier for
many immigrants, as they do not have the professional connections to access these positions.
Informants noted that access to information is difficult, as applications are rarely translated into
other languages, and public transportation required to obtain information is also difficult to
navigate. Government workers who deal with immigrants would benefit from more training so
they are more aware of cultural practices and treat immigrants appropriately. Partner-sponsored
immigration requires women to live with their partners for two years, which is problematic for
women in abusive relationships.
One informant highlighted that the current social narrative of immigrant success stories,
which are broadcasted by multiple forms of media, presents unrealistic goals for immigrants.
Newcomers identify with these individuals without any understanding of the supports these
individuals may have accessed. This can increase their feelings of shame, guilt and failure. It also
enables the public discourse that does not view immigration as onerous: if certain individuals
could overcome the odds, why can’t others?
Individual practices that impact employment focused mainly on gender and cultural
expectations for females. Several informants stated that women have specific family or
community obligations that prevent them from working or retaining employment. They
connected these obligations to cultural values embedded in immigrant communities, and
noted that these values are also expressed by behaviours that may make it difficult for women
to even interact with potential employers (i.e. not being able to look men in the eye, or shake
hands). A few informants recognized that Canadian social practices and employer’s personal
biases may also contribute to the unemployment of immigrant women, and that simple policy
change does not result in social change. Addressing problematic policies do not necessarily
influence broader tendencies that dictate how immigrants are viewed and treated.
When asked about policies that impact immigrant women’s employment, the responses were
disparate. All responses were tied to the idea that discrimination can be codified by different
levels of policy. Some informants noted that the immigrant population is not homogenous but
that our solutions are not tailored to specific communities and do not allow for nuances within
those communities.
Informants stated that we are not doing enough for refugees, who require specialized services.
Accreditation policies were also mentioned. Foreign credentials are rarely recognized and
the accreditation process has led to professional gate-keeping that prevents immigrants from
practicing in their fields of study.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
35
Immigration ministries and citizenship agencies were also criticized because they “paint too
easy a picture,” which fuels unrealistic employment expectations.
Local policies that impact employment include daycare and transportation, since it limits access
to both job search opportunities and employment. There is also a lack of language classes. One
informant stated that organizational policies, such as hours of operation, may contribute to
discrimination.
Workplace policies mentioned included non-flexible work times, or demanding work outside
of standard 9-to-5 hours, and dress codes. Lastly, shadow or hidden policies, which have not
been formally codified but are socially accepted, were also mentioned. This may include work
culture expectations such as after-hours drinking, which would be exclusionary to certain
religions or cultures.
OVERCOMING POLICY/PRACTICE BARRIERS
As the responses to both practices and policies were disparate, the responses to overcoming
these barriers were similarly disparate.
Most of the proposed solutions to practices that impact employment were focused on multilevel systemic changes. These included pushing for more widespread education for employers
on foreign credentials and cultural practices. Other suggestions included piloting a low-income
bus pass, making social housing less restrictive, and eliminating the three-month wait for
refugee claimants to access OHIP. An informant felt that SIN numbers that do not identify
refugee claimants would allow claimants more access to employment.
Some of the programmatic supports mentioned included more mentorship programs and more
mock interviews. Pre-arrival, immigrant women should be given more information about the
Canadian economy and labour market. Programs that work in correlation with educational
facilities would help determine specific immigrant needs, and would cut down on the runaround immigrants often experience; for example, immigrants with English-speaking skills
would not get placed in English as a Second Language (ESL) classes.
Lastly, some of the solutions proposed were more global. One participant articulated the
need to change our perspective on immigrants, and view each interaction from our western
perspective, but also from theirs. Similarly, another informant felt that immigrant realities
would change only when everyone took ownership and were equally invested. An informant
stated that immigrants had to take ownership over their realities as well; immigrants needed
help integrating into broader society, and leaving their immediate community.
Similarly, interventions proposed to change policies were disparate and non-specific.
Informants connected their previous answers to this question. Responses included changing our
thinking of the immigration process from merely fulfilling an economic need to understanding
immigration as part of the process of nation-building. The expansion of the Temporary Foreign
Worker program was seen as problematic, as immigrants currently living in Canada face
unemployment. Informants emphasized the need to acknowledge and clarify newcomer
expectations, explaining economic realities to immigrant women so they are better prepared. As
provincial financial aid programs such as Ontario Works (OW) and the Ontario Disability
Support Program (ODSP) are not consistent, a few informants emphasized the need for stipends
and bursaries to cover expenses to support the employment process. Given the success of the
federally mandated employment equity programs for banks, one informant suggested that all
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OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
employers have similar federal mandates. Informants recognized the lack of centralized sources
of accurate information for newcomers, and felt that cultural sensitivity training should be
mandated for employees who interact with immigrants. Lastly, one informant recommended
that existing programs for immigrants undergo a critical examination and evaluation of their
effectiveness, including whether they offer a tailored approach to their clients and whether they
have follow-up procedures.
Key informants expressed considerable concern about recent changes to legislation. Rapid
developments in a number of areas of immigrant employment legislation and regulations have
left many uncertain about the rules and more anxious about their potential consequences.
Key informants were particularly concerned about the Express Entry system, as well as the
significant changes in Temporary Foreign Worker programs and citizenship laws.
Express Entry seeks to “fast track” the immigration and settlement process for immigrants who
are matched to jobs pre-arrival in already identified fields.
The process requires applicants to create an online profile and register with the Job Bank.
Applicants will receive an Invitation to Apply only if they have a valid job offer, are nominated
by a province or territory, or are amongst the top ranked in the Express Entry Pool. They can
then apply for Permanent Residence. The process will take about six months to complete.
The primary concern of both immigrants and non-profit stakeholders is that this new system
may create more opportunities for certain immigrants, but it does not resolve any of the existing
barriers for immigrants currently residing in Canada. In fact, it would potentially create less
jobs and stronger competition for limited positions. Additionally, there are no incentives for
employers to hold positions for six months, many of whom are not familiar with Express Entry
and already do not view immigrants as a source for employees.
In the 2014 Employer Results Survey, only 7% of the 417 employers who participated in the
Peel-Halton Workforce Survey indicated that they were familiar with Express Entry and
only 10% strongly agreed that they would definitely use the system to recruit new
employees. The majority of employers (69%) were unfamiliar with the system, with some
(29%) strongly agreeing to learning more. Most employers (60%) were not comfortable with
hiring immigrants without meeting and assessing them in person and/or without a
probationary period. This highlights the existing disconnection between immigration policy
and the labour market.
There is also concern that the settlement period for these Express Entry candidates and their
families will be shortened, and that immigration and settlement services, already stretched,
may not be able to meet these new immigrants’ needs. There are no additional provisions, at
this time, to enhance existing immigration and settlement services to accommodate this influx.
STRATEGIES AND BEST PRACTICES
As the participants varied in their understanding of immigrant needs, their recommendations
on strategies and best practices were similarly varied.
Some informants focused on more intensive and tailored programs and services for immigrant
women, including mentorship programs, more intense language programs, speed networking
opportunities, developing work placements, co-operative training programs, and paid
internships for immigrant women, supporting women to go into non-traditional fields. These
vital resources would better equip newcomer women in Peel by providing more access to
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
37
services and information on provincial credentialing requirements for specialized fields.
Other recommendations included better and safer programs for women without status.
Throughout the interviews, informants stated that there was a lack of current information about
the labour market within the non-profit sector, making it difficult to inform immigrants on
which industries could offer more employment opportunities.
One informant stated that the non-profit sector could better utilize cultural media to reach
immigrants.
Informants also acknowledged that the government could and should play a stronger role in
immigrant employment. These interventions include developing new programs that allow
newcomers to work in their respective fields, more government funded programs to prepare
newcomers for the workplace, and supporting employers who hire newcomers with programs
that assist them in supporting employees from other cultures. Some informants felt the
government should build stronger connections to the labour market, so they could recruit
immigrants that have increased chances of economic stability.
Many felt immigrants would benefit from being connected to Canadian businesses.
A number of informants felt the government could address some immigrant concerns prearrival, so immigrants are better informed and had more realistic expectations. Others thought
the government could play a stronger role in encouraging immigrant women to build viable,
small home-based businesses.
Some informants focused on the labour market and employment sector, believing that more
information and accommodations for women would enhance immigrant women’s employment
opportunities. These include offering flexible employment and childcare accommodations
within the workplace.
Throughout the interviews, informants spoke to the need of better educating employers of
immigrant credentials and skills, and of greater transparency within Canadian businesses so
immigrants have a better understanding of the ethical and cultural expectations within the
Canadian workforce, particularly in Ontario and Peel Region.
38
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
SERVICE INVENTORY
METHODOLOGY
Public Interest conducted a search of existing services available to immigrant women in the
Peel Region, with a focus on services specific to employment. Our primary resource was 211.ca,
Canada’s online directory for government and community-based services. We conducted
searches using the following terms: “women,” “employment services,” and “immigrant.”
This list was presented to the Advisory Group for feedback. Members identified key agencies
and helped to add it to the list and subsequently updated it. Service providers were contacted
by telephone to obtain more detail about their programs, the clients they serve and the capacity
of each program. A tally of Toronto-based services was also conducted using the same search
terms to compare the number of results for similar searches between the two regions.
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
Through our search, we have thus far found 29 distinct organizations, many of which offer a
number of services from multiple locations. It includes at least 26 Peel-based organizations
that offer employment services, and at least 18 that offer programs and services specifically for
women. Many of the programs and services found are based in Brampton (just over 300) and
Mississauga (just under 270). At least 10 of the organizations provided services in more than
one and less than 10 languages. At least 10 provided services in 10 or more different languages.
Our completed service inventory can be found in Appendix J.
ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS
Immigrant populations have been increasing in Peel Region, as they have in Toronto and the
rest of the Greater Toronto Area. According to a search of 211.ca, however, the number of
agencies providing services for newcomers, women, and the unemployed and underemployed
in Peel Region is low, particularly when compared to the neighbouring City of Toronto.
We conducted a tally of the 211.ca search results for both the City of Toronto and the Region of
Peel using the search terms “women,” “immigrant,” and “employment.” These were the results:
SEARCH TERM
Women
Immigrant
Employment
Immigrant
Population
RESULTS FOR
TORONTO
209
263
425
1,252,215
RESULTS FOR
PEEL
57
70
110
650,531
RATIO
3.7:1
3.8:1
3.9:1
1.9:1
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
39
We compared these results to the immigration populations for each jurisdiction based on
the findings from the 2011 National Household Survey. According to those results, Toronto’s
population is almost exactly double that of the Region of Peel, and has nearly twice as many
immigrants. However, a search of 211.ca using the search term “immigrant” yielded nearly four
times as many results for Toronto as it did for the Region of Peel.
Telephone surveys of service providers found that only 29 provided services for immigrant
women, and collectively offered 101 distinct programs available to immigrant women. Of
those programs over 1/3 (39) offered service to only 20 or fewer women at any given time.
One program in eight was not currently active, and one in 10 had no data on capacity of
service. Most had no specific data on the number of immigrant women they served.
These results reinforce the findings from the qualitative data and the Literature Review that the
infrastructure of support in Peel has not been able to keep pace with the growth in demand.
Service providers in Peel are well aware of this “Fair Share” issue, noting that while the population
of Peel has tripled, public investment has not. Statistics show consistently, across a variety of
service types, per capita investment in services lags far behind the provincial average and even
farther behind investment in large urban centers with high immigrant populations like Toronto.
The disparity between the population growth and its needs, with the lack of funding in both the
non-profit sector and overall infrastructure has resulted in families and communities struggling
with poverty.
40
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
ANALYSIS OF MAJOR FINDINGS
The reality of the employment opportunities for immigrant women does not match the
expectations of women immigrating to Canada. Believing the immigration system had selected
them because of real domestic employment demand, many women described coming to Canada
anticipating work at a comparable level to their past employment, or at least somewhere in their
field of expertise. In most cases, both qualitative data and literature show they do not find it.
Though quantitative data shows women spend considerable time and energy seeking good work
in Canada, and make concessions in all areas of expectations, few see a correlation between
effort and success. After acclimatizing to the disappointing job market, women in the focus
groups and those described in the literature routinely pursue jobs far below their level of skills,
education and past experience. They understate their skills to avoid seeming overqualified, but
continue to post very low employment rates. Many women participants in the research have
volunteer experience but most find it rarely leads to employment, though it does enhance their
understanding of Western work culture and increase their connections to potential employers.
Both the literature and the key informants note deskilling women, and “down-skilling” their
résumés and their work expectations is not just a human tragedy, it has a cost to the labour
market, as trained and experienced workers see their skills erode with disuse. Our inability to
fully utilise the skills and experience of the immigrant population poses a systemic problem
with meaningful ramifications for immigrant women, their families, and their communities.
Both focus groups and literature show that success in job seeking increases in limited ways with
settlement. For those not fluent in English, acquisition of language skills is a significant asset.
For many others acculturation and accommodation to Canadian and American work styles
is also helpful. Both qualitative and literature data indicate cultural accommodation improve
access to employment, and accommodation to Canadian and American styles of business dress,
loss of accents and “fitting in” increase employment prospects. However, many women in the
focus groups found this requirement challenging. It imposes uncomfortable intrusions into
personal issues of dress, culture and sometimes religious beliefs. Also, in many cases, women
play a role as the supporters of cultural continuity in their households, and withdrawing from
their culture undermines that role and the family’s cultural connection to its past.
All areas of the data indicate that, though skilled and experienced women are seeking work,
even those that express a willingness to adjust find that employers are not hiring immigrant
women. The literature indicates that success rates vary by race, and qualitative data
corroborates that finding. The focus on “Canadian experience” is a good example of the
unnecessary barriers immigrant women face, as even participants that had worked in
internationally recognized companies, including Canadian companies, were unable to secure
employment. While the Ontario Human Rights Commission has developed a policy on
removing the requirement of “Canadian experience”, it is not well-known or well enforced.
The requirement of “Canadian experience”, both stated and implied, is also an impossible
standard for newcomers, as many immigrant women pointed out. How could they possibly
have experience in a country that they just moved to? Many felt that the requirement
presented a way for employers to exclude immigrants from the Canadian workforce.
Qualitative data indicates that the labour market in Peel, as in most places, is driven as much by
relationships as by résumés. Most employers are happier to hire someone with a recommendation
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
41
from a known and trusted source than from paper qualifications. Not surprisingly, participants
in the research felt network development for newcomers was critical, but found it was an undersupported aspect of job search. This is more challenging as the social isolation of newcomer
women identified both in the literature and in the focus groups, makes working one of the
key sources of potential networks. It also creates a systemic barrier for some groups as social
networks tend to be affected by cultural boundaries, which results in women in these networks
lacking easy access to information or job prospects from sources outside their own culture.
Qualitative data and current literature indicate that many women settle in or connect to cultural
enclaves in most immigrant communities, including those in Peel. These enclaves provide
comparatively accessible community networks that support access to information and to a limited
employment market. However, enclaves often serve as both a floor and a ceiling to women’s access
to broader networking opportunities. The literature and focus groups show enclaves link women to
networks constrained by that cultural group. In many cases enclaves reflect only one part of a
cultural group, and not to the wider community, wider networks or the wider labour market.
Women face other gender-specific challenges to employment. The literature shows that cultural
expectations around women vary by cultural group, but both literature and qualitative data
indicate that virtually all groups impose a disproportionate share of familial responsibilities
on women. Responsibility for home and for caregiving to children and elders are identified as
substantial demands on women’s time that place significant constraints on their employment
prospects, making shift work difficult to manage, restricting hours of work, and limiting time
availed for job search. Additionally, immigrant women, both in the literature and in our focus
groups, identified a tension between desire to support their families economically through
employment, and their desire to support them directly through care giving and domestic roles.
Participants told us they had to balance feelings of guilt at not being the type of wife and mother
they felt they “should be” against economic pressures to help financially. While this challenge is
not unique to the immigrant population, the increased social isolation immigrant women face
in grappling with these issues has profound implications on their mental and physical health.
Key informant interviews and focus groups also identified physical barriers to success for
newcomer women. Transit systems that make accessing an interview a full day affair are a
significant obstruction to people with familial obligations during the day. The shortage of
affordable childcare, and childcare associated with employment programs makes it harder for
women with childcare responsibilities to explore their options and move into the labour force.
The settlement and employment systems in Peel do not appear to serve the scope and volume
of immigrant womens' needs. The service inventory indicates the system, though it has grown
in recent years, has roughly half as many providers per capita as Toronto. This suggests the
system does not have the capacity to serve the volume of demand, a claim substantiated by
the qualitative data. The qualitative data also shows that, though the organizations involved
are committed and concerned, the system is constrained by funder expectations and it is not
flexible. Most programs and services are not targeted enough to meet the distinct needs of
women (as opposed to men) and particularly women from a variety of ethno-cultural
backgrounds, education levels, or work experience who have divergent service needs. A
system that is substantially larger and more focused on individual current needs is critical to
success. (The literature notes that this type of “spatial mismatch” and “suburban free riding”,
which show patterns of lower suburban service funding despite growing suburban demand, is
not uncommon for suburban settings. However, focus group participants and key informants
note it is a frustrating barrier to realizing their potential.)
42
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
The system does not appear to effectively address the current aspirations of immigrant women.
Women find they spend considerable time in predetermined programs such as résumé writing
and job search workshops, and little time with the more client-centered supports they believe
will be most beneficial, such as mentoring, network development and training specifically
relevant to their field of work. While our key informants noted challenges in creating effective
mentoring programs, the focus group participants spoke to the need for appropriate and wellmatched mentors. When the participants were matched to mentors that were not available, or
gave generic advice, neither party benefitted from the interaction.
Progress on employment should be assessed in a robust way, not simply seeking to get
immigrant women into a job but an appropriate job with real long-term opportunities. Peel
Newcomer Strategy Group, in their 2013/2014 “Collective Impact Report,” established multiple
components that constitute successful employment support for immigrants: including proper
assessment of the immigrant’s skills and objectives; training and other job readiness supports;
supporting job search efforts; and providing follow-up support. Based on our analysis, the
consistent application of all four components would greatly support immigrants in finding and
retaining good jobs.
Regulatory reform is beyond the scope of this research, yet it bears mentioning that it could
have a significant impact on the barriers faced by employers, immigrant women, and the
labour market in Peel Region. There are, according to many participants in the study, private
corporations who are profiting from the crisis in employment within immigrant
communities. Participants describe a genuine need for regulations that limit the ability of
temp agencies and private colleges to exploit newcomers in search of the skills and
opportunities needed to contribute to Canadian society.
Engaging and educating employers was flagged by both key informants and focus group
participants as being critical to changing the socio-economic realities experienced by
immigrant women. Many participants and informants stated that employers were unaware of
immigrant women’s credentials, and some felt that employers did not view immigrants as a
viable source of labour. Our focus group findings are echoed in the Peel-Halton Workforce’s
report (2014), with a third of the employers interviewed stating that it is unlikely that
“newcomers will become an important [hiring] source for them.” Employers are also reluctant
to provide work experience through unpaid placements or mentoring newcomers, with only
three out of ten indicating that they would be or might be interested in doing so.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
43
NEXT STEPS
This report outlines the barriers immigrant women face to obtaining and retaining employment.
The barriers represent a convergence of several factors, ranging from broader systemic issues to
re-imagining employment programs and services to examining the integration of immigrants
into Canadian culture. There is a formidable challenge in developing multi-pronged strategies
to tackle this issue.
Opening Doors will host a community event to share the findings of this study and look
more closely at the recommendations and their potential impacts on various service sectors
during working group discussions. BMC will work with service delivery partners, funders,
government officials and immigrant women themselves to build upon the themes from
those discussions and develop a multistakeholder approach to addressing and mitigating the
challenges identified in the findings of this study.
44
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
RECOMMENDATIONS:
FOR THE NON-PROFIT SECTOR
•
The service infrastructure needs to grow, and in particular, to grow in areas that serve
the divergent needs of women from varied backgrounds. Given the comparatively
small number of service providers in Peel, joint funding applications for new models
of service are recommended. Non-profits may want to examine the “Fair Share” issue
and investigate how it applies to them, and even consider joining existing coalitions
to raise awareness of this issue.
•
The non-profit sector should continue to play its unique role in highlighting the
needs of immigrant populations and seeking increased funding to better serve
suburban immigrant communities.
•
New services should focus on programs tailored to the different needs of immigrant
women from divergent backgrounds, and place greater emphasis on processes that
help women acquire greater facility with operating in Canadian and American work
culture, developing and navigating networks that are relevant to their job search and
bridging out of enclave-specific employment and network structures.
•
New services should take into account all four components of effective job support.
•
Services provided to immigrant women also need to consider the emotional and
physical repercussions of unemployment or underemployment, paying particular
attention to their mental health needs. Programs that are holistic in addressing all
aspects of the job search process, including the emotional toll on both the individual
and the family, would be well-received.
•
The Express Entry system will cause considerable changes to the non-profit sector.
There is a need for the non-profit sector to better understand the implications of this
system and work with employers to voice their concerns to governmental bodies.
•
Non-profits may wish to meet with the Migrant Workers Alliance to identify
opportunities to better serve the most precariously employed immigrant women in
Peel.
FOR GOVERNMENTAL BODIES
•
As noted above, the service infrastructure needs to grow, and in particular, to grow in
areas that serve divergent needs among women from varied backgrounds.
•
The effort to enhance the receptivity of the employment system to immigrant women
needs concerted work. Training for employers in assessing skills and potential for
immigrant job seekers and a greater appreciation of the benefits of hiring skilled
workers who are newer to Canada should be pursued.
•
An additional strategy must be devised to address employer commitment in hiring
and retaining newcomers. Incentives may need to be created to support employers in
hiring and retaining more immigrant women.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
45
•
Intake processes for immigrant women, both pre-migration and on arrival should
include more clarity about employment prospects in the field for new entrants with
limited networks in the profession.
•
There are significant gaps in developing and communicating changes to immigration
policies and systems to the non-profit sector and the labour market. Developing
more open communications and processes for public feedback would enhance the
government’s ability to work effectively with both the sector and employers.
FOR FUNDERS
46
•
As noted above, the service infrastructure needs to grow, and in particular, to grow in
areas that serve divergent needs among women from varied backgrounds.
•
Efforts should be made to improve access to childcare, especially as associated with
women’s employment training. Allocated funding to additional employment supports,
including childcare and transportation, would greatly increase immigrant women’s
chances of successful employment.
•
While volunteering has virtues, it should be promoted only when women are given
realistic goals around the impact of volunteering and, where possible, supplemented
with other incentives such as childcare, transportation or meal arrangements.
•
Employment agencies may want to assess their services to immigrant women through
the components identified in Peel Newcomer Strategy Group’s “Collective Impact
Report” (2013/2014) to ensure that they are increasing their chances of matching
immigrant women’s skills to more suitable jobs.
•
Supporting coalitions of non-profits interested in examining the changes to
immigration policy and informing public policy decision making would allow
non-profits to play an active role in tackling systemic barriers impacting immigrant
women and their families.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This report was made possible thanks to the support of many individuals and organizations. The
Opening Doors Project team would like to thank everyone who contributed to this endeavour.
We extend a warm thank you to Brampton Multicultural Community Centre, for their
dedication and support in this project. We also thank Nicole Pietsch, the Project Evaluator, for
her encouragement and insight.
The Opening Door’s Advisory Group plays a key role in providing guidance and support at
all stages of the Project. We would like to thank each of its members for their time, energy
and enthusiasm. We particularly appreciate Zanita Dasalle's efforts and the Royal Bank of
Canada for their generous contributions.
We would also like to acknowledge the hard work of our community animators; their time and
efforts made our project possible.
Special thanks to the organizations that hosted our focus groups, including the Afghan
Women’s Organization, African Community Services of Peel, the Peel Chinese Community
Hub, Polycultural Immigrant and Community Services, COSTI Immigrant Services, and The
Centre for Education and Training. We are grateful for their openness and hospitality. We
also want to thank all of the organizations who referred participants and allowed us to
collaborate with them and supported our outreach efforts.
A number of individuals generously contributed their time, insight, and expertise to this
project. We would like to thank all our Key Informants for helping us better understand the
barriers immigrant women face in finding and retaining employment, Peel Newcomer
Strategy Group for their support in our service inventory process, and the dedicated
individuals who work with temporary and precariously employed foreign workers for their
recommendations.
Lastly, we would like to thank the immigrant women who participated in our focus groups
for their honesty, wisdom, bravery, resilience, and perseverance in the face of adversity. We
hope that we have captured their collective voices and thoughts in this report.
OPENING DOORS: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN
47
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