Developments in Ancient Israelite Religion as a Tool for
Dating Hebrew Bible Authorship
By Jason Korner
This paper attempts to date the origins of authorship for parts of the Hebrew Bible. By
examining parallels between the Canaanite god El and the Hebrew god of Yahweh, I argue that
the patriarchal narratives have origins in the mid-second millennium B.C.E. In observing the
Israelite condemnation of Baal worship during the divided monarchy, I argue in favor of dating
the original authorship of Exodus before the ninth century B.C.E. due to the book’s lack of Baal
condemnation. In addition to this, the changing role of Yahweh in the divine council as seen
throughout Hebrew Bible leads to the conclusion that Israel’s understanding of Yahweh changed
over time. Therefore, the origins of certain Hebrew Scriptures can be dated according to the
role of Yahweh in the divine council.
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The religion of the ancient Israelites parallels the religions of Israel’s surrounding
neighbors in many ways that offers a chance to date the authorship of the text based on both
biblical and extrabiblical texts. The Ugaritic texts that describe the roles of El, the chief deity of
the Canaanite pantheon, and Baal, the Canaanite storm god certainly play a large role in dating
the biblical text as Israelite interaction with Yahweh often reflects certain time specific events in
Canaanite religion. Yahweh’s developing position in the divine council and onomastic evidence
also help in suggesting a time period for authorship of parts of the Hebrew Bible. The suggested
time period for Hebrew Bible authorship in this paper differs greatly from the estimates given by
Hebrew Bible minimalists. These minimalists often date Hebrew Bible authorship in the sixth
century B.C.E, but substantial evidence points toward a much earlier estimate of Hebrew Bible
authorship. Through observing developments in ancient Israelite religion, origins and
authorship of the Old Testament is seen to take place over many centuries beginning in the late
second millennium B.C.E.
El and the Canaanite Pantheon
Ancient Canaanite religion included the worship of the god El, whose name the HB links
with the Hebrew god Yahweh. Scholars, however differ over the role of El in the Levant area in
the second millennium B.C.E. Some scholars contend that El is the god of Israel, and therefore
Yahweh. While other scholars insist that the Hebrew and Canaanite people merged the gods El
and Yahweh to form the Israelite god Yahweh. Still others argue that El and Yahweh are two
completely different gods who share common characteristics, but never merge as one god.
Discovering the origins of Ancient Israelite religion will help date the Hebrew Bible's
authorship, especially the narratives of the Patriarchs.
As the god of ancient Canaan in the second millennium B.C.E., El is a known as the high
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god from the Ugaritic pantheon. El resided as the chief god of the Pantheon for the first half of
the second millennium B.C.E. as K. A. Kitchen notes, but by 1500 B.C.E. the lesser god of the
pantheon, Baal, becomes the primary figure of worship in the area of Canaan.1 El is seen as the
king of the pantheon at Ugarit, and he exercises his authority as he pleases. Mark S. Smith notes
that El expresses his authority through his title as king, and is associated with a young bull.2 As
El was the chief and strongest god of the Pantheon, so he is associated with the chief and
strongest animal.3
As the chief deity of the pantheon, El rules the council of the gods as judge. Frank Cross
in his book Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic describes El as the god whose “word is, in effect,
the judgment or decision of the divine council, and it may be announced by the messenger of the
council or more directly to mankind in dream or visitation.”4 Although it may appear that El’s
role in the divine council gives him absolute power, the council is more balanced in that El acts
more as a father figure to the other deities than as the all-sovereign judge. As the pantheon
functions in Ugaritic mythology, El is the father of his fellow deities, and the word ‘ab, meaning
“father,” is applied to him.5 With El as the father, the deities of the divine council in the
pantheon form a kind of divine family. The mother of nearly all of El’s divine children, as Smith
states, is Athirat, often pictured as an elderly woman and the mother of creation.6 As father and
mother of the council of deities, only El, and not Athirat, exercises authority as chief deity and
receives credit for creating the physical world and the divine world.
Often in Ugaritic mythology, El is referred to as the creator and father of the world. For
this reason El is called ‘il yknnh, or “El who created him/her.”7 This gives him authority to
1
Kitchen, K.A. On the Reliability of the Old Testament. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing, 2003), 332.
Smith, Mark S. The Origins of Biblical Monotheism. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 135.
3
Smith, Origins, 135.
4
Cross, Frank Moore. Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973), 177.
5
Smith, Origins, 135.
6
Smith, Origins, 135.
7
Smith, Origins, 135.
2
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oversee the actions of the pantheon and control over the lesser gods which include Baal and
Anat.8 Still El’s authority is not absolute, and his role as father overshadows his role as divine
king. Instead of being seen as the royal king of the pantheon, the manner that El rules over the
council “suggests that his role is more that of a patriarch, or that of judge in the council of a
league of tribes, than the role of divine king.”9 As the patriarch of the council, El is notably
different from gods who rule over the natural phenomena of the earth.10 Cross states that, “El is
in the first instance a social god. He is the primordial father of gods and men, sometimes stern,
often compassionate, always wise in judgment.”11 El is a much more realistic and personal god
when compared to the gods who rule individual aspects of nature. His function as patriarch best
reflects social structures that organize themselves by leagues, and kinship is chief means of tribal
organization.12 In the societies that worship El, “El frequently plays the role of ‘god the father,’
the social deity who governs all the tribes or league, often bound to a league or king with kinship
or covenant.”13 The personal creator god El, reflects ancient societies where patriarchal authority
is respected, but not to the point of dictatorship.
El, the creator of everything receives specific honor due to his great acts, as he is the
“Ancient of Days” in Canaanite religion. El is perceived as the creator and the ancient one who
is the father of all things on both heaven and earth, and this distinguishes him greatly from other
deities, especially Baal, who gradually took over El’s place as the deity worshiped in Canaanite
religion.14 Cross explains that El’s creation is more like theogany in that he is the origin of the
gods, as opposed to myths of Baal’s creation, which is seen more as cosmogony, in that Baal is
8
Smith, Origins, 135.
Cross, Myth and Epic, 39.
10
Cross, Myth and Epic, 42.
11
Cross, Myth and Epic, 42.
12
Cross, Myth and Epic, 43.
13
Cross, Myth and Epic, 43.
14
Cross, Myth and Epic, 43.
9
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associated with the origins and development of the universe.15 Since he existed before the
creation of both the universe and the gods, El needs not defend his title as ancient of days, and
chief of the divine assembly.
This divine patriarch still experiences a number of less graceful moments by possessing a
number of human characteristics including falling subject to the effects of alcohol. Cross recalls
story of the gods holding a banquet for their chief deity El. At this banquet, despite the warnings
of his servants, El becomes drunk and passes out under the care of the other gods. Even as the
father of all things, El is not immune to the affects of the things that he created.
The chief deity of the pantheon at Ugarit, the Canaanite god El, plays the role of judge
and patriarch of all of creation. He is the father of all and the ancient of days, creating the gods
with his wife Athirat, and creating earth with everything in it. As a personal god, El does not
rule the council or creation with an iron fist, but instead he enters into covenants, which reflect
the culture of those that worship him. The picture painted of El in the Ugaritic texts is one that is
relatable to second-millennium-B.C.E. social structures as the personal, divine ruler of the
pantheon.
Yahweh and El
Throughout the biblical text, the authors of the HB use the Semitic word “El” to refer to
both Yahweh and the Canaanite god El. This, of course, leads to much debate over the origins of
Yahweh, and his development as the god of the Israelites. Some scholars, such as Mark S. Smith
and Rainer Albertz, insist the people of the Levant gradually fused the Canaanite god El and the
Hebrew god Yahweh into one god Yahweh over a period of time, but other scholars, including
Patrick D. Miller Jr., claim that a distinct break occurred between El and Yahweh, preventing
15
Cross, Myth and Epic, 43.
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any fusion of the two gods. The identification of the god of the patriarchs as “El” and other “El”
epithets make deciphering the roots of Yahweh’s history all the more difficult. Whether or not
Israel made the Canaanite god El, their Yahweh plays a key role in identifying the order of the
origins of the HB, especially the patriarchal narratives.
The name “Israel” identifies the Israelites as a people ruled by God, but the ambiguous
term used for “God” does not distinctly refer to Yahweh as the exclusive god of Israel. The
name yisra’el, according to Albertz, means “God [or El] rules,” which may also mean “may God
show himself as ruler.”16 This is especially ambiguous since, “The name of the god El is the
same word used for ‘god’ in many West Semitic languages,” but often the name El refers
specifically to the chief Canaanite god of the West Semitic pantheon.17 Smith argues that
because the word “Israel” contains the name of “El” and not that of Yahweh, early in the history
of Ancient Israel, the Israelites worshiped El instead of Yahweh. He argues that if in fact the
early Israelites worshiped Yahweh instead of El, Israel’s name should have been yisra-yahweh,
or yisra-yah, which is closely associates Israel with the divine name of the Hebrew god
Yahweh.18 Particularly among the patriarchal narratives, the word El and common epithets for
El are used to refer to the God of Israel. Genesis 33 tells of the patriarch Jacob building an altar
in the area of Schechem, and he names the altar, El-Elohe-Israel.19 Albertz translates this as “El
the god of Israel” as he claims any alternate translations that seek to avoid the obvious reference
to the god El do not make sense.20 This use of the word ‘el, as Albertz claims, must refer
explicitly to the divine name of the Canaanite god El, from which he infers that in an early tribal
alliance, Israel worshiped the El and not Yahweh.21 At this point in ancient Israelite religion,
16
Albertz, Rainer. From the Beginnings to the End of the Monarchy (vol. 1 of A History of Israelite Religion in the
Old Testament Period: trans. John Bowden; Lousiville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1994), 76.
17
Smith, Origins, 135.
18
Smith, Origins, 143.
19
Gen 33.20.
20
Albertz, Beginnings to the End, 76.
21
Albertz, Beginnings to the End, 76.
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Smith states El was still the head of the divine council, leaving Yahweh and Baal to compete for
outright second rank in the Canaanite pantheon.22 However, over time, Yahweh, the son of El,
replaced his father as chief god in the pantheon.
Other names and qualities known to refer to El appear in the patriarchal narratives. Just
as El fathered the gods, he also fathers humanity, leading him to be identified in relation to
humanity as the all-powerful creating being of the universe. A West-Semitic religious text
discovered in Anatolia, written in Hurrian-Hittie, refers to El as Elkunirsa.23 Smith claims that
this reference to El, ‘il qny ‘ars, translated as “El creator of the earth” is also found in Gen 14.19
and in other the West Semitic religious documents.24 However, a few shared names between El
and Yahweh do not automatically serve as indisputable evidence of El’s supremacy over
Yahweh in early ancient Israel.
Revelation of Yahweh to Moses identifies Yahweh as the god of the patriarchs and
associates common epithets for El closely to Yahweh. Exodus 6.2-3 states, “I am the LORD
[Yahweh]. I appeared to Abraham, to Isaac and to Jacob, as [El Shaddai], but by my name the
LORD [Yahweh] I did not make myself known to them.” This passage appears to explain the
usage of at least one common epithet also used to refer to the god El, as referring exclusively to
Yahweh. However, Smith disagrees: “This passage shows that Yahweh was unknown to the
patriarchs. Rather they are depicted as worshipers of El.”25 As worshipers of El, the patriarchal
narratives do not distinguish between El and Yahweh, but a later editor inserts the name Yahweh
into the patriarchal narratives even though the patriarchs did not know El as Yahweh.
While Smith argues that the patriarchs viewed El and Yahweh as the same god, Miller
claims Yahweh was initially associated as El, but then broke off as a separate deity. Miller
22
Smith, Origins, 144.
Smith, Origins, 137.
24
Smith, Origins, 137.
25
Smith, Origins, 141.
23
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affirms, as Smith does, that the patriarchal narratives use common epithet imagery to describe El
such as, “El Olam and El Shaddai” and “El the transcendent creator God” to refer to the god of
Israel.26 However, Miller claims that the name Yahweh probably was originally served as a
cultic name for El, but then the cult of Yahweh broke off from El worship, worshiping Yahweh
exclusively.27 “Yahweh was thus, in origin, an El figure, as Exod 6.2-3 suggests rather directly
in identifying the pre-Mosaic manifestation of Yahweh as El Shaddai.”28 Therefore, the early
patriarchs may have worshipped El, but after the time of Moses, the Israelites distinguished
Yahweh as their exclusive deity of worship.
Although the HB repeatedly uses the word “El,” this does not necessarily link the El of
the HB to the Canaanite god El and not Yahweh. Cross claims, “El is rarely if ever used in the
Bible as the proper name of a non-Isrealite, Canaanite deity in the full consciousness of a
distinction between El and Yahweh, the god of Israel.”29 If the biblical author distinguishes El
from Yahweh, as Cross claims the prophet Ezekiel does in Ezek 28.2, the author uses El in
distinctly mythological terms that confirm that the Ezekiel possessed knowledge of the Canaanite
deity. Yet, by this time in Israelite history, the author of Ezekiel does not associate El with
Yahweh.30
Israelites, even during the period of the Judges distinguish between El and Yahweh. As
Cross notes, Judg 9.46 mentions the temple of ‘el berit, which was a common epithet for the god
El.31 This term is seen distinct from Yahweh, as Cross argues that the original audience would
have noticed a parallel between the title of the pagan god Ba’l berit, and therefore the author
recognized ‘el-berit as referring to a pagan deity.32 Cross concludes that references to El in the
26
Miller Jr., Patrick D. The Religion of Ancient Israel. (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2000), 24-25.
Miller, Religion, 25.
28
Miller, Religion, 25.
29
Cross, Myth and Epic, 44.
30
Cross, Myth and Epic, 44.
31
Cross, Myth and Epic, 44.
32
Cross, Myth and Epic, 44-45.
27
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HB do not indicate exclusive Hebrew worship of the Canaanite deity El.
If a fusion of El and Yahweh did occur, it must have occurred after the exodus and during
Israelite settlement of the Levant. Albertz gives historical background stating that at the time of
the Israelites’ exodus from Egypt, the people of Canaan had recently gained freedom from the
Egyptians that previously attempted to colonize and rule over the people of Canaan.33 The
Merenptah Stele states, which Albertz claims refers to the pre-Hebrew Levant people under the
oppression of Egypt, “Israel has not descendants.”34 Therefore recently freed, El worshiping
people of Canaan welcomed the Yahweh worshiping people of the exodus. Albertz insists the
people of Canaan and the Hebrews worshiped similar deities who were believed to have
delivered both the lower class people of Israel and the Canaanites from the Egyptians.
Consequently, the two religions merged and both groups came to prefer Yahweh over El.35 As
the all-powerful symbol of liberation for the Hebrews, Yahweh must have been an attractive god
to the people already living in Canaan whom Albertz claims sought a new identity after gaining
freedom from Egypt.36 Therefore the Israelites and the Canaanites over time fused elements of
El into the one, all-powerful Israelite god Yahweh. This did not occur immediately, but from
observing the song of Deborah in Judg 5, Albertz concludes that the fusion of El and Yahweh is
well on its way by the time of the judges.37
In order to date the authorship of the HB in a chronological sequence, and particularly the
order of the patriarchal narratives, developments regarding the function of Yahweh and El in
Israelite worship must be identified. The patriarchs in Genesis did not know Yahweh by the
divine name, but instead worshiped the god El. While the patriarchal narratives probably have
33
Albertz, Beginnings to the End, 77.
Albertz, Beginnings to the End, 77.
35
Albertz, Beginnings to the End, 77.
36
Albertz, Beginnings to the End, 77.
37
Albertz, Beginnings to the End, 77.
34
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roots in the early second century B.C.E., the insertion of the name Yahweh in the text suggests
the narratives were edited some time during or after the life of Moses, to whom Exod 6.2-3 states
Yahweh revealed his divine name as never before. While the Israelites were not intentionally
polytheistic, evidence points towards the early worship of El in the patriarchal narratives and a
gradual assimilation of El into Yahweh. Using extrabiblical knowledge of El and the
Pentateuch, it appears that Israelite religion gained followers, as it incorporated elements of the
Canaanite deity El into the deity Yahweh. As worship of El began to fade in the mid-second
century B.C.E., the narratives of the HB that heavily incorporate El imagery and epithets appear
have origins in the second century B.C.E. as opposed to later dates preferred by many
minimalists.
Yahweh and the Divine Council
Like El, the HB portrays Yahweh as taking part in a council of gods that rules the
heavens and the earth. In this council, Yahweh apparently plays both the parts of the most
powerful god and the role of a lesser god who receives instructions from a greater deity. The
patriarchal narratives do not include this distinct imagery, but beginning with Deuteronomy, the
HB contains several variations of divine council imagery. The main questions that may help in
dating the earliest parts of the HB regard the role of Yahweh in the divine council and whether or
not the god’s role changes in relation to other gods.
First, Deut 32 contains interesting imagery of the divine council and Yahweh’s position,
as some scholars claim that it refers to Yahweh’s early position in the council as something other
than chief god. The passage of specific interest is Deut 32.7-938 as part of Moses’ song before
the whole assembly of Israel states:
38
All scripture references will be from the New Revised Standard Version unless otherwise noted.
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Remember the days of old,
Consider the years long past;
ask your father, and he will inform you;
your elders, and they will tell you.
When the Most High [‘elyon] apportioned the nations,
when he divided humankind,
he fixed the boundaries of the peoples
according to the number of the gods;
the LORD’s own portion was his people,
Jacob his allotted shard.39
Smith claims that Deut 32.7-9 portrays Yahweh as a son of the Canaanite god El, referred to as
‘elyon in this passage, which Smith uses to support his claim that the ancient Israelites made a
distinction made between Yahweh and El in early Israel.40 Passages such as Deut 32.7-9 appear
to suggest the early Israelites at one time or another identified Yahweh apart from the Canaanite
god El, but this is not always the case. Smith suggests that Yahweh was originally identified as a
divine warrior from the South, but the Israelites eventually came to identify Yahweh and El as
the same god, while Yahweh remained enemies against Baal, a competing warrior god.41 As
evidence, Smith notes that while the HB repeatedly condemns the worship of Baal, but it never
condemns the god El.42
J. Alberto Soggin sides with Smith, affirming the early Israelites, based on evidence
found in the biblical text, did not believe Yahweh to be the only god in the universe. He states
that a copy of the Septuagint from the early third century B.C.E. quotes Deut 32.8 as saying,
“according to the number of angels of God,” while the text of the Dead Sea Scrolls states
“according to the number of the sons of God [‘el].”43 Soggin then claims this serves as evidence
that the copier of the Septuagint did not wish to express the polytheistic element imagery found
39
Holy Bible. New Revised Standard Version. (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1989).
Smith, Mark S. The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel. (2d ed.; Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans Publishing, 2002), 32.
41
Smith, Early History, 33.
42
Smith, Early History, 33.
43
Soggin, J. Alberto. Israel in the Biblical Period: Institutions, Festivals, Ceremonies, Rituals. (trans. John Bowden;
Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 2001), 29.
40
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in Deut 32.8, so the copyist changed the text.44
If Soggin and Smith correctly identify elyon in Deut 32.8 as the Canaanite god El and not
Yahweh, Israel, very early in its history, could have “originally asserted a form of henotheism:
every people is assigned to a deity.”45 However, elyon in Deut 32.8 does not explicitly refer to
the god El, as John H. Walton, Victor H. Matthews and Mark W. Chavalas comment, “In the HB
the term Elyon is usually used as an epithet for Yahweh.”46 Yet, Elyon is a common epithet used
for both El and Baal.47 While Elyon is an epithet used for both El and Yahweh, its use in Deut
32.8 most likely refers to a god more powerful than Yahweh. Deut 32.8, as Soggin and Smith
argue, portrays Yahweh as the God of Israel, but not as the all-powerful Yahweh later pictured in
the HB. Instead, the author of Deuteronomy paints Yahweh as a lesser god, subject to the chief
god of the pantheon, El, commonly referred to as Elyon.
Other passages such as 2 Chr 18.18-22 and Ps 82 envision Yahweh in the midst of the
divine council, but contrary to Deut 32, Yahweh takes the place not of a lesser god, but of the
God enthroned as the high divine power in the heavenly council. In 2 Chr 18, Micaiah explains
to Jehoshaphat how he sees Yahweh in a vision sitting in his divine council. Micaiah sees
Yahweh “sitting on his throne, with all the host of heaven standing to the right and to the left of
him.”48 Except this time, Yahweh poses a question to the heavenly hosts, and a spirit comes
forth to answer Yahweh.49 This instance models the pantheon of the Ugaritic texts, but the
account of the divine council in 2 Chr 18 excludes the existence of other gods. Walton, Mathews
and Chavalas note, “In Israelite belief the gods were replaced by angels or spirits—the sons of
44
Soggin, Biblical Period, 31.
Soggin, Biblical Period, 30.
46
Walton, John H. Victor H. Matthews and Mark W. Chavalas. The IVP Bible Background Commentary: Old
Testament. (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 2000), 205.
47
Walton, Matthews and Chavalas, IVP, 205.
48
2 Chr 18.18.
49
2 Chr 18.19-20.
45
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God or the heavenly host.”50 This text gives a very different account of the heavenly council
than that of Deut 32, and serves as evidence for the gradual development of Yahweh as the god
becomes the chief deity in ancient Israelite religion.
Another of the many passages containing imagery of the divine council, Ps 82, again
presents Yahweh as a chief deity, but in this passage he condemns the other gods of the divine
council to death for unjust acts. The Psalmist writes, “God has taken his place in the divine
council; in the midst of the gods he holds judgment: ‘How long will you judge unjustly and show
partiality to the wicked?’”51 Later in the passage Yahweh exclaims, “I say, ‘You are gods,
children of the Most High, all of you; nevertheless, you shall die like mortals and fall like any
prince.’”52 Ps 82 presents Yahweh as the all-powerful deity as and the ruling authority with
enough power to condemn other gods to death.
As Israel struggled to worship Yahweh alone as her God, biblical literature displayed
these trends. Miller states, “The God of Israel, who came out of the gods and in whom the world
of the gods can be discerned, stood over against all other gods, claiming a unity and
exclusiveness that ruled them out.”53 Yahweh is now the all-powerful God of the divine council,
and by his condemnation of all other gods in the council, he makes himself the lone deity worthy
of Israel’s worship. His decree pronounces the end to the existence of his competition. Miller
notes that texts such as 1 Sam 4-6 allude to Yahweh’s defeat of other gods and his jealousy for
Israel.54 Through the actions of Yahweh as described in Ps 82, Yahweh exercises his power as
chief deity as he pronounces a death sentence upon all other members of the divine council
except for him.
50
Walton, Matthews and Chavalas, IVP, 205.
Ps 82.1-2.
52
Ps 82.6-7.
53
Miller, Religion, 28.
54
Miller, Religion, 28.
51
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The people of Israel, attempting to be faithful to Yahweh, led the Psalmist to write Ps 82
in an attempt to suppress the worship of other deities. The worship of other deities in addition to
Yahweh existed among the Israelites, as Miller claims, but an orthodox faith, devoted
exclusively to Yahweh also existed.55 Psalm 82 demonstrates exclusive Yahwism forming in
Israel during the time of the united monarchy. The Psalmist in Ps 82 incorporates elements of
Canaanite religion through imagery of the divine council and the use of Elyon, except this time
Elyon certainly serves as an epithet for Yahweh. When compared to Yahweh’s position in the
divine council as depicted in Deut 32, Yahweh develops into the all-powerful chief god of the
divine council.
Frank Cross, while he doubts that the divine council referred to in Ps 82 referred to other
actual deities, explains two distinct literary patterns used when Yahweh sits in the divine council.
The divine council’s first form as described by Cross is the “‘address to the divine council’ made
by Yahweh or his herald.”56 Typically, this address to the council is followed by a “plural
imperative” from Yahweh to address his heralds.57 Yahweh’s first form of address to the council
directly commands the council to do a certain task.
Unlike the first of Yahweh’s address to the council, Cross notes the second form of the
council address follows the pattern of a rib covenant lawsuit.58 Ps 82 follows the rib pattern and
includes a summons, charge, evidence and verdict in which Yahweh plays multiple roles. Cross
notes the members of the divine council fade into the background as the rib covenant lawsuit
makes Yahweh the center of attention.59
Yahweh now plays a dominant active role in the divine council as he orchestrates the
55
Miller, Religion, 29.
Cross, Myth and Epic, 187-188.
57
Cross, Myth and Epic, 188.
58
Cross, Myth and Epic, 188.
59
Cross, Myth and Epic, 188.
56
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covenant lawsuit. “In the Prophetic lawsuit, a literary form secondarily derived from Israel’s old
political forms, Yahweh is both plaintiff and judge, and the witnesses of the covenant are
reduced to the ‘old gods,’ more or less innocuous members of the divine assembly.”60 Cross
notes that El communicates his will through his judgment and the decisions made in the divine
council.61 Much like El, Yahweh is seen as the ruler and judge of the divine council surrounded
by heavenly hosts. This is the dominant image of Yahweh in Israel during the writing of the Ps
82.62
Continuing the portrayal of Yahweh as divine judge of the court, the vision in Dan 7
depicts the Ancient of Days as both ruler and judge. The Ancient One, again borrowing a
common epithet from ancient Canaanite religion, harnesses and judges the beasts that wreak
havoc. Yahweh is even referred to as the “Most High63” as he rules as judge. By the time of the
writing of Daniel, Yahweh’s authority as sole judge and ruler of the divine council certainly was
in place.
It appears that since Deut 32, the position of Yahweh in the divine council changes from
the position of subject of the divine ruler to the enthronement as the king of the council. As
described in Deut 32, Yahweh receives Israel as his portion of the people on earth from Elyon,
god Most High, instead of choosing them by his own power sovereignty. In Deut 32, Yahweh’s
place in the divine council is just one among a number of gods, but he is still Israel’s god. Even
if Soggin’s claim of henotheism64 proves true, Yahweh is still Israel’s god in Deut 32.
As time progresses, the role of Yahweh in the divine council changes, as seen in 2 Chr
18. Yahweh is no longer one of the many sons of god, but instead as 2 Chr 18 describes,
60
Cross, Myth and Epic, 189.
Cross, Myth and Epic, 177.
62
Cross, Myth and Epic, 189-190.
63
Dan 7.22.
64
Soggins, Biblical Period, 30.
61
Korner 15
Yahweh is the head of the council and sits enthroned surrounded by the heavenly beings. A
great change in the contents of the council takes place in that the angels and spirits replace the
lesser gods that once inhabited the divine council. These spirits are subject to Yahweh’s will and
do as he commands. Ps 82 then portrays Yahweh as the final judge of the divine council.
Yahweh makes a mockery of the other gods as he uses his authority to condemn them to death
for favoring the unrighteous. The gods mentioned in Ps 82 probably are not even actual gods,
but they only play the part of a literary device designed to express the power of Yahweh. By
attacking the syncretism of the day, Ps 82 seeks to establish Yahweh once again as the lone allpowerful, divine being in the universe. Daniel 7 then confirms the place of Yahweh above any
other power in the universe as he tames the beasts. He is the “Ancient of Days”65 and the “Most
High,”66 controlling the evil powers in Daniel’s vision.
From the variations in Yahweh’s role in the divine council from Deut 32 to 2 Chr 18 and
Ps 82 and Dan 7 the conclusion can be drawn that Yahweh’s role in the divine council as seen by
Israel changed over time. Deut 32 presents a radically different picture of the role of Yahweh in
the divine council compared to those presented in 2 Chr 18, Ps 82 and Dan 7. Yahweh is subject
to the ruler of the divine council in Deut 32, but in 2 Chr 18, Ps 82 and Dan 7 he is the ruler and
judge of the divine council. This evidence suggests that these texts, which differ greatly from
one another, were not written at the same time, especially during post-exilic times as certain
minimalists claim.67 The changing role of Yahweh in the divine council indicates that the book
of Deuteronomy was written prior to the accounts given in 2 Chr 18, Ps 82 and Dan 7.
65
Dan 7.9.
Dan 7.22.
67
See Neils Peter Lemche’s The Israelites in History and Tradition for a minimalist argument for post-exilic
authorship of the Hebrew Bible.
66
Korner 16
Yahweh and Baal
In the Canaanite pantheon, Baal is the god of storm and fertility, and one of the sons of El
the chief god. El’s supremacy over Baal continues until the mid second century B.C.E. when
Baal worship begins to supersede El’s popularity as the head deity.68 Thus, Yahweh’s people
portray their god using Baal imagery, but in time this leads to syncretism, which the prophets
speak out against. In early Israelite religion, Yahweh’s theophany reflects that of Baal, but in
time this changes in order for Israel to distance itself from Baal worship.
Strong parallels evidently exist between the myth of Baal and the story of the Yahweh
defeating the Egyptians and leading the Hebrews to freedom in the exodus account. Miller
states, “At the heart of the Baal myth is the conflict with Yamm, representing the chaotic powers
of the universe.”69 Baal overcomes the evil powers of Yamm and establishes his temple. This
text apparently parallels Israel’s concept of Yahweh.70 The story of Yahweh and Israel parallel
Baal’s fight for power in that Yahweh defeats Egypt’s divine king and gains total claim to
authority in the divine realm.71 Miller suggests the first account recorded in the HB of this battle
occurs in Exod 15.1-18, as Yahweh, the divine warrior, harnesses the sea and defeats Pharaoh’s
army as it pursues fleeing Israelites.72 “Ugaritic, Mesopotamian and Israelite shared a common
theology to the extent that kingship over the cosmos was demonstrated in battle with the unruly
forces, and the throne and abode of the king is established forever.”73 Assuming that the exodus
occurred in the late second millennium B.C.E., the author of Exodus would have been aware of
common Baal myths.
68
Kitchen, OROT, 332.
Miller Jr. Patrick D. “Aspects of the Religion of Ugarit,” in Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays in Honor of Frank
Moore Cross (ed. Patrick D. Miller Jr. Paul D. Hanson and S. Dean McBride; Philadelphia:
Fortress Press,
1987), 60.
70
Miller, Ugarit, 60.
71
Miller, Ugarit, 60.
72
Miller, Ugarit, 60.
73
Miller, Ugarit, 60.
69
Korner 17
Other strong similarities between Baal myths and the story of Yahweh in Israelite
religion exist, especially in the way the two gods present themselves before their people. As the
god of weather/storms and fertility, the main from of theophany for Baal is of course elements of
weather and especially storms. Cross points out that early Israelite religion, the chief description
of Yahweh’s theophany uses the same language used to describe Baal’s theophany.74 Yahweh’s
theophany in the storm is seen in Exod 19.16 as the presence of Yahweh is marked with lighting
and a thick cloud and in Ps 29 as the God of glory thunders. This popular theophany
characterized Yahweh in early Israelite literature, but became less popular as syncretism
involving the worship of Baal grew in the times of the divided monarchy.
As their god, the Israelites saw all things as under the control of Yahweh, including
nature, but the prophets during the divided monarchy sought to distance worship of Yahweh
from Baal as syncretism grew. Cross states that at first, Israelite religion incorporated aspects of
Baal’s theophany, but as Baal worship increased, imagery involving storms in Yahweh’s
theophany decreased.75 “The threat was not so much that Yahweh be forgotten, but that he
subside into ordinary membership in the Canaanite pantheon.”76 Growing syncretism of Baal
and Yahweh worship led to reaction against storm theophany. The author of 1 Kings
intentionally adjusts Yahweh’s theophany to combat imagery associated with Baal’s theophany
in order to reduce syncretism.
The prophets, during the time of the divided monarchy took the lead in reducing storm
theophany of Yahweh. As seen in 1 Kgs 19, and as Cross points out, Elijah’s encounter with
Yahweh involves quaking, fire, and storm but Yahweh is not in any of these images. Yahweh is
in the silence, radically different from the previously normal storm theophany.77 Cross states that
74
Cross, Myth and Epic, 177.
Cross, Myth and Epic, 190.
76
Cross, Myth and Epic, 190.
77
Crossy, Myth and Epic, 194.
75
Korner 18
beginning with the prophets in the ninth century B.C.E., the biblical authors intentionally chose
to avoid Baal imagery and chose to use imagery associated with the messenger of the council of
El.78 The biblical authors don’t suppress the use of Baal imagery in old hymns, but they do
simply stop using divine storm imagery in their writings.79 The biblical authors did not see storm
imagery per se as harmful to Yahweh’s reputation, but the “attack was on Baal and not on the
notion that Yahweh controlled the elements of nature.”80 Therefore, a noticeable transition
occurred from Baal-like theophany with the intention of Israelites avoiding religious syncretism.
Early in Israelite religion, the myths of Baal and the accounts of Yahweh working
amongst his people parallel greatly. Yahweh and Baal come to power through similar
circumstances, as both defeat perceived deities to claim out right supremacy in the heavenly
realms. During the early stages of post-exodus Israelite religion, theophanies of Yahweh
strongly resemble that of Baal, but in time this leads Israel down the road of religious syncretism.
As Israelites begin to worship Baal, the god of the storm, along side Yahweh, whose presence is
often marked by storms, the biblical writers shy away from the use of Yahweh’s storm related
theophany. By no means does this indicate Yahweh does not preside over the powers involving
storms, but the prophets simply attempt to distance Yahweh from Baal.
It is interesting, as Kitchen notes, that the worship of Baal is not mentioned in patriarchal
narratives, which suggests origins in the middle of the second millennium B.C.E. which
preceded growing popularity of Baal worship among those living in Canaan.81 Also with the
strong association between early Israelite religion and the myths of Baal, it is suggested that the
authorship of the book of Exodus and other books containing strong storm imagery of Yahweh’s
theophany date sometime after the exodus but before the ninth century when biblical authors
78
Cross, Myth and Epic, 191.
Cross, Myth and Epic, 191.
80
Cross, Myth and Epic, 191.
81
Kitchen, OROT, 332.
79
Korner 19
sought to quell increasing Baal worship by moving Yahweh’s primary means of theophany away
from storm imagery.
The Onomastic Evidence
Theophoric names, referring to names containing the name of a deity, increase as from
the time of the patriarchs to the time of the united and divided monarchy that help date the
biblical text. According to Jeffery H. Tigay, the Masoretic Text contains an overwhelming
amount of distinctly Yahwistic names from the times of the patriarchs through the fall of
Jerusalem.82 These statistics exclude names that include ‘el and ‘eli since these terms can refer to
Yahweh or some other god. From the names compiled by Tigay, none related to Yahweh during
the time of the patriarchs, 3 out of 6 names during the Exodus related to Yahweh, 100 out of 163
names had a Yahweh root during the Judges-United Monarchy time, and 123 out of 127 names
compiled during the divided monarchy related to Yahweh.83 Based on the onomastic evidence
presented in the Masoretic text, distinctly Yahwistic names gained increasing popularity as time
went on. Onomastic evidence suggests that within the HB, as Israel grew better acquainted with
the god Yahweh, Hebrew religious writings reflected Yahweh’s increased popularity. This helps
to demonstrate the HB authorship as taking place over a vast amount of time in order for such a
large shift in onomastic evidence to occur.
Conclusion
Evidence inside and outside the biblical text helps confirm early authorship of much of
the HB, especially the patriarchal narratives. Strong similarities between the chief god of the
Canaanite pantheon El, and Yahweh, along with the absence of condemnation of the Canaanite
82
83
Tigay, Jeffery H. You Shall Have No Other Gods. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986), 7.
Tigay, No Other Gods, 7.
Korner 20
god Baal suggest origins of the patriarchal texts before the mid-second millennium B.C.E.
During the mid-second millennium, Baal began to overshadow El as the chief deity worshiped in
Canaan, which the HB, beginning in Exodus condemns. Yahweh’s role in the divine council, as
seen in the comparison of Deut 32 to 2 Chr 18, Ps 82 and Dan 7 changes over time as he moves
from a son of the chief god to the undisputed ruler and judge of the heavenly council. The
composition of the council changes completely as the gods surrounding Yahweh are replaced
with angels and spirits, making Yahweh the lone all-powerful divine being in the universe.
Through the observation of Yahweh’s changing role in the divine council, one can conclude that
the text of Deuteronomy preceded authorship of texts containing imagery of the divine council
with Yahweh as chief god, as in time, those modifications developed within Israelite religion.
Baal, the Canaanite storm god and a popular deity in the pantheon, becomes the
pantheon’s chief figure of worship beginning in the mid-second millennium B.C.E. The
patriarchal narratives, with origins before the middle second century, do not mention conflict
with Baal worship because at that time their conception, Baal had not yet surpassed El as the
chief figure of worship. Therefore Baal worship did not present a significant problem for the
patriarchs in that Baal had not yet developed into a popular deity worshiped by the people in the
Levant. In other words, meager Baal’s status in the Canaanite pantheon at the time of the origin
the patriarchal narratives prevented Baal from competing with Yahweh for Israel’s worship.
Soon after the exodus, Israel even uses storm imagery associated with theophany of Baal in its
description of Yahweh’s theophany. However, starting in the ninth century, under the divided
monarchy, religions syncretism involving Baal worship develops which caused the biblical
writers to shy away from connecting storm imagery with Yahweh. Finally, the rapid increase in
percentage of names containing a reference to Yahweh suggests the development of Israel’s
allegiance to Yahweh, as Yahweh does not reveal his divine name until the time of Moses.
Korner 21
All of the evidence listed above demonstrates that the text of the HB was not the
invention of theological masterminds after Judah’s return from exile in the sixth century as
minimalist critics contend. The Genesis text containing the patriarchal narratives certainly has
roots in the time before circa 1500 B.C.E. Likewise, the development of Yahweh in the divine
council suggests staggered authorship of other biblical texts as the Israelites understanding of
Yahweh’s role in the divine council changes over time. Decrease in Baal imagery in beginning
of the ninth century, suggests pre-ninth century B.C.E. authorship of Exodus, as it contains
passages paralleling Baal’s rise to power. Given the developments in Yahweh’s position in
relations to other gods, changes in Yahweh’s theophany, and the onomastic evidence presented
above, authorship of the HB seems to have taken place over many centuries, with origins before
the Hellenistic period.
Korner 22
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Israelite Religion in the Old Testament Period. Translated by John Bowden. Lousiville:
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Press, 1973.
Holy Bible. New Revised Standard Version. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1989.
Kitchen, K.A. On the Reliability of the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing,
2003.
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Hanson and S. Dean McBride. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987.
——. The Religion of Ancient Israel. Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press,
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——. The Origins of Biblical Monotheism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.
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