Assessment of Agricultural Options Available for Saving

Journal of Sustainable Development; Vol. 7, No. 1; 2014
ISSN 1913-9063
E-ISSN 1913-9071
Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education
Assessment of Agricultural Options Available for Saving Orange
Cultivation in Ribera Baixa (Valencia, Spain)
Alfred Wong1 & Enrique A. Navarro2
1
Arbokem Inc., Vancouver, Canada
2
Instituto de Robótica y Tecnologías de la Información y Las Comunicaciones (IRTIC), Universitat de València,
Paterna (València), Spain
Correspondence: Alfred Wong, Arbokem Inc., Post Office Box 34173, Vancouver V6J 4N1, Canada. E-mail:
[email protected]
Received: October 6, 2013
doi:10.5539/jsd.v7n1p115
Accepted: December 6, 2013
Online Published: January 22, 2014
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v7n1p115
Abstract
Orange cropping has been in practice in Ribera Baixa (Valencia, Spain) for several centuries. During the past
decade, orange cropping has been under severe economic stress arising from increasing competition from
less-costly foreign imports. Consequently, farm-gate prices are depressed, under the regime of fixed percentage
distribution of retail pricing. Orange groves are being abandoned in many instances. A practicable and
sustainable solution to this persistent economic problem would require a re-structuring of the marketing system
to facilitate the sales of organic products and introduction of organic growing practices for oranges as well as
secondary organic tree crops.
Keywords: farming economy, marketing, oranges, organic, Ribera Baixa, Valencia
1. Introduction
Orange (Citrus sinensis (L.) Osbeck), one of the most widely grown tree fruit crops in the World, is native to
southern China. Cultivation of oranges in the western Mediterranean region began during the times of
Al-Andalus (Watson, 1974; FSTC, 2012).
During the past few years, the orange cropping economy has been in significant decline as the farm-gate income
covers the production costs only marginally at best. Rising input costs and foreign competition have been cited
frequently to be the principal causes. Direct government subvention for orange growers has been solicited
actively during the past few years (Anon, 2011).
Ribera Baixa is the most intensive orange-cropping area in the Valencia province. In recent years, many
abandoned plots are filled with weeds and trash. And debris accumulated in the absence of maintenance
increases the risk of fires during the dry summer months. Although orange farmers are starting to change their
traditional practices such as diversification into the cropping of persimmon and pomegranate, and organic
cropping, the underlying economic problem may remain unresolved. The prevailing structure of small holdings
structure prevents consolidation to reduce production cost of traditional orange cropping.
This project was undertaken to examine the underlying causes of this decline and to devise possible remedies.
Ribera Baixa was chosen as the study area.
2. Methods
Pubic-domain documents, including reports, statistics and journal publications were used for the present
development and analysis of various scenarios for the remediation of the declining orange-cropping economy in
Ribera Baixa.
Sample cropping cost data published by the Extension Service of the University of California for the Central
Valleys, viz., Sacramento Valley and San Joaquin Valley, were used extensively for reference because of the
considerable regional similarities in the climatic conditions and cropping practices between the Central Valleys
(California) and Ribera Baixa. Figure 1 illustrates similar patterns of average incident solar radiation,
temperature and precipitation. For the comparison of organic orange production, data from California’s South
Coast (e.g., Orange County and Riverside County) were also included.
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California agronomic data were adjusted on an as-required basis using the Consumer Price Index calculator
published by the US Bureau of Labor Statistics (2013). The US currency was converted to Euro using reference
values published by the European Central Bank (2013) for the indicated time. Typically, US-dollar cost or price
was first adjusted for inflation, and then the inflation-adjusted value would be converted to Euros at the specified
time period.
Except where noted, yield of oranges denotes saleable product, after sorting at packing houses.
3. Results and Discussion
3.1 Orange Cropping
Typically, full production of oranges starts at about 10 years after planting (Morton, 1987). The productive life
of an orange tree might be 40 to 50 years (O’Connell, 2009). Stand management such as pruning and topping
manually is only undertaken periodically throughout the life span of the stand.
Historically, orange production was not undertaken as monoculture over a large area in Ribera Baixa. Other tree
crops such as almonds, olives and peaches were also grown. Application of fertilizers, pesticides and herbicides
has become standard cultural practice in intensive monoculture cropping since 1970’s.
3.1.1 Comunitat Valenciana Production
In 2010, Comunitat Valenciana produced ~1.51 million tonnes of oranges (naranjo dulce), accounting for about
57% of the total orange production in Spain (IVE, 2012). The other two major producer regions are Andalusia
and Murcia. The geographical locations of principal orange production areas within the Comunitat Valenciana
are shown in Figure 2. Most of the oranges are grown in the province of Valencia. It may be noted that within
the Comunitat Valenciana, most of the tangerines (mandarino) are grown in Castellón province. The province of
Alicante has most of the production of lemon and lime (limonero).
The largest production area is La Ribera (comprising of Ribera Alta and Ribera Baixa) which account for more
than 38% orange cropped area of Valencia, or about 28% of the entire Comunitat Valenciana (GVA, 2011).
Table 1 shows that Ribera Baixa has the highest orange cropping intensity in the Comunitat Valenciana.
The principal varieties grown in Ribera Baixa are Navel-lane-late, Navelina and Valencia Late. Fresh oranges
are effectively available year round except for July, August and September (GVA, 2010a).
3.1.2 Inputs
Oranges as well as other citrus fruits are harvested traditionally by hand (GVA, 2010a). The practice in
California is not different (O’Connell et al., 2009). Figure 3 shows the comparative production costs for
conventional oranges grown in California and in the Comunitat Valenciana. Labour cost is the largest cost
component in both regions.
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Sueca (39.2 N)
Sacramento (38.6 N)
Fresno (36.8 N)
Bakersfield (35.4 N)
Riverside (34.0 N)
Anaheim (33.8 N)
10
8
6
4
2
0
Jan
Monthly daily temp, deg C
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Feb
Mar
Apr
May
Jun
Jul
May
Jun
Jul
Aug
Sep
Oct
Nov
Dec
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Jan
Feb
Mar
Apr
Aug
Sep
Oct
Nov
Dec
Monthly avg rainfall, mm/day
Sacramento: 545 mm annual average
4
Sueca: 505 mm annual average
3
2
1
0
Jan
Feb
Mar
Apr
May
Jun
Jul
Aug
Sep
Figure 1. Selected meteorological characteristics
Source: ASDC, 2012.
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Nov
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Figure 2. Princippal orange-groowing regions oof Comunitat V
Valenciana
Table 1. C
Citrus croppingg intensity of m
major districts
20009 data
L
Land use intenssity, % total
Proovincia
Comarca
Total land aarea, ha
Citruus crop, ha
Citrus total
Orange
Caastellón
La Plana Baixa
60,5000
220,618
34
3
Vaalencia
R
Ribera
Alta
95,1866
330,282
32
17
Riibera Baixa
27,6811
7,469
27
19
El Camp de Turia
82,4000
115,636
19
12
Baix Segura
95,7300
223,072
24
11
Allicante
Source: GV
VA, 2010b.
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Labour
Water
Fertilizers
Vol. 7, No. 1; 2014
Chemicals
Others
Comunitat Valenciana
(Caballero et al., 2011)
Comunitat Valenciana
(Peris Moll & Julia Iqual, 2006)
Riverside County
(Takele & Mauk, 1998)
San Joaquin Valley - South
(O'Connell et al., 2009)
0
20
40
60
80
100
% of total
Figure 3. Comparative unit cost of conventional orange production
In Ribera Baixa, the required labour at the farm level may be contracted to farmers which specialize in among
other things, planting, pruning, chemical application and picking. During the past decade, Spanish agriculture
has become increasingly dependent on migrant labourers (principally from Africa) for its economic well-being.
This agronomic situation is also very common in most developed countries (including USA and Canada) in
which farm labour is a large component of production operations. There is no remedy as once-prevalent “unpaid”
family labour in the Spanish citrus sector has largely become extinct. During the past few decades of economic
prosperity in Spain, non-principal family members have better off-farm wage-paying work opportunities (Picazo
Tadeo & Reig Martínez, 2005). The underlying problem is that there is no place for an agrarian society in a
developed economy.
In the regime of continuing globalization of freer trade, the market threat is expected to be more acute in coming
years (Anon, 2012e). The underlying issue is that the basic wages of field workers paid by ex-EU competitors
are substantially lower than those of Spain. The labour-cost offset deployed to date by Spanish producers has
been to employ, legal as well as illegal, migrant workers from Africa and Latin America (Mendoza, 2001;
Padilla & Peixoto, 2007; Anon, 2010) at minimum wages or below.
Table 2 illustrates the substantial official wage gap for field workers between Spain and its 3 major competitors
in the production of oranges. It is evident that the basic wage gap is too large to be narrowed. Moreover, there is
certainly no guarantee that migrant farm workers are paid the minimum wage in the cited African countries. In
Egypt, only government workers have a set minimum wage of International $5,680 per year.
Table 2. Minimum wage scales of Spain and its top 3 competing countries in 2012
Spain
Egypt
Morocco
South Africa
International $ per year*
11,426
Nil
2,696
2,471
€ per year (= €744.92 x 12 months)
8,939
---
---
---
* “International dollar: is a hypothetical unit of currency that has the same purchasing power parity as that the
U.S. dollar had in the United States at a given point in time (IMF, 2010).
Source: ILO, 2013.
3.1.3 Market
As shown in Figure 4, the production of oranges in Spain has nearly doubled since 1961, to nearly 2.9 million
tonnes in 2012. The reported yield per hectare which has been relatively static should be considered to be
saleable yield, i.e., after sorting for size, shape and other visual imperfections. For comparison, the field yield
might be approximated to be 20% higher (O’Connell et al., 2009). Note the overall rapid expansion of orange
harvested area during 1965-1970. Spain remains the largest producer of citrus fruits in the European Union.
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Table 3 shows that the Spanish share of fresh oranges in the UK market has varied between 20 to 30% by
quantity, over the past 20 years. During the past decade, fresh oranges from Spain have been competing
routinely against those imports from South Africa, Egypt and Morocco, in the UK market. About 20% of the
Spanish orange production is diverted customarily for the production of orange juice in Spain as well as in other
importing EU member states (USDA, 2012).
Area harvested
4,000
Estimated (USDA, 2012)
200
3,500
175
3,000
150
2,500
125
2,000
100
1,500
75
1,000
50
500
25
Area harvested, 1,000 hectares
Production, 1,000 tonnes
Production
0
0
1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
Yield
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
10-y avg
kg/ha
20,989
24,398
22,318
20,397
17,124
24,258
18,788
22,227
17,929
24,471
21,290
Sources: FAOSTAT, 2012; USDA, 2012.
Figure 4. Orange area harvested, production and yield in Spain
Table 3. UK importation of fresh oranges, 1990-2010
Quantity, tonnes
Landed value,
US$1,000
Calculated value,
US$/kg
% ES share of UK
market
Next 3 major
competitors
Year
Total
ES
Total
ES
Total
ES
Quantity
Value
By quantity
2010
275,646
68,395
211,457
63,900
0.767
0.934
25
30
ZA, EG, MR
2005
339,733
75,459
213,964
54,389
0.630
0.721
22
25
ZA, EG, MR
2000
316,774
94,582
141,606
54,343
0.447
0.575
30
38
ZA, MR, IL
1995
321,692
69,317
164,316
34,980
0.511
0.505
22
21
ZA, IL, MR
1990
390,441
78,780
205.798
36,702
0.527
0.466
20
18
IL, MR, CY
CY = Cyprus; EG = Egypt; ES = Spain; IL = Israel; MR = Morocco; ZA = South Africa
Source: FAOSTAT, 2012.
With the EU signing of a freer trade agreement with Morocco in early 2012, it is now expected that the
Moroccan shares of the EU citrus market (including the UK) would increase steadily in coming years (Anon.,
2012a; Carrasco, 2012). Although the quality of Moroccan imports are considered to be presently lower than that
of Valencia products, it is reasonable to expect that it would only be a matter time before this “inferior quality”
issue is resolved.
3.2 Economy of Orange Cropping in Ribera Baixa
3.2.1 Grove Size
The average size of an orange farm in the Comunitat Valenciana has been reported to be about 3.35 hectares
(Beltrán Esteve et al., 2012). However, the average size has also been cited to be less than 1 hectare (Peris Moll
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& Juliá Iqual, 2006). Glick (1970) has noted that in 1963, more than 70% of the land holdings in Valencia were
less than 0.5 hectare. The actual average and range of size of holdings, particularly in Ribera Baixa, remain
largely unclear. In Ribera Baixa, the average orange grove has been suggested to be only 0.3 hectare (Daniel
Burguera, personal communication, 2013).
The La Ribera area, consisting of two sub-regions of Ribera Alta and Ribera Baixa, has been very valuable and
productive since the 11th Century (Garrido, 2007). In successive generations, the land holding was also divided
among the sons to result in substantial fragmentation of orange groves in present days. In the 1930s, a land
holder of 4 hectares was considered to be wealthy (Brenan, 1950). The economy then was that the value of one
arroba (= 12.5 kg) of oranges was sufficient to pay one day’s salary of a worker. The common land unit in
Valencia was the hanegada. One hanegada (= 1/12 hectare) producing 300 arrobas of oranges was sufficient to
provide sustaining income for one family. Although some smaller 100% self-worked farms are continuing in
Ribera Baixa, their economic viability is considered to be largely marginal. In present day, the gross income has
become too small to sustain a family unit. Supplementary off-farm paid work has become an economic
necessity.
Because citrus production became very profitable during the 1960s-1970s, citrus farming was extended to other
places where water was scarce or expensive. In Ribera Baixa, old cropping practices were abandoned as olive,
almond and peach trees were replaced with citrus trees. Calatayud i Giner (1989) had chronicled the mixed
farming practice in La Ribera up until the 1930s. Wheat was even grown in the area until the early 1950s (Daniel
Burguera, personal communications, 2013).
In present day Ribera Baixa, a full time farmer may crop several non-contiguous small plots, owned or rented,
for achieving a minimum level of personal income. The classical approach of amalgamation of small holdings
into a single large contiguous unit for improved productivity would not be workable for this fragmented structure
of multiple small holdings. Agustí (2002) had proposed a political-technical solution to consolidate holdings and
cooperatives, with the ultimate aim to reduce mechanization costs. Over the years, the Generalitat has promoted
such a “land consolidation” policy with little or no success.
3.2.2 Water Supply
During the summer months, citrus orchards need to be irrigated in this arid zone of Spain. Availability (and
affordability, to a lesser extent) of water is steadily becoming a critical issue. The three major rivers of the
Comunitat Valenciana, viz., Túria, Xúquer and Segura, are essentially delivering water at their maximum
capacities. The irrigation of Ribera Baixa fields is based largely on water drawn from the Riu Xúquer. In contrast,
in Ribera Alta, groundwater and/or well water is pumped to irrigate the fields. The practice of deficit irrigation
(Gasque et al., 2010; Ruiz Sanchez et al., 2010) is being promoted as a good water conservation practice. The
last potential under-utilized water supply is recycling treated wastewater at least for irrigation purposes (Alcon et
al., 2010).
In Ribera Baixa, irrigation is also made, to a large extent, by gravity flow in water channels (acequias) for the
delivery of water to the orchards. This 1,000-year old mode of irrigation (Glick, 1970; Bolens, 1972) has been
very efficient as all irrigation water is used. Water leaking in flows through water channels (escorrentias) is
directed for use in the rice fields or Albufera lagoon area.
Historically, water rights are attached to the land in this region (Glick, 1970). In comparison, large citrus groves
such as the 600-hectare “El Realengo” citrus orchard in Rafelguaraf (Ribera Alta) are located far from the coast
in more arid areas where there was no gravity irrigation. Prior to the 1960s, almond, olive and other dryland
(secano) crops were farmed. Because of low productivity, large land parcels, largely unwanted then, were
maintained without extensive fragmentation. In the present time, irrigation (including drip irrigation via pumping
from wells) has changed the subsistence farming (of these larger farms) into industrial farming.
3.2.3 Farm-Gate Economy
As shown in Figure 5, the producer (farm-gate) price of Spanish oranges had been hovering at the level of about
€0.20 per kg throughout 2011. In 2012, the average farm-gate price has been only €0.15 per kg, well below those
for the First Quarter in the previous 2 years. For Ribera Baixa orange producers, the current cost of production is
about €0.25 per kg, and the selling price at the farm-gate has been at best €0.24 per kg (Daniel Burguera,
personal communication, 2013). It has also been commented that the transacted year-end orange farm-gate price
was only €0.16 per kg.
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Farm-gate
Wholesale
Retail
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Continued downward price
pressure from lower-cost imports
Average price, € per kg
1.60
1.40
1.20
1.00
0.80
0.60
0.40
0.20
0.00
2009
2010
2011
2012
Adapted from USDA, 2011; USDA, 2012.
Figure 5. Average annual prices of navel oranges in Spain along different levels of the supply chain
The problem of lower retail prices is attributed to, among other things, increased duty-reduced importation of
oranges from North Africa, Middle East and South America into the EU as well as the market penetration by
foreign producers into the traditional near-EU markets such as Ukraine (USDA, 2012).
Even with the economic recession in Spain for the past few years, the internal deflation has been insufficient to
off set the increasing non-labour input costs such as fossil fuel, fertilizers and pest-control chemicals. In the
recent past, conversion of orange groves to housing estates and golf course has been the easiest assured pathway
to “instant” economic prosperity. But the real estate boom time is now over in eastern coastal Spain. Production
of oranges has become increasingly unsustainable financially. The outlook for the continuation of orange
farming in the Ribera Baixa area, indeed perhaps the entire Comunitat Valenciana, is somewhat dismal (Anon.,
2012f, 2012h, 2012i). Indeed some orange groves have been reported to be simply abandoned by the farmers in
the Comunitat Valenciana (Anon., 2012c, 2012g; USDA, 2012).
3.3 Alternatives Production Strategies
3.3.1 Tree Nut Crops
Almonds
Almond (Prunus dulcis (Mill.) D.A. Webb) is a well-established crop in Spain. In 2010, Spain ranked as the
second largest producer after the USA, with a production of 220,000 tonnes (FAOSTAT, 2012). Almonds have
been grown in Ribera Baixa decades ago. Its re-introduction may however be problematic in view of the large
commercial production by others elsewhere in Spain presently. However, a small production of
organically-grown almonds might be of significant economic value (Holtz et al., 2007). The target markets in the
EU would be Germany and the UK where the public eco-consciousness is notably high.
Pistachios
Pistachio (Pistachia vera L.), a desert plant, could be an alternative tree crop in place of traditional oranges in
Ribera Baixa. It has a wide temperature-tolerant range from -10 °C to 40 °C. Significant biennial production is
achieved in 7 to 10 years, after orchard establishment. It is interesting to note that pistachio cropping was started
in the San Joaquin Valley in California (USA) only in about 1975. Thirty years later, California production
(accounting for more than 98% of commercial production in the USA) was ~237,000 tonnes, ranking second
behind Iran’s production of ~445,000 tonnes. The total global production in 2010 was reported to be about
944,000 tonnes (FAOSTAT, 2012). Interestingly, USA is not a major supplier of pistachios to the UK. Within
the EU, Greece has been the sole producer until the entry of Cyprus in 1978 and Italy in 1985. Both Italy and
Greece were producing about 9,000 tonnes each in 2010 (FAOSTAT, 2012). It may be noted that the Sicilian
"Pistacchio di Bronte" and Greek "Aegina Fistiki" pistachios have the important Protected Designation of Origin
(PDO; EC Directive 1263/96), which afford certain premium pricing in the EU market. Spain is not known to
have any significant commercial production of pistachios presently. In 1995, small-scale commercial production
of pistachios were introduced in Castilla-La Mancha, Aragon, Extremadura and Andalucia regions, in
substitution of other tree nut crops such as almonds. For example, in 2001, Lleida has about 30% of the
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1,000-hectare pistachio plantation area of Spain. Successful commodity-scale production of pistachios depends,
among other things, on selected cultivars for resilience under different climatic and soil conditions. Sueca
(Ribera Baixa) has lower average annual rainfall than Lleida. The average temperature and relative humidity
patterns of both localities are not substantially different.
Most of the Italian pistachios are grown in Bonte (Catania) at about 700 m altitude where farm land for tree
cropping is available. The most well-known Greek pistachio plantation area is on the island Aegina, a small
87-km2 island located about 25 km south of Athens. Pistachio has been grown in Aegina for nearly 100 years.
The meteorology data showed that a) the average daily temperature of Aegina (and Bonte) generally warmer
than Sueca, and b) the average rainfall and relative humidity of Aegina (and Bonte) about the same as Sueca.
Thus, there are no known a priori reasons as to why pistachios could not be grown successfully in Ribera Baixa,
especially if the practice was undertaken in a small organic cropping scale.
Based on a representative yield of 1,765 kg per hectare and farm-gate price of €9.06/kg reported for pistachio
production in Greece in 2010 (FAOSTAT, 2012), the estimated farm-gate income of PDO pistachios could be
nearly €16,000 per hectare in Ribera Baixa. In contrast, the average farm-gate value of oranges in Spain was
only ~€6,100 per hectare at a yield of 24,471 kg per hectare and a farm-gate price of €0.248 per kg (FAOSTAT,
2012). An analysis of the sample cost for pistachio production in California, i.e., San Joaquin Valley – South
(Beede et al., 2008) is particularly instructive. Upon updating the production cost from 2008 to 2012, and
converting US$ to € at the nominal exchange rate of US$1.25 per €, the total production cost is estimated to be
€7,784 equivalent per hectare, and the gross revenue would be €9,594 equivalent per hectare. The gross margin
of pistachio production would certainly be substantially higher than that for orange cropping achieved during the
past few years. This promising outcome suggests that the prospective pistachio cultivation in Ribera Baixa is
worthy of a detailed investigation.
The UK market is of particular interest, with an average (1990-2010) importation of about 6,300 tonnes of
pistachios annually at an average value of about US$4.15 per kg. See Table 4. Organically-grown pistachios are
rarely available from major producers. Such a product could be expected to realize significantly greater value in
the UK market.
Table 4. UK importation of pistachios, 1990-2010 selected data
Year
Quantity,
tonnes
Landed value,
US$1,000
Calculated
value, U$/kg
Comments
2010
3,554
32,086
9.03
Germany and Netherlands (combined 45%
market share; probable product origin was Iran)
2005
11,096
32,451
2.92
Netherlands (58% of market share; probable
product origin was Iran)
2000
5,257
21,342
4.06
Germany (81% market share; probable product
origin was Iran)
1995
6,883
23,522
3.42
Iran (73% market share)
1990
4,881
22,177
4.54
Iran (82% market share)
Avg
6,334
26,316
4.15
Simple 1990-2010 average
Source: FAOSTAT, 2012.
Table 5 shows that the consumption of water for selected tree crops. One important factor of importance is that
Ribera Baixa has an annual rainfall of about 500 mm (ASDC, 2012). Unlike other drier orange cropping regions
of Comunitat Valenciana, irrigation of orange groves in Ribera Baixa is undertaken sparingly only during the
very dry summer months. Thus, the net irrigation water demand for orange cropping in Ribera Baixa would be
substantially less than the values cited by Ribal et al. (2009). Note that the water demand for pistachio cropping
could be as much as 1.4 times higher than that for orange cropping, at the same reference location of San Joaquin
Valley - South. Even with a likely off-set of about 5,000 m3/ha from natural precipitation, this undertaking of
pistachio cropping should be approached cautiously in view of the potentially higher water requirement. It is
recognized that pistachios grow best in dry climatic conditions, including lower air humidity. In view of the prior
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history of successful almond cropping in Ribera Baixa, pistachio cropping could also be practicable, despite the
“slightly wetter conditions” arising from its close proximity to the Mediterranean Sea.
3.3.2 Organically-Grown Products
Within the framework of the 2003 Common Agricultural Policy, organic farming is promoted by the EC through,
among other programs, the “European Agriculture Fund for Rural Development” (EC, 1999; Peris Moll & Juliá
Igual, 2003; Peris Moll et al., 2005; Bonny, 2006; Lehner, 2010). The production and labeling of organic
products are regulated in the EU (EC, 2007).
Table 5. Comparative demand of irrigation water of selected tree crops
Crop
Location
Reference
m3/ha/year
Almonds - Organic
San Joaquin Valley - North
Holtz et al., 2007
10,670
Almonds
Sacramento Valley
Connell et al., 2012
9,652*
Moringa
Ribera Baixa (prospective)
-----
Zero#
Olives (table) – Manzanillo var.
Sacramento Valley
Ferguson et al., 2009
9,144*
Oranges - Valencias
Riverside County
Takele & Mauk, 1998
12,192
Oranges – Navels/Valencias
San Joaquin Valley - South
O’Connell et al., 2009
7,620
Oranges - Navelina
Comunitat Valenciana
Ribal et al., 2009
5,000 – 6,000
Peaches (July-August harvest)
San Joaquin Valley - South
Day et al., 2009
11,176
Peaches (cling, late harvest)
San Joaquin Valley
Norton et al., 2011
10,668
Peaches (cling, extra early)
San Joaquin Valley
Duncan et al., 2011
9,144
Pistachios
San Joaquin Valley - South
Beede et al., 2008
10,670
3
* plus 3,048 m /ha from rainfall expected in the winter months in the Sacramento Valley. The average annual
rainfall in Sacramento (city) is 545 mm.
# probably sufficient from average annual rainfall of ~500 mm in Sueca (Ribera Baixa).
The public interest in purchasing organic food products is growing steadily as supply becomes more prevalent
(Jánský et al., 2004; Jánský & Živĕlová, 2007; DG Environment, 2009). The driving force appears to the
consumers’ self-interest for better personal health (Wier et al., 2005), instead of the protection of the broader
environment from destructive agricultural practices (Lillywhite et al., 2012; Swagemakers et al., 2012). The
prospect of premium pricing is a critical driving force for farmers to undertake organic farming practices
(Beltrán Esteve et al., 2012). There are also instances in which farmers will undertake voluntarily to organic
farming because of the extensive use of pesticides and herbicides is harming the health of all farm workers. In
monoculture cropping, there is always a constant need to use ever more potent pest control chemicals.
Conversion of conventional farming to organic farming will require significant effort and determination from
farmers (Nettier et al., 2012).
Increase in organic market in the EU will certainly attract competitive supplies from non-EU countries (Kamp,
2008). However, this problem may be mitigated. To a certain extent, the EU organics (including oranges) market
is still largely unfulfilled and the “Valencia” provenance could be deployed as an effective marketing feature.
Organic orange cropping has been suggested as a value-added opportunity. But this approach has been assessed
to be uneconomical under the small-farm circumstances of Valencia (Peris Moll & Juliá Iqual, 2006). Figure 6
shows the comparative costs of organic orange production in California and in the Comunitat Valenciana. Note
that the labour cost component is largely the same in both locations. Peris and Juliá (2006) have cited that the
shortage of approved organic fertilizer is a substantial cost factor in the Navelina cropping in the Comunitat
Valenciana. There is an abundant source of rice straw uniquely available in Ribera Baixa for composting into
soil fertilizer. More than 30,000 tonnes of surplus straw available annually from rice cropping activities in the
Albufera wetlands of Ribera Baixa (Modesto et al., 2005) could be composted to provide the required
economical “natural” fertilizer. The technology of composting rice straw, with and without additional nitrogen
sources, is generally known (See, for example, Daly, 2002; Luu et al., 2002; Iranzo et al., 2004; Roca-Peréz et al.,
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2004; Ciaccia et al., 2008; Tran et al., 2008). Moreover, there is already direct field experience in the composting
of rice straw in the Valencia province (Ayuntamiento de Valencia, 2004).
Alternatively, moringa cultivation could be undertaken as an intercrop to provide nitrogen-rich leaves for the
preparation of rice straw-based compost for qualification as an organic fertilizer for the growing of oranges and
pistachios (Navarro & Wong, 2013).
Labour
Water
Fertilizers
Chemicals
Others
Comunitat Valenciana
(Peris Moll & Julia Iqual, 2006)
South Coast
(Klonsky & Tourte, 1997)
0
20
40
60
80
100
% of total
Figure 6. Comparative unit cost of organic orange production
3.3.3 Direct Marketing
The traditional and alternative means of marketing oranges are illustrated in Figure 7. The classical approach
affords inequitable distribution of wealth to the growers. The majority of the produce value is retained by the
distributors (wholesalers) and the retailers. Figure 8 shows that the share of the retail price retained by the
growers has been in the range of 12 to 16% during the period of the 2009 to 2011. In the First Quarter, 2012, the
grower had retained just average 12% of the retail price. In absolute terms, the farm-gate price had fallen to
average €0.15 per kg. It is recognized that in the low-price retail market, all parties earn less. Note that the
margin retained by each of the three margins is essentially unchanged. But in the case of growers, the lower
income could reach a critical level in which the orange-growing operation becomes financially unsustainable. It
is evident that an alternative means to achieve a more equitable revenue distribution is acutely needed.
This pattern of wealth distribution is interestingly similar to that of export-oriented producers of bananas and
fresh vegetables in low-wage countries (Wong & Hallsworth, 2013). In essence, the fixed-proportion revenue
distribution regime could not provide any enduring improvements to the orange farming economy as reduction in
production costs has reached the practical limit. An alternative marketing scheme is needed.
Even with declining retail prices, the wholesalers and retailers still retain the largest portion of the total revenue.
Because of the structure of market control by the major retailers, the mark-up by the retailers could not be altered.
The retailer will retain its customarily 45 to 50% of the retail price revenue. The “wholesaler” would be the only
place where a re-structuring could shift a larger portion of the remaining revenue to the grower. In order to
reduce the wholesaler’s margin, Ribera Baixa growers would need to implement alternative ways and means to
sell directly, with just-in-time delivery of goods from Valencia to the retailer. In any market re-structuring
scenario, the retailer can be expected to maintain the same gross revenue as a fixed % of retail price. This
outcome of direct marketing can be expected even if the retailers were smaller specialty stores which are more
inclined to consider selling organic produce with well-defined “attractive provenance and ecological production
basis”.
Moreover, direct marketing is the only effective and durable defense against “low-price imports based on cheap
labour”. In essence, direct marketing assures a more equitable economic return for the farmers.
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Cooperative sweet orange producers/
exporters (in Ribera Baixa)
Classical system
Alternative approach
Fruit wholesalers
Multiple retailers,
e.g., supermarkets
Importers/Agents
Specialty (smaller)
retailers
Processing industry
Food services,
e.g., restaurants
Local week-end open food markets for
low-cost, high-profile promotional
purposes
Adapted from CBI, 2006
Figure 7. Example trade pattern of oranges from Comunitat Valenciana to the UK
Fractional retail price retained
Grower
Wholesaler
Retailer
1.00
0.80
0.60
0.40
0.20
0.00
2009
2010
2011
2012
Adapted from USDA, 2011; USDA, 2012
Figure 8. Average annual fresh Navel orange revenue distribution at different levels of the supply chain in Spain
Additional opportunities to promote the sale of fresh organic oranges and organic pistachios from Ribera Baixa
farmers could be realized through sales in weekend farmers’ market in south England, for example. The
weekend farmers’ market approach is a low-risk approach and it is directed largely to eco-conscious consumers
who have sufficient disposable income for the purchase of healthier fresh food. This approach would of course
require a concerted transition to organic farming and diversification in the former monoculture orange groves.
Some orange farmers are attempting to sell oranges directly via the Internet (Anon., 2012b). But the cost
structure is highly unfavourable as oranges are very “heavy weight, low value” goods for economical shipping in
small quantities. The cost of shipping might be as much as the cost of goods.
Other farmers have tried diversification into growing specialty tree crops such as persimmon, pomegranate, etc.
(Anon., 2012d). This strategy does not appear to be very practical as intrinsic demand for persimmons and
pomegranates is quite small in Europe. The export market is already dominated by low-cost producers in China
and other low-wage countries. In the case of persimmons, China already has 75% of the World’s production of
~4 million tonnes in 2010 (FAOSTAT, 2012). See Figure 9. It has been reported that about 95% of Spain’s
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production of about 80,000 tonnes of pomegranates has already been “absorbed” in the EU states outside of
Spain (AMAIL, 2012). Even if persimmons and pomegranates produced in Ribera Baixa could be marketed
without any limitations, the underlying problem remains the same, i.e., the retailers and distributors will retain
the most of the retail value of these products. In essence, the growers would encounter the same problem as
orange production, in the longer term.
Top 3 producers
Spain
Others
Production, 1,000 tonnes
5,000
China ~75%
South Korea ~10%
Japan ~5%
4,000
3,000
India ~40% Ira n
~32% Turkey ~8%
2,000
1,000
0
Persimmons (2010)
Pomegranates (2011)
Sources: Persimmons: FAOSTAT, 2012; Pomegranates: AMAIL, 2012.
Figure 9. Global production of persimmons and pomegranates
3.4 Path Forward
Continuation of orange cropping in Ribera Baixa requires a different strategy of sustainable development
involving new marketing and crop production models. The foremost undertaking is the establishment of a new
direct marketing regime to shift more cash margin to the growers. Otherwise, the same unsatisfactory net
farm-income would prevail because of the fixed inequitable distribution of retail product value. This situation
applies during the high and as well as the low price market. Rapid transition to organic cropping and additional
diversification to pistachios or other crops could then follow. Direct marketing is an essential first step to permit
the effective positioning of Ribera Baixa’s organically grown produce into the desired group of consumers in the
UK market. It may be noted that the availability of organic pistachio is still a rarity in the market place.
Moreover, large scale producers, especially those located in low-wage countries, are expected to have
considerable difficulties in shifting production from commodity grades to organic grades. For small individual
producers in Ribera Baixa, there is essentially no future in the commodity orange business.
Table 6 summarizes the analysis of the options available for the re-structuring of orange cropping in Ribera
Baixa. It is evident that selling organic oranges through conventional marketing channel does not afford any
increase in economic viability. Peris Moll and Juliá Iqual (2006) had concluded that organic cropping to be an
economically unattractive option. Compare non-organic Scenario “A” and organic Scenario “B” in Table 6. Note
the economic attractiveness of organic Scenarios “C” and “D”.
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Table 6. Preliminary economics of proposed new cropping regime
Reference
Peris Moll & Julia Iqual, 2006 (data
from 2003-2004 season)
This work (a)
Scenario
A
B
C
Product
Navelina
Navelina
Cropping system
Standard
Land allocation, ha
1.0
1.0
0.9
Yield, kg/ha
42,229
30,187
Farm-gate price, €/kg
0.15
New marketing margin, %
of base farm-gate price
Navelina
D
Pistachio
Navelina
Pistachio
0.1
0.9
0.1
30,187
2,243 (b)
30,187
2,243 (b)
0.26
0.26
4.38 (c)
0.26
4.38 (c)
0
0
50
50
100
100
Extra income from new
marketing regime, €/kg
0
0
0.13
2.19
0.26
4.38
Total farm-gate price,
€/kg
0.15
0.26
0.39
6.57
0.52
8.76
Gross production, kg
42,229
30,187
27,168
224
27,168
224
Gross farm-gate revenue,
€
6,334
7,849
10,596
1,474
14,128
1,965
Total production cost, €
3,582 (d)
5,889 (e)
5,300 (f)
643 (e)
5,300 (e)
643 (f)
Net farm-gate income, €
2,752
1,960
Organic
6,126
10,149
Notes: 2004 base year used for illustration purposes
(a) All 2008 data of Beede et al. (2008) adjusted to 2004 base year using the procedure described earlier in the
“Methods” section. US Consumer Price Index: US$1.00 in 2008 = US$0.88 in 2004; ECB exchange rate:
US$1. 2439 = €1.00 in 2004.
(b) Applying same 29% decrease from reference conventional yield for Navelina (Peris Moll & Juliá Iqual,
2006) to reference 3,138 kg pistachio yield per hectare (Beede et al., 2008).
(c) Applying same 26% increase in reference price for Navelina (Peris Moll & Juliá Iqual, 2006) to reference
price of €3.06 per kg pistachio (Beede et al., 2008)
(d) Excluding depreciation and opportunity costs (Peris Moll & Juliá Iqual, 2006)
(e) Excluding depreciation and opportunity costs (Peris Moll & Juliá Iqual, 2006); notwithstanding the high
cost of organic fertilizers used
(f) Including capital recovery (calculated from Beede et al., 2008)
4. Concluding Remarks
The problem of orange cropping in Ribera Baixa is persistent and difficult to solve in view of continued
globalization of freer trade with competitive fresh oranges arriving into the EU from low-wage producing
countries. Incremental gains in productivity could not overcome the structural problems. The fragmented holding
structure of orange groves in Ribera Baixa offers an interesting opportunity to devise a practicable and
sustainable solution. The essential rectification steps might include a) implementation of an alternative direct
marketing system to capture a higher proportion of the variable retail pricing, and followed by b) conversion to
organic cropping with progressive phasing out monoculture practice with inter-cropping of novel tree nut crops
such as pistachios. It is recognized that there is no assurance that the recommended remedial steps would ever be
undertaken by orange growers, in view of the historical solutions applied to the recurring economic difficulties
of orange farming in Spain. Short-term financial subvention by the government has been the standard practice in
troubled economic times.
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