Benha University
Faculty of Arts
English Department
Critical Discourse Analysis of the
Chanted Slogans During the Egyptian
Revolution,
The 25th of January, 2011
Submitted By
Shaimaa Belal Hasaneen
Under the Supervision of
Ass. Prof. Dr. Hesham Hasan
Professor of Linguistics at
Faculty of Arts, Banha University
Dr. Amal Omar
Lecturer of Linguitstics at
Faculty of Arts, Banha University
Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Master
Degree of Arts in Linguistics, at Benha University, Egypt.
2013
Table of Contents
Abstract…………..…………………...……………………………….. ix
Acknowledgements……………………....…………………….………..x
List of Tables………………………………..………………………......xi
List of Abbreviations……………….………….……………...………xiii
Chapter One: Introduction…….…..................…………….……….....1
1.1. The History of Slogans…………………...……………………..….1
1.1.1. Definition of Slogans…………….………...………………3
1.1.2. The History of the Egyptian Revolution……..………..…5
1.2. Aims of the Study…………………………………………….....….8
1.3. Research Questions…….…...…………………………….....…….8
Chapter Two: Review of Related Literature………………………....9
2.1. Critical Discourse Analysis……………………………………..…9
2.1.1. Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis……..………..11
2.1.2. Van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Analysis…...……………14
2.2. Ideology, Dominance and Power……….…………………...……16
2.3. Theoretical Framework…………...…...…………………………19
2.3.1. Lexicalization…………….…………………………….…23
2.3.1.1. Metaphors……….……………………......……..25
3.3.2. Syntactic Manipulation…………...……….…….……….26
2.3.2.1. Transitivity……………….……………..….……26
2.3.2.1.1. Active and Passive Voice………………31
2.3.2.1.2. Some Participant Functions: Agent, and
Patient .…………………32
3.3.2.2. Nominalization……..…………………….……...32
2.4. Experiential and Relational Values in Grammatical Features ..34
3.5. Methodology…………………………………….…………………34
2.5.1. Data Collection……….……………………...….……….34
2.5.2. Methods of Analysis……………………...……………...35
ii
Chapter Three: Data Analysis…………..…..…………….…..………37
3.1. Analysis of Anti-Mubarak slogans……………….………………37
3.1.1. Lexicalization………………………….………….………37
3.1.1.1. Positivity of Lexical Items………….…..……….37
3.1.1.2. Negativity of Lexical Choices……….……….…38
3.1.1.3. Power-Based Lexical Choices………………..…44
3.1.1.4. Metaphors………….…………………………….47
3.1.1.5. Generalization and Specification….……………49
3.1.1.6. Pronouns………………..………………..………49
3.1.2. Semantic Level……….……………………………..…….50
3.1.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans……………....50
3.1.3. Syntactic Level……………………………………………51
3.1.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive
Voice……………………………………………………....51
3.1.3.2. Nominalization………………….……………….52
3.1.4. Rhetorical Level………………………….…………...….53
3.1.4.1. Repetition…………….………..…………………53
3.2. Analysis of Anti-SCAF Slogans...............................…..………...53
3.2.1. Lexicalization…………………..………………...……….53
3.2.1.1.Power-based Lexical Choices…..…….………….53
3.2.1.2.Negativity of Lexical Choices……………………69
3.2.1.3. Positivity of Lexical Choices………………...….75
3.2.1.4. Metaphors……………….……………...…….….76
3.2.1.5. Generalization and Specification…….…..……..80
3.2.1.6. Pronouns…………………………………..…..…80
3.2.2. Semantic Level……………………………………..……..82
3.2.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans…………..….82
3.2.3. Syntactic Level…………..………………………….……84
3.2.3.1.Transitivity including Active and Passive
Voice.….........................................................................84
3.2.3.2. Nominalization…………………………………..88
3.2.4. Rhetorical Level………………………….…….…………89
iii
3.2.4.1. Repetition…….………………………..…..……..89
3.3. Analysis of Encouraging Slogans……………………..………….90
3.3.1. Lexicalization……………………………………………..90
3.3.1.1.
Positivity
and
Power-based
Lexical
Choices………………………………………………..…..90
3.3.1.2. Negativity of Lexical Choices………………….109
3.3.1.4. Metaphors………………………………………110
3.3.1.5. Generalization and Specification……………...114
3.3.1.6. Pronouns………………………………………..114
3.3.2. Semantic Level……………………..……………………115
3.3.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans………..……115
3.3.3. Syntactic Level……………………….………………….117
3.3.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive
Voice……………………………………………………..117
3.3.3.2. Nominalization……………………………...….119
3.3.4. Rhetorical Level…………………………………………120
3.3.4.1. Repetition……………………………...………..120
3.4. Analysis of Martyrs' Rights based Slogans……………….……121
3.4.1. Lexicalization……………………………………………121
3.4.1.1. Power-based Lexical Choices…………...….…121
3.4.1.2. Negativity of Lexical Choices…..……...……...124
3.4.1.3. Positivity of Lexical Choices……….….………125
3.4.1.4.. Overlexicalization……………………………..126
3.4.1.5. Metaphors………………………………..……..127
3.4.1.6. Generalization and Specification………….......128
3.4.1.7. Pronouns……………………...………..……….128
3.4.2. Semantic Level…………………………………………..129
3.4.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans....................129
3.4.3. Syntactic Level…………………………………………..130
3.4.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive
voice…………………………………..………………….130
3.4.3.2. Nominalization…………..………….………….133
3.4.4. Rhetorical Level…………………………………………133
3.4.4.1. Repetition…………………..…...………………133
iv
5. Analysis of Social and Political Demands………….…………….134
3.5.1. Lexicalization………………………...…………………134
3.5.1.1.Power-based Lexical Choices………………….134
3.5.1.2. Negativity of Lexical Choices…..……………..137
3.5.1.3. Positivity of Lexical Choices…..………………139
3.5.1.4. Overlexicalization……………..……………….140
3.5.1.5. Metaphors…………….…..…………………....140
3.5.1.6. Generalization………….………………………142
3.5.1.7. Pronouns……………….…..…………………...142
3.5.2. Semantic Level……………………….………………….143
3.5.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans……………..143
3.5.3. Syntactic Level……………………..……………………144
3.5.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive
Voice............................................................................144
3.5.3.2. Nominalization…………………………………145
3.5.4. Rhetorical Level…………………………………………145
3.5.4.1. Repetition………….…………………….……...145
3.6. Analysis of Anti-Police Slogans ………………………….146
3.6.1. Lexicalization……………………………...…………….146
3.6.1.1. Positivity and Power-based Slogans…..………146
3.6.1.2.Negativity of Lexical Choices……………..……148
3.6.1.3. Metaphors………………………………………149
3.6.1.4. Pronouns……………………..…………...…….150
3.6.2. Semantic Level………………………………….……….151
3.6.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans…………......151
3.6.3. Syntactic Level…………………………………………..151
3.6.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive
Voice…………………………………………………......151
3.6.3.2. Nominalization…...…….………………………152
3.6.4. Rhetorical Level……….…………………….…………..153
3.6.4.1. Repetition……………………………..………...153
3.7. Anti-Muslim Brethren Slogans……………...……………….…154
3.7.1. Lexicalization…………………..……………………….154
3.7.1.1. Negativity of Lexical Choices…………………154
v
3.7.1.2.
Positivity
and
Power-based
Lexical
Choices…………………………………….…….…...…155
3.7.1.3. Metaphors…………………………….………..156
3.7.1.4. Pronouns……………..…...…………………….157
3.7.2. Semantic Level………………………..…………………158
3.7.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans……….…….158
3.7.3. Syntactic Level………………………….….……………158
3.7.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive
Voice…………………………………………………….158
3.7.3.2. Nominalization…..………………..……………159
3.7.4. Rhetorical Level……….………………………………..159
3.7.4.1. Repetition……..……...…………………………159
3.8. Analysis of Miscellaneous Slogans…………….………………..160
3.8.1. Lexicalization………………………….….……………..160
3.8.1.1. Power-based Lexical Choices………………….160
3.8.1.2. Negativity of Lexical Choices……………….....162
3.8.1.3. Positivity of Lexical Choices……….…….....…164
3.8.1.4. Metaphors…………………..…………………..165
3.8.1.5. Pronouns………………….....………………….167
3.8.2. Semantic Level………………….…………………….…167
3.8.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans……………..167
3.8.3. Syntactic Level…………………………………………..167
3.8.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive
Voice……………………………………………………..167
3.8.3.2. Nominalization…………...…………….………168
3.8.4. Rhetorical Level…………………………………………168
3.8.4.1. Repetition………………...…..…………………168
Chapter Four: Discussion………...………………………………… 170
Chapter Five: Conclusion and recommendations………………….180
References………………….……...….……………………………….185
Appendices: Appendix A: List of Slogans.…..…………..………….205
Appendices: Appendix B: Hans Wehr Transiliteration Scheme ....223
Appendices: Appendix C: Pictures Taken by the Researcher….....226
vi
Abstract in Arabic(‫………………)اﻟﻤﻠﺨﺺ‬..………...……………….....‫ب‬
vii
Abstract
This thesis examines the relationships between language and
ideology and how these relationships are represented in the analysis of
texts in general and slogans in particular, following Systemic Functional
Linguistic analysis which is developed by M.A.K Halliday, with an
exceptional focus on Transitivity as well as on Lexicalization developed
by Roger Fowler (1991). The study also shows how the structure of
slogans can serve a particular ideology and is capable of storing meanings
which are not obvious for ordinary audience as well as having a great
manipulation upon their own judgments and reactions. The study presents
an analysis of the chanted slogans of the Egyptian revolution (the 25th of
January, 2011). Its main purpose is to disclose which meaning the slogan
carries, and how it is employed in the context of the Egyptian revolution.
Furthermore, it intends to investigate whether the slogan has an impact on
discourse in general and the Egyptian reaction in particular. Methods of
critical linguistics and critical discourse analysis are drawn upon in order
to critically analyze the slogans. The analysis uncovers ideologies
pointing to an asymmetrical power structure between the protestors and
the fragile Egyptian political regime.
viii
Acknowledgements
First of all, all praise and thanks be to Allah, my Guide to the
straight path and from Whom all blessings flow to help me make it
through in the process of writing this thesis. This work is dedicated to the
souls of all Egyptian martyrs who sacrificed themselves for the noble
cause of the Egyptian revolution and whose blood was the seed of the
revolutionary spirit all over Egypt. I am indebted to many people who
provided me with much assistance during the period of writing this thesis.
I would specifically like to express my heartfelt appreciation and
gratitude to my supervisor, the reliable and caring Ass. Prof. Dr. Hesham
Hasan, who has been a continual source of insight, ideas, support,
patience, kindness and guidance to make this thesis ever possible. Then, I
would like to extend my heartfelt thanks to Dr. Amal Omar who
cheerfully answered my inquiries and generously gave her professional
advice and useful comments that helped me proceed confidently with my
research.
I must express my appreciation to my friends who helped me in
collecting the data for this study, provided me with materials, and gave
their comments and assistance in a myriad of ways.
Finally, my sincere gratitude is due to my father, mother and my
entire family for their understanding, patience, support, sacrifice,
perennial volition to share, and endure all the experience of discomfort
which we went through together throughout the study.
ix
List of Tables
Table 1: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Anti-Mubarak Slogans……47
Table 2: A Sample of Metaphors in Anti-Mubarak Slogans………..…48
Table 3: A Sample of Pronouns in Anti-Mubarak Slogans……...……..50
Table 4: Lexical Cohesion in Anti Mubarak Slogans............................50
Table 5: A Sample of Transitivity in Anti-Mubarak Slogans…………..52
Table 6: A Sample of Repetitions in Anti-Mubarak Slogans…..………53
Table 7: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Anti-SCAF Slogans…75
Table 8: A Sample of Metaphors in Anti-SCAF Slogans………………79
Table 9: A Sample of Pronouns in Anti-SCAF Slogans………………..81
Table 10: Lexical Cohesion in Anti –SCAF Slogans…………………..83
Table 11: A Sample of Transitivity in Anti-SCAF Slogans……………88
Table 12: A Sample on Nominalization in Anti-SCAF Slogans……….89
Table 13: A Sample of Repetitions in Anti-SCAF Slogans…………….89
Table 14: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Encouraging
Slogans………………………………………………………….110
Table 15: A Sample of Metaphors in Encouraging Slogans…………..114
Table 16: A Sample of Pronouns in Encouraging Slogans……………115
Table 17: Lexical Cohesion in Encouraging Slogans…………………116
Table 18: A Sample of Transitivity in Encouraging Slogans…………119
Table 19: A Sample on Nominalization in Encouraging Slogans…….119
Table 20: A Sample of Repetitions in Encouraging Slogans……….…120
Table 21: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Martyrs' Rights based
Slogans…………………………………………………….……126
Table 22: A Sample of Metaphors in Martyrs' Rights based Slogans...128
x
Table 23: A Sample of Pronouns in Martyrs' Rights based Slogans….129
Table 24: Lexical Cohesion in Martyrs' Rights based Slogans……….130
Table 25: A Sample of Transitivity in Martyrs' Rights based Slogans.132
Table 26: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Social and Political
Slogans………………………………………………………….139
Table 27: A Sample of Metaphors in Political and Social Slogans…..141
Table 28: A Sample of Pronouns in Political and Social Slogans…….142
Table 29: Lexical Cohesion in Political and Social Slogans……….....143
Table 30: A Sample of Transitivity in Social and Political Slogans…145
Table 31:A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Anti-police Slogans.149
Table 32: A Sample of Metaphors in Anti-police Slogans……………150
Table 33: A Sample of Pronouns in Political and Social Slogans…….151
Table 34: A Sample of Transitivity in Social and Political Slogans…152
Table 35: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Anti-Muslim Brethren
Slogans………………………………………………………….156
Table 36: A Sample of Metaphors in Anti-Muslim Brethren Slogans..157
Table 37: A Sample of Transitivity in Anti-Muslim Brethren Slogans.159
Table 38: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in the Miscellaneous
slogans…………………………………………………………..165
Table 39: A Sample of Metaphors in Miscellaneous Slogans………...166
Table 40: Transitivity Analysis among Slogans…………………...….173
Table 41: Lexical Items Analysis among Slogans………………...…174
Table 42: Ideological Square between Pronouns……………………. 175
Table 43: Metaphorical Images within Slogans……………………… 176
Table 44: Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans ……………….……......178
xi
List of Abbreviations
CDA
Critical Discourse Analysis
MB
Muslim Brotherhood
MR
Member’s Resources
SCAF
Supreme Council of the Armed Forces
SFG
Systemic Functional Grammar
SFL
Systemic Functional Linguistics
xii
Chapter One
Introduction
1.1. The History of Slogans
Slogans have long been employed significantly through all centuries
and ages. They not only affect people's daily language, but also influence
people's consciousness and behavior. Slogans are meant to be the
strongest voice of the time, and are considered to be an important
communication phenomenon. Political slogans played a significant role
during the incidents of the recent Egyptian revolution (the 25th of Januray,
2011).
According to Denham, and Fenwick, the term slogan formerly came
from battlefields in ancient Scotland and Ireland, where the officials in
the Gaelic army used some simple but powerful words, phrases or
sentences to gather their soldiers, and encourage them to fight bravely.
Later, these words and battle cries were called "slogans". By 1704, the
word slogan was used by the English-speaking people to mean the
distinctive note, phrase, or cry of any person. During the middle ages,
slogans were common throughout the whole of the European continent:
And their primary object, no doubt, was to animate the
rival warriors at the moment of attack; they were also
used as the watchword by which individuals of the same
party recognized each other, either amidst the darkness of
the night or in the confusion of battle (1851, p.1).
1
During this period, the use of mottoes and slogans was so closely
related, so that for practical purposes, the terms were frequently
synonymous. Written mottoes or inscriptions are found on monuments,
tombs, and other remains of the earliest forms of civilization. Mottoes
and slogans are employed by almost every division of any organized
society,
ranging
from
individuals,
families,
chivalric
orders,
organizations, schools, labor unions, political parties, armies, and towns,
to counties, states, and nations. Political slogans are interesting and
instructive at the same time, because they are originated in some political
issues upon which the opinions of people are divided. Some of them are
witty, some are sarcastic, some state the essence of political corruption,
some are rabble rousing designed to impose some personal belief or
political policy upon voters by causing them to accept and to vote for
principles, which people who possess information and analytical minds,
will probably not accept or support; others are worded so as to suggest or
advocate moral, religious, humanitarian, social, and economic reforms.
(Denham, & Fenwick, 1851)
A motto is a word, a phrase, or an expression which briefly,
concisely, and clearly expresses some moral, religious, social, ethical,
educational, or political truth upon which one builds his philosophy of
life or upon which one found his life's activities. A slogan is some
pointed term, phrase, or expression, fittingly worded, which implies an
action, loyalty, or which causes people to decide upon and to fight for the
realization of some principle or decisive issue (Earlie, 1941). The word
"slogan" should be reserved "for such directive phrases as have the
characteristics of brevity and timeliness, use the imperative, are identified
with a certain group, and can be considered essentially as battle- or
rallying-cries" (Bellak, 1942, p.496).
2
1.1.1. Definition of Slogans
A slogan is defined as "A phrase expressing the aims or nature of an
enterprise, organization, or candidate; a motto; a phrase used repeatedly,
as in advertising or promotion; a battle cry of a Scottish clan"(The
American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 2006). It is also
defined as "A war cry especially of a Scottish clan; a word or phrase used
to express a characteristic position or stand or a goal to be achieved, a
brief attention- getting phrase used in advertising or promotion"
(Merriam- Webster Online Dictionary, 1994). It is "a short and striking or
memorable phrase in advertising, or a motto associated with political
parties" (Compact Oxford Online English Dictionary, 2011). It is "A
short phrase that is easy to remember and is used in advertisements or by
politicians and organizations" (Longman Dictionary of Contemporary
English, 2008, p.1557). According to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬/ʼal-muʻjam ʼal-wasīt/,
the word "‫"ﺷ ﻌﺎر‬/šiʻār/"slogan" is defined as " ‫اﻟ ﺸﱢﻌﺎ ُر ﻋﻼﻣ ﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﯿ ﺰ ﺑﮭ ﺎ دوﻟ ﺔ أو‬
‫"ﺟﻤﺎﻋ ﺔ‬/ʼal- šiʻār ʻalāmah tatamayazu biha dalwah ʼaw jamāʻah/"a slogan
is a sign that distinguishes a certain country or a group of people" and "
َ ‫ أﺷْ ﻌِﺮة‬:‫ واﻟﺠﻤ ﻊ‬.‫( "و اﻟ ﺸﱢﻌﺎ ُر ﻋﺒ ﺎرة ﯾﺘﻌ ﺎرف ﻋﻠﯿﮭ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺤ ﺮب أو اﻟ ﺴﻔ َﺮ‬1993, p.484)/wa
ʼal- šiʻār ʻibārah yataʻāraf ʻalayha fī ʼal-ḥarb ʼaw ʼal-safar. W ʼal-jamʻ:
ašʻira/"A slogan is a phrase mainly recognized by citizens in wars and
during traveling times. The plural form is slogans".
As for ‫ ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻ ﺮة‬/muʻjam ʼal-luġah ʼal-ʻarabyah ʼalmuʻāṣirah/, the word is defined as "‫رﺳﻢ أو ﻋﻼﻣﺔ أو ﻋﺒ ﺎرة ﻣﺨﺘ ﺼﺮة ﯾﺘﯿ َ ﺴﱠﺮ ﺗ ﺬﻛﱡﺮھﺎ‬
‫( "وﺗﺮدﯾ ﺪھﺎ ﺗﺘﻤﯿﱠ ﺰ ﺑﮭ ﺎ دوﻟ ﺔ أو ﺟﻤﺎﻋ ﺔ‬2008, p.1206) /rasm ʼaw ʻalāmah ʼaw
ʻibārah muḵtaṣarah yatayasar taḏakuraha w tardīdaha tatamayaz biha
dawlah ʼaw jamāʻah/ "a painting, a mark or an abbreviated phrase which
can be easily recalled that characterizes a certain state or a group of
people". Slogans, in whatever form or structure, may help to provide
certain information, spread the policies and principles of a city or a
3
country or even help to promote the development of public services.
Slogans play a significant role in promoting protestors' demands and
point of views during the incidents of the recent Egyptian revolution.
There are some aspects to consider when creating a slogan, "A slogan
should be easy to remind. So, it is simple, brief and striking words and
sentences" (Bellak, 1942, p.510).
Slogans have been widely used for political, social, advertising, and
religious purposes. In advertising slogans, the use of wordplay, puns,
rhymes, pictures, colors and other graphic elements is very common in
order to catch the attention to the advertised product. This can be traced
in "connecting people, We love to see you smile, Give me break". Social
slogans have been used to raise social consciousness in a certain society.
This can be outlined in "youth are the solution…not the problem, if you
must dream of the world you want to live in, dream out loud". Religious
slogans are used also to raise the feeling of religious, as well as spiritual
healing as in "a lot of kneeling will keep you in good standing, we do not
change the message, the message changes us, and give Satan an inch and
he'll be a ruler" (Slogans, Wikipedia, n.d ).
Political slogans have been used widely in wars, political debates,
presidential campaigns and demonstrations. Revolutionary slogans have
widely been traced since the eruption of the early world revolutions.
During the French revolution, the slogan (Liberté, égalité, fraternité) or
liberty, equality, fraternity (brotherhood) was chanted sturdily throughout
streets. The French Revolution (1789-1793) attempted to establish a
democratic government in the place of the monarchy, partly due to the
excesses of the aristocratic class. For equality, they were willing to
sacrifice their political liberty. They did this when they accepted the rule
of Napoleon I. Fraternity, or brotherhood with all men, was also
sacrificed. However, they did win equality before the law. The Bolshevik
4
Revolution, or October revolution adopted three outstanding slogans;
(Peace, Bread, Land), (All Power to the Soviets), and (All Power to the
Imagination!). Other parties claimed that they could never deliver their
promises, but their arguments were too complicated for people to
understand. This means that they got the public support. This also can be
traced in the Fascist party's revolution in Italy who held the slogan (We
dream of a Roman Italy). The same is found in the Scottish independence
waves that raised the chant (It's Scotland's oil). Patria o Muerte
(Homeland or Death) is a 1960 slogan that was used in the Cuban
revolution along with the Spanish phrase (venceremos) or we will
overcome, We shall Triumph (Slogans, Wikipedia, n.d.).
Generally, the wave of Arab revolutions, and the Egyptian
revolution in particular, is highly packed up with a countless number of
slogans. In the Tunisian, the Libyan, the Yemeni, as well as the Egyptian
revolution, the most outstanding slogan is "‫"اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ إﺳ ﻘﺎط اﻟﻨﻈ ﺎم‬/aš- šaʻb
yurīd ʼisqāṭ an-niẓām/"People want the downfall of the regime". A
countless number of slogans was chanted and raised in Tahrir square as
well as other main squares and streets all over the Egyptian cities. All
sections of the society were gathering sharing the common spirit of these
slogans. They were determined to achieve their demands. They were
unwilling to move an inch till they fulfill every single demand chanted by
the masses.
1.1.2. The History of the Egyptian Revolution
The 25th of January, 2011's Egyptian revolution took place as a
reaction against the brutality of the former Egyptian regime. It was a
combination of the demonstrations and marches of non-violent civil
resistance that eventually led to the downfall of the former Egyptian
regime. Millions of protesters from a variety of socio-economic and
5
religious backgrounds demanded the oust of the regime of the Egyptian
President Hosni Mubarak. Despite being peaceful in nature, the 25th of
January, 2011's Egyptian revolution was not devoid of violent clashes
between security forces and protestors, with at least 846 people killed and
6,000 injured.
Following the Tunisian revolution that resulted in the overthrow of
the long-time Tunisian president, the uprising took place all over Egypt in
general and in Alexandria, Suez and Cairo in particular. Protestors raised
certain demands against Police brutality, emergency law, lack of free
elections and freedom of speech, as well as the rampant corruption. They
also
highlighted
certain
economic
issues
including
aggravated
unemployment, food price inflation, and grave minimum salaries. Then,
greater demands started to consent.
The primary demands from protest organizers extended to asking
for ending Hosni Mubarak's regime and suspending of the emergency
law; as well as aspiring to attain freedom, justice, and a responsive nonmilitary government. Strikes by labor unions added to the pressure on
government officials. During the uprising, the capital city of Cairo was
described as "a war zone" and Suez saw frequent violent clashes. The
presence of Egypt's Central Security police Forces were gradually
replaced by large military troops. In the absence of police, there
was looting by gangs, that opposition sources have assumed to be led by
police officers. In response, watch groups were organized by civilians to
protect neighborhood that were later known as "popular committees".
International reactions varied, for most western states, encouraging
peaceful protests should continue, but also stressing their concern for the
stability of the country and the region (Kirkpatrick & Sanger, 2011).
6
The Egyptian revolution has inspired demonstrations in other Arab
countries including:
Yemen,
Bahrain,
Jordan,
Syria, and Libya.
Mubarak dissolved his government and appointed Omar Suleiman, the
former head of the Egyptian General Intelligence Directorate as VicePresident. Mubarak assigned Ahmed Shafik, the aviation minister and the
former chief of Egypt's Air Force, to form a new government. On the
11th of February 2011, Vice President Omar Suleiman announced that
Mubarak would be stepping down as a president and would be
transmitting all powers to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces
(Kirkpatrick & Sanger, 2011).
The military council, headed by Mohamed Hussein Tantawi,
announced on the 13th of February, 2011, that the constitution would be
suspended, with the two due parliaments to be broken up, and that the
military council would rule for six months until elections could be held.
Shafik resigned on the 3rd of March and he was replaced by Essam
Sharaf, the former transport minister. On the 2nd of June, 2012, Hosni
Mubarak was charged as guilty to the complicity to the murders of the
peaceful
protestors.
He,
accordingly,
was
sentenced
to
life
imprisonment. On the 19th of June, protesters were gathering in Tahrir
Square and they were angry that the SCAF had unlawfully seized some of
the powers that formerly belonged to the President. Protesters also held
some demonstrations against the way thereby Egypt was ruled by the
SCAF and Muslim Brotherhood Group. On the 24th of June, the State
Election Commission announced that Islamist Mohammed Morsi won the
presidential election. On the 30th of June, 2012, Morsi was inaugurated as
the 5th President of Egypt (Joya, 2011).
7
1.2. Aims of the Study
1-
This study aims at revealing the specific meaning the slogan carries
and how it was employed in the context of the the Egyptian society in
general and the Egyptian revolutionary context in particular.
2-
This study examines the role of ideology, power relations, and
dominance by means of a textual analysis, focusing on a number of
specific linguistic features which are present in the data, taking into
account the historical and the socio-political context.
1.3. Research Questions
This research aims at answering the following questions:
1-
How does ideology influence discourse, and how does it reflect
power structures in a certain society and the asymmetrical power
structure between two segments in a society?
2-
How are the two discursive levels selected for examination in this
thesis- transitivity and lexicalization- used and implemented in slogans to
stress on certain ideologies?
8
Chapter Two
Review of Literature
2.1. Critical Discourse Analysis
One of the influential approaches of discourse analysis is Critical
Discourse Analysis (CDA). Discourse analysis is concerned with the
study of the relationship between language and the contexts in which it is
used. It influenced different disciplines in the 1960s and the early 1970s,
including linguistics, semiotics, psychology, anthropology, and society.
Roger Fowler and his colleagues at the University of East Anglia
proposed the term critical discourse analysis based on their work on
language and ideology. By 1989 and 1990, this term began to manifest
itself. There is a great necessity to study discourse analysis in a certain
critical way as Van Dijk mentions, "critical analysis should have a critical
dimension"(2004, p.17). He also states that the aim of CDA is to
investigate the relationships between power structures and discourse
structures. This term is concerned with critically analyzing the
relationship between language and social meanings(Van Dijk, 1998).
Critical discourse analysis in general and British discourse analysis in
particular, are greatly influenced by M.A.K Halliday's functional
approach to language. Halliday's framework focuses on the social
functions of language as well as the thematic and the informational
structure of speech and writing and that what guides him to develop the
theory of systemic functional linguistics. The main aim of critical
discourse analysis then is to examine the relationship between language
and ideology, power, and beliefs as well as, to explain how text is
9
constructed ideologically in order to direct the audience into a certain
reality. Critical discourse analysis is also seen as a discipline concerned
with the study of the relation between text and context; the study of how
social context is framed and embodied into written or spoken texts; how
language is seen as a social practice that reflects how people think and
believe and how language seems to have a great influence on directing
people's recognition as well as, manipulating their beliefs and thoughts;
and how language can impose a kind of power and social practices on its
readers, and this what leads Fairclough to claim that "discourse is the use
of language seen as a form of social practice, and discourse analysis is
analysis of how texts work within sociocultural practice"(1995, p.7).
According to Fairclough (1995), critical discourse analysis takes
into account three main factors: discourse practice, text production and
sociocultural practice. It is concerned with establishing a kind of
relationship between these three factors in order to critically analyze any
piece of written or spoken text. It aims to explore power relations
embedded in discourse and to relate them to wider social and cultural
contexts. It also aims at making people aware of the relationships
between discourse and social structures.
As a multidisciplinary approach, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)
gives the opportunity to study the relationships between texts and
contexts, between discursive structures and social structures, and between
language and power. It aims at uncovering the ideological assumptions
hidden in discourse. It is concerned with analyzing discourse in order to
reveal the discursive sources of power, dominance, inequality and bias;
and how these sources are produced, maintained, reproduced and
transformed within specific social, economic, political and historical
contexts (van Dijk, 1988, p.74).
10
2.1.1. Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis
Norman Fairclough started his interest in CDA in the Eighties. In
1989, he started to examine the relationship between discourse and
power. His later work develops the theory and the methods of CDA
significantly. Fairclough defines CDA as:
Discourse analysis which aims to systematically explore often
opaque relationships of causality and determination between
texts, discursive practices, and wider social and cultural
structures; and to investigate how such practices, events and
texts arise out of and are ideologically shaped by relations of
power and struggles over power; and to explore how the
opacity of these relationships between discourse and society is
itself a factor securing power and hegemony (1995, p.132).
Fairclough explains that CDA is developed as a response to the
traditional division between linguistics and other areas of social science.
The challenge of CDA is to develop a microlinguistic analysis which is
able to manifest a wider range of social analysis. It provides the resource
for tracing the relationship between discursive processes, relations and
patterns and wider social political, economic and cultural relations,
processes, and practices (Fairclough, Pardoe & Szerszynski, 2006, pp.56).
His theory is based on a number of linguistic approaches. He
borrows from Bakhtin's theory of genre, the concepts of productivity and
creativity of discourse practice. He also depends on Bakhtin's concept of
intertextuality in which texts become heterogeneous in form and meaning
as it is located with and originated from other texts and discourses. He
also uses Gramsci's theory of hegemony to explain political and
ideological aspects of discursive practice. He argues that discourse can be
considered as a mode of political and ideological practice that can
produce, sustain and change the world from various positions in power
11
relations which are influenced by various ideologies. Fairclough's
approach is also influenced by Foucault's thinking, as he depends on his
claims which are related to the role of discourse in constructing the social
context and the primacy of intertextuality and interdiscursivity, or the
relationship between any discursive practice and other discourses it is
related to (Irene, 2007, p.60).
Fairclough's CDA "is based upon the assumption that language is an
irreducible part of social life"(2003, p.2). For Fairclough, analyzing any
piece of text can not be done without taking into account the underlying
social, political, economic and cultural relations which are capable of
shaping, and producing texts. He believes that discourse is shaped by
social structure and shapes it at the same time. In other words, discourse
does not only present the world but is also capable of changing and
having a great influence on it.
Fairclough describes CDA as a theory and a method for studying
language in its relation to power and ideology. He defines power as the
existence of different participants in discourse with unequal powers over
the production, distribution and consumption of texts. His theory has a
three dimensional analytical framework which has three layers: the
analysis of language or text at the centre, analysis of the discursive
practice, and a sociocultural analysis (1995, p.7). As for the first layer,
Fairclough proposes a close attention to all ideological properties of text
such as the choices of specific lexical or vocabulary patterns, as well as
some grammatical structures and strategies. In his view, CDA should not
investigate only features which are present in the text but also those
which are absent from it, because they can be equally significant in social
contexts.
12
The second layer is called discourse as discursive practice. It
represents the link between text and social practice. Fairclough suggests
certain processes which are involved in text production, distribution and
consumption in society. The analysis of this level also involves the
relationship of a discursive event with other orders of discourse
"interdiscursivity", which views a text historically as transformation of
past into the present form. This process needs to be linked to sociopolitical change to explain discursive change within a wider sociocultural change. At the level of discourse as social practice, Fairclough
wants to connect discourse with ideology and power. Language is a social
practice means that language is a part of the society, language is a social
process, and language is a socially conditioned process (Fairclough, 2001,
p.85).
According to Fairclough’s point of view (2001), first, language is
essentially a part of the society in the sense that linguistic phenomena are
social phenomena, and vice versa, although this relationship is not
symmetrical. Whenever people speak or listen or read or write, they are
involved in some social relationships. And the language they use is not
only socially determined by the social relationships, but also affects them
in helping to maintain (or change) these relationships. Social phenomena
are linguistic, in the sense that the language activity in social contexts is
not merely a reflection or an expression of social processes and practices,
it is a part of those processes and practices. For example, disputes about
the meaning of political expressions are an aspect of politics. In other
words, studying language should not be isolated from social situations
surrounding the text in which it is produced (p.21).
Second, language is a social process. Language comes into life in
the form of texts (the term Michael Halliday uses for both written and
13
spoken texts). During the processes of text production and text
interpretation, people have to depend on what they have in minds
including their knowledge of language, natural and social worlds, values,
beliefs, assumptions and so on (Fairclough, 2001).
Third, language is a socially conditioned process as the processes
of the production and the interpretation are socially determined. Text
producers and interpreters not only draw upon what are there in their
heads, they are also socially generated and socially transmitted. People
internalize what is socially produced and what is made available to them
and use this to engage in their social practice, including discourse. To
make it clearer, Fairclough (2001) calls what discourse participants have
in their minds during the course of interpreting and producing texts as
Member’s Resources (MR); resources for productive and interpretative
processes. MR have both cognitive MR, and social features as they come
from people’s mind while they are socially originated. Fairclough defines
ideologies as "representations of aspects of the world which can be shown
to contribute to establishing, maintaining and changing social relations of
power, and domination and exploitation"(2003, p.9). He (1992) also
argues that we can not "read off" ideologies from texts because without
ideologies textual meanings can not be interpreted precisely. Thus, it is
important to connect texts to the writer's, as well as the reader's ideology,
in order to critically analyse any piece of text.
2.1.1.2. Van Dijk's Crtitical Discourse Analysis
Van Dijk presents one of the most outstanding contributions to
Critical Discourse Analysis. Van Dijk defines CDA as:
A type of discourse analytical research that primarily studies
the way social-power abuse, dominance and inequality are
14
enacted, reproduced and resisted by text and talk in the social
and political context (Van Dijk, 2001, Para. 1).
He regards CDA as a multidisciplinary approach which involves the
study of discourse in relation to social and political problems and issues.
He also assumes that power and dominance are organized in a way that
gives the power a kind of privilege in the access to resources that enables
it to control and to manipulate the minds of others in order to serve the
interests of the powerful groups (Van Dijk, 2001, p.352). Dominance
involves not only manipulation but also naturalization which means
incidents, thoughts and beliefs which are transformed in a certain society
into a kind of routine. The aim of CDA is to reveal the discursive
strategies which seem to naturalize unequal power relationships, and the
success of CDA is measured by its contribution to change the world of
unequal powers especially in such issues as class struggle and sexism.
One of the famous notions attributed to Van Dijk's theory is "social
cognition". It plays the role of the mediator between micro and macro
structures of society as between individuals and groups or between
discourse and action. Social cognition thus can be closely related to
dominance as it is shared by the majority of the society. It can be
interpreted as dominant discourse. Van Dijk connects discourse analysis
with ideological analysis. For him, ideologies are regarded as social
cognitions that reflect the values, interests and aims of a group of people
which later shape their cognition. Ideological mental representations are
often articulated along "Us" versus "Them" dimensions, in which the
speakers of one group generally tend to present themselves or their own
group in positive terms, and other groups in negative terms. Critical
Discourse Analysis should provide a deep explanation of the ways
dominant discourses, attitudes and ideologies are represented. These
representations help to shape the mental identity of a certain group of
15
people. There are several discursive persuasive strategies to achieve these
representations such as the choice of certain lexical style, argumentation,
or rhetorical figures (Van Dijk, 1993a, pp. 249- 283).
The aim of analyzing discourse structures is to show how power
relations are manifested in discourse and how discourse manipulates the
minds of a certain group to serve the interests of another group. The
discursive reproduction of dominance has two major dimensions:
production and interpretation. This involves the analysis of both
discursive structures and social cognitions. Van Dijk's model examines
aspects of access and control, in other words how powerful groups have a
privileged access to certain types of discourse and control contexts. This
can exclude other less powerful groups and deprive them out of their right
to contribute to the production of discourse. The analysis presents an
examination of dominance at all linguistic levels such as the lexical,
syntactic, semantic, stylistic, etc.
2.1.2. Ideology, Dominance and Power
Ideology is a term which is used in a wide range of academic
disciplines from linguistics to social theory. The notion of ideology forms
a central part of critical discourse analysis. Ideologies form the social
representations of the beliefs which are shared by a group of people.
According to Longman Dictionary; Dictionary of Contemporary English,
ideology is defined as "A set of beliefs on which a political or economic
system is based, or which strongly influence the way people behave"
(2009, p.805).
Ideology plays a prominent role in shaping people's perceptions,
thoughts and feelings. When we try to express our thoughts about
anything, we are affected by our ideological background or as Fairclough
16
names it Member's Resources. In other words, one seems to be governed
by a kind of ideological background which have a great influence on how
one think, judge, and interact. People can be both informed and controlled
by language and, at the same time, control others by using this language
as Kress, and Hodge said, language is "an instrument of control as well as
communication" (1993, p.6). Van Dijk states that ideology is a kind of
framework which is "assumed to specifically organize and monitor one
form of socially shared mental representation, in other words, the
organized evaluative beliefs-traditionally called "attitudes" shared by
social groups" (1996, p.7).
As indicated in the above definitions, ideology can be regarded as a
system in which there are consciously or unconsciously an adopted set of
ideas, values and beliefs. Therefore, it occupies a place in the cognitive,
as well as the social domain. In the present study, ideology is regarded as
a discursive practice, and refers to a set of beliefs and values which
constitute the world-views that influence their interpretation of events,
facts, etc.
This study analyzes the ways in which ideology manifests itself in
the lexical choices within the Egyptian revolutionary chanted slogans. For
sure, language has a crucial role in the expression of ideology. Language
and discourse cannot be thought as separate, and it is through language,
thus discourse that ideology finds expression. As has been previously
mentioned, CDA adopts a critical approach to the study of language.
Because ideology manifests itself in language, the ways in which
ideological meanings are embedded in language falls within the scope of
CDA. As a matter of fact, as Tiina Puurtinen states, "CDA aims at
revealing how ideology affects linguistic choices made by a text producer
and how language can be used to maintain, reinforce or challenge
17
ideologies" (2000, p.178). As underlined in this quotation, the linguistic
choices made by text producers, the revolutionists in this case, are not
accidental at all. That is to say, these choices express a certain ideological
stance on the part of the text producers. CDA offers a framework which
uncovers this ideological content, as well as the ways in which ideology
is constructed and reinforced in the texts. For instance, CDA helps
analysts identifying the linguistic manifestations of ideology in a text
through an analysis of lexical units.
Ideology is deeply connected with Power. Van Dijk (1996) argues
that ideologies are formed within the individual cognition and is usually
affected by social power. This cognition needs a kind of discourse,
written or spoken, in order to be manifested. He also argues that there are
particular ways in which ideologies are expressed and reproduced in
discourse including the choice of particular lexical items with ideological
connotations as the use of modals, clause structure, presuppositions, and
cohesion (pp. 84-104). Everything that is said or written is articulated
from a particular ideological position, and "there are always a different
ways of saying the same thing and they are not random, accidental
alternatives. Differences in expression carry ideological distinctions and
thus differences in representation" (Fowler, 1991, p.4).
Linguists analyze how language can indicate underlying ideologies.
Political slogans can be interpreted and reshaped in different ways as
"They can be summed up, simplified, polarized, intensified and
personified. A transformation of the original account of the event in
question is presented to the reader in such a way that it may affect his/her
view of the world." (Nordlund, 2003, p. 8).
18
Van Dijk's theory of critical discourse analysis is deeply related to
the term dominance. Dominance is seen as "the exercise of social power
by elites, institutions or groups, that results in social inequality, including
political, cultural, class, ethnic, racial and gender inequality" (1993b,
p.249). Van Dijk notices one task of critical discourse analysis which is
the understanding of the nature of social power and dominance. Social
power "is based on privileged access to socially valued resources, such as
wealth, income, position, status, force, group membership, education or
knowledge" (1993a, p.254). In other words, there is a kind of advantaged
access which is not equal to every group in the society. Social power
imposes a kind of control by a certain social group, the dominant one,
over other social groups, the minor ones.
Finally, ideologies are the plentiful ways in which meanings within
texts serve to establish a certain domination or power upon a certain
group of people. This study uncovers several ways therein language is
used in the Egyptian revolution slogans, that were chanted in Tahrir
square, to reflect and establish a particular power or dominance over
powerless groups.
2.2.Theoretical Framework
This thesis presents a research in the relatively new but fast
expanding field of "critical linguistics" or "critical discourse analysis".
According to Wodak and Meyer (2001), Critical linguistics is a branch of
discourse analysis adopting a critical framework in its investigations that
goes beyond the description of discourse to an explanation of how and
why particular discourses are produced. The term "critical linguistics" is
first used by Fowler as well as, Hodge and Kress (1979), who believe that
19
discourse does not merely reflect social processes and structures, but
affirms and reproduces existing social structures.
Linguistic interpretation then becomes "the process of recovering the
social meanings expressed in discourse by analyzing the linguistic
structures in the light of their interactional and wider social contexts"
(Fowler et al., 1979, p.196). According to Halliday (1978), "critical
linguistics" is a grammatically grounded analysis of ideology beneath
discourse. Grammatical functions such as "Actor" and "Patient",
passivisations and agentivity are highlighted and linked to ideological
positions adopted by the writer while facing the reader. This critical
approach to discourse analysis concentrates on data such as news
reporting, political interviews and doctor-patient interactions that describe
"unequal encounters". For instance, Lee (1992) analyzes the reporting of
certain events in Zimbabwe by two British newspapers, The Guardian
and The Times, to show how lexical choices (including metaphor and
metonymy), and grammatical choices (such as thematic selection and
nominalization) can reflect the different ideological positions adopted by
these two newspapers.
In this study, the researcher is willing to work with two analytical
methods: Discourse Analysis, and Critical Linguistic Analysis. The
researcher primarily adopts Fowler's, Van Dijk's and Fairclough's theories
and methods, as well as approaches formulated by M.A.K. Halliday.
Fowler's (1991) underlying conception of discourse implies a functional
understanding of language use. In his opinion, language always implies
ideologies and things can, grammatically and lexically, be expressed in
different ways in order to function differently or to serve certain
ideologies. Fowler does not believe that people's worldviews are
determined by the language they speak, but by the choices of how to use
20
language they are aware of . In Fowler’s opinion, "any aspect of linguistic
structure, whether phonological, syntactic, lexical, semantic, pragmatic or
textual, can carry ideological significance" (1991, p.67).
The researcher also focuses on Van Dijk’s and Fairclough’s
approaches to Critical Discourse Analysis. Fairclough defines discourse
as a place where power and social struggles are exercised (1998, p.43).
He also designates discourse of language and all other semiotic activities
as a form of social practice. By definition, "Social practice is a relatively
stabilized form of social activity"(Fairclough, 2003, p.1), such as
classroom teaching and television news. Power in discourse is defined as
constraints exercised from powerful over non-powerful participants of an
interaction. Fairclough defines three types of constraints: constraints on
content; what is said or done, on relations; social relations people enter in
discourse and on subjects, and on the subject positions people can occupy
(1989, p.74). These constraints can have structural effects on knowledge
and beliefs of an institution or a society.
Van Dijk mainly focuses on reproduction of dominance. He
investigates how certain social structures are reproduced, where power is
abused, how it can be implemented in a way that people accept to be
dominated and how access to discourse is controlled (1993a, p.307).
Methodologically, Van Dijk suggests to start from context analysis and
then proceed towards textual analysis, focusing on dominance (1998,
p.61). Van Dijk lists analytical aspects for CDA which refer to what he
calls the "ideological square"(1998, p.33). The ideological square
attempts to outline the underlying strategies of polarization which are;
Emphasize our good properties or actions, Emphasize their bad properties
or actions, Mitigate our bad properties or actions, and Mitigate their good
properties or actions (1998, p.33).
21
The primary analytical mode adopted in this research adheres to the
framework described and explicated in Halliday's (1994) Systemic
Functional Grammar (SFG), which is favored by many analysts working
within the critical linguistic researches. The choice of SFG is predicated
because of its capacity to support a multifunctional representation of
social reality. It provides a useful model aiming at examining textual
representations of realities, relationships and identities because it sees
language as multidimensional system. According to Halliday, Systemic
Functional Linguistics (SFL) states that we can perform functions
through language. Clearly, speakers have reasons for saying something
and for saying it in the way they do. As a result, speakers have to make
choices. SFL sets out to investigate what the range of relevant choices
are, both in the kinds of meanings that we might want to express and in
the kinds of wording that we use to express these meanings. What SFL
aims to uncover is are reasons why the speaker produces a particular
wording rather than any other in a particular context.
In Hallidayan (1994) terms, these are known as the "Ideational",
"Interpersonal", and "Textual" metafunctions of language. Halliday's
model is also preferred because it allows the critical analyst to interrogate
what is in the text and also what is not in it.
The ideational metafunction is the function for interpreting human
experience.The ideational metafunction reflects the contextual value of
the field; the nature of the social process in which the language is
concerned. The analysis of a text involves questioning the choices in the
grammatical system of "transitivity": process types, participant types,
circumstance types.
22
The interpersonal metafunction relates to a text's tenor. The tenor
has three areas: the speaker/ writer , social distance, and relative social
status. The speaker/ writer is concerned with the personalisation of the
speaker or writer. This involves the attitude of the writer and this can be
seen through the use of positive or negative language. Social distance
shows the relationship between the speakers. Relative social status shows
if the are equal in power and knowledge or not.
Textual analysis is often concerned with what is in the text and has
little to do about what is excluded. Halliday's systemic approach to
textual analysis emphasizes on the choice from a range of possible
meanings. What is interesting and relevant to "critical linguistics" about
Halliday's theory of language is that it focuses not only on what is present
on the surface level of language but also on what is absent, or what is
implied (Halliday, 1994, pp. 37- 69).
2.2.1. Lexicalization
According to Fowler (1991), lexical items are all elements that come
under the category of, but are not limited to vocabulary items, fixed
phrases, idioms and metaphorical extensions. The main function of lexis
is to enable people to name and describe different elements of the world
in which they live. Therefore, they differ according to the ideologies of
different groups of people. Analyzing lexical items which are embedded
into every slogan enables the reader to draw a picture of the world they
live in.
The analysis of lexis is very important for examining the underlying
ideologies in discourse. Van Dijk argues that:
Lexicalization … is never neutral: the choice of one word rather
than another to express more or less the same meaning or to
23
denote the same referent may signal the opinions, emotions, or
special position of a speaker (1991, p.53).
Ideology plays an essential role in the positive representation of
certain groups, the revolutionists in this case, and the negative
representation of the others, the former Egyptian regime, the SCAF and
Muslim brotherhood (MB) group in this case, and this can be done
through the choice of certain lexical items and the exclusion of other
lexical items to refer to individuals, groups and actions according to the
speaker's ideology and point of view. With regard to studying the
discourse of the current Egyptian revolution, lexical choices can
ideologically serve in the representation of the political slogans.
Fowler (1991) discusses a number of lexicalization processes
including over-lexicalization, under-lexicalization, and re-lexicalization.
Over-lexicalization is the use of many synonyms to refer to the same
entity. So, it is used to refer to an entity which is hard to be defined or
expressed. In contrast, the use of a single term for an entity shows the
existence of a kind of consensus over it. Over-lexicalization often has an
insulting effect as it signals a kind of deviation from the social convention
and presents a kind of a biased point of view (p.69). Under-lexicalization
is another lexical process which is put forward by Halliday (1978). It is
opposite to over-lexicalization, which the study is going to be tackled,
because it refers to the phenomenon in which a lexical item, which refers
to a concept, is avoided, suppressed, or substituted for another one.
Overlexicalization is defined by Roger Fowler as "the availability of
many words for one concept, and it indicates the prominence of the
concept in a community's beliefs and intellectual interests"(1991, p.69).
Fairclough opts for the term "over-wording" to refer to the relative
density of the number of words used to name the concepts from a
24
particular domain, which may be "a sign" or "intense preoccupation:
pointing to peculiarities in the ideology"(1992, p.194) of the group
responsible for it. Re-lexicalization is where new words are used for older
ones. There are other relevant features that can be discussed in relation to
the use of lexis; for instance, generalization, connotations, implications,
presuppositions, and metaphorical language.
2.3.1.1. Metaphors
The metaphor is a way of "representing one aspect of experience in
terms of another, and is by no means restricted to the sort of discourse it
tends to be stereotypically associated with… it is the relations between
alternative metaphors which have different ideological attachments"
(Fairclough, 1989, p.119). Slogans use metaphors to inspire certain
feelings in hearers. If ideology is the set of beliefs by which a society
operates and within which social relations of power are enacted, then it is
likely to be reflected in language, including the metaphors which have
been conventionalized and elaborated in the lexicon according to
metaphorical schemas, or metaphor themes. The identification of the
recurring metaphors and images which are contained within the Egyptian
revolutionary slogans allows one to perceive the nature and the shape of
fantasies contained in an ideological text.
25
2.2.2. Syntactic Manipulation
2.2.2.1. Transitivity
Transitivity is one of the linguistic means that exists under the
umbrella of syntactic manipulation. It aims to represent social reality.
Transitivity analysis has been widely used to understand the language of
speakers and writers. According to Systemic Functional Linguistics
(SFL), it examines the structure of sentences which are represented by
processes, the participants involved in these processes, and the
circumstances in which processes and participants are involved. Using
transitivity analysis, researchers have tried to reveal that language
structures can produce certain meanings and ideology which are not
always explicit for readers. In other words, the task of functional analysis,
particularly transitivity analysis, is to discover the relation between
meanings and wordings that accounts for the organization of linguistic
features in a text. Therefore, the concept of transitivity is used by a
number of linguists to shed more light on the use of language in literary
texts (Halliday, 1994, p. 53).
Transitivity is one of the main systems in Halliday's Systemic
Functional Linguistics in which he considers language as a resource for
making the meaning within a certain social context. It focuses on the way
people use language to make meanings and on the way language is
organized in order that meanings can be made. According to functional
grammar, language is interpreted as a system of meanings, accompanied
by forms from which the meaning is realized. Halliday (1994) sees that
when meanings are constructed, the speaker makes particular selections
from great "networks of interlocking options" (p.14). In this study, the
researcher follows Halliday's transitivity system as one of the most
26
prominent theorists who considered the relationship between text and
context within the framework of critical discourse analysis. Transitivity is
one of the dominant components of Halliday's ideational function.
Halliday's transitivity theory provides a useful linguistic framework
for analyzing how an undesirable reality is transformed. In Halliday's
terms, transitivity plays a key part in the ideational function of the clause.
The ideational function of a clause is concerned with "the transmission of
ideas"; the role of the ideational function is to represent the patterns of
"experiences" or, in the broadest sense, "processes", which typically
include "actions or events of consciousness and relations"(Halliday, 1994,
p.53).
The factors involved in this semanticization of processes in the
clause are: the process itself, which is expressed by the verb phrase in a
clause, the participants in the clause, which are normally realized by the
noun phrases in the clause, and the circumstances associated with the
process, which are typically expressed by adverbial phrases or
prepositional phrases (1994, pp.101-102). He maintains that there is a
group of systems which are interrelated within the framework of
linguistic systems. He suggests two approaches to the analysis of any
clause according to participants and processes; the first is transitivity
system and the second is ergative system. Ergativity is a term that refers
to a certain pattern that some languages show in treating arguments of a
verb. Generally, arguments are classified into three types: the subject of a
transitive verb, the object of a transitive verb and the subject of an
intransitive verb. In an ergative case system, S and O appear in the same
case. The concept of transitivity in Halliday’s grammatical system is a
powerful tool in the analysis of the meanings which are expressed in
clauses.
27
The system of transitivity consists of the various types of processes
which work with the structure that account for these processes. There are
three basic elements to every structure of the process. They are the
process itself, the participants in the process, and the circumstances
associated with the process. Halliday (1994) distinguished six process
types, and the main three are:
A- Material, this is concerned with what is going on outside
oneself.
B- Mental which is concerned with one's inner experience and
awareness of one's own being and reaction to outer experience.
C-Relational
which
identify
one's
experience
with
other
experiences.
Material processes involve a participant (the Actor or Agent) who
are doing something to another participant (the Goal or Object). Mental
processes involve the human senses; perception, awareness, or cognition.
Relational processes relate two terms together (p.107). The other three are
verbal; this occurs when symbolic relationships are recognized and
constructed in human consciousness, existential; this takes place when
phenomena are recognized to exist or to happen, and behavioral
processes; which are the outward expressions of inner workings.
The researcher focuses on all material processes included in the data
for two main reasons; the first is that material process occupies the
greatest percentage of all the materials included in the data, and the
second reason is that material process focuses mainly on the action itself
with its participants; the thing that displays power and dominance which
are the focus of our study.
28
The function of any clause in any language is to represent various
kinds of events and processes and the function of transitivity is to make
these processes clear. In other words, how the action is performed, by
whom and on what, are all presented in the clause by the syntactic
structures, in the system of transitivity. Any clause can not obtain its
value or function in isolation from other clauses in any interrelated
linguistic system.
Every clause has a different function in transmitting and delivering
information in any text and this is reflected in the syntactic structure of
any clause. Different clauses convey different ideologies. Based on this
discussion, transitivity is a fundamental concept in the Hallidayan
linguistic theory. It can be used in the analysis of the text, and the
researcher also employs it throughout the methodology of this research.
Transitivity is an important semantic concept in the analysis of the
"representation" of the reality in that transitivity enables us to analyze the
same event and situation in different ways. Although "perceptually the
phenomenon is all of a piece", when we represent a situation or event,
subjectivity comes in because we must "analyze it as a semantic
configuration" based on our subjective point of view (Halliday, 1994,
p.101). Thus, a writer's selection of one pattern of grammaticalization or
configuration
from among
alternative
ways
has
the
effect
of
foregrounding certain meanings (process, participant) while suppressing
or concealing others.
According to Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL), Hodge and
Kress (1993) consider that language consists of a set of related categories
and processes. These processes are either actionals; processes that involve
actions, or relationals or processes that involve classifications and
29
descriptions. Actionals are classified into transactive and non-transactive
models. In the transactive model, there are actor, process and affected
entity. In the non-transactive model, only one entity is directly involved
in the process which is the affected entity. Non-transactive actions
represent their actors as having no effect on the world. Transactive
actions seemed to have a great power and influence on the world. The
greater the power is, the greater the amount of goals which may be
affected by the actor's actions.
Hodge and Kress explain the processes of passivisation and
nominalization. They view them as transformations which occur in any
language. They involve deletion, substitution, or reordering of elements
of simple linguistic forms. Passivisation can have a significant effect on
the presentation of reality, because it inverts the order of actor and the
affected objects and thus the link between the agent and the process is
weakened. Passivisation can serve three different functions. They are
topicalisation (nominalization), impersonalisation and detransitivisation
(1993, p.20-30). They describe nominalizations as descriptions of actions
and the participants involved in them which are turned into nominals and
nouns. This causes the loss of the identities of the actors and the affected
participants. Nominalization changes the meaning from a process to a
state, from an activity to an object, from the specific to the general, and
from the concrete to the abstract. Nominalization can be ideologically
used to transfer responsibility (Toolan, 2002, p.96).
While Kress (1976) states that transitivity is the representation in
language processes, Simpson (1993) asserts that transitivity generally
refers to how meaning is represented in the clause (p.88). Hasan (1988)
claims that transitivity is concerned with a coding of the goings on: who
does what in relation to whom/what, where, when, how, and why. Thus,
30
the analysis is in terms of some process, its participants, and the
circumstances pertinent to the process – participant configuration (p.63).
In other words, transitivity can show how speakers/writers encode in
language their mental reflection of the world and how they account for
their experience of the world around them.
Agency is a very important element in transitivity. Van Dijk stresses
the ideological usage of agency in the press, "the way the press presents
and represents social actors is part of the broader ideological structure of
values" (1991, p.147). Participants can be represented as either active
agents doing the actions or passive patients undergoing the action. Social
actors can be individualized or assimilated into a specific class or an actor
for the former or into a general noun or notion of the latter.
Transitivity analysis is very essential for the representation of the
activities, and the participants which are involved and the circumstances
which are associated with them. Therefore, transitivity analysis is a major
component of this study, in which the researcher is going to trace how
ideology can be manifested in political slogans by the use of different
linguistic choices especially transitivity.
2.3.2.1.1. Active and Passive Voice
Transitivity analysis includes the analysis of active and passive
voices. The active or passive voice plays a major part in determining the
role of the participant in an action and "The role of a participant may be
emphasized, minimized or omitted entirely" (Nordlund, 2003, p.9). The
active voice is used when the writer wishes to focus on the agent. The
passive voice creates a different effect in which the agent becomes less
prominent and the person or thing affected by the action is on the focus.
31
2.3.2.1.2. Some Participant Functions: Agent, and Patient
The participant functions refer to the roles of the entities that are
directly involved in the process: the one that does, behaves or says,
together with the passive one that is done to, said to, etc. In this research,
the following functions in particular will be of relevance as analytic tools:
namely, Agent, and Patient. Patient and Agent are used here with the
following definitions:
Agent: the entity that performs an activity or brings about a
change of state to the affected entity. Cruse (1973) further
describes agentivity, which characterizes "the definable sub-set
of doers", as typically involving volition, active energy
investment in carrying out the action, and responsibility or
"culpability".
Patient: an entity perceived as affected by the process;
literally, an element that "suffers" or "undergoes" the process
(Blake, 1994, p.68; Halliday, 1994, p.103).
2.3.2.2. Nominalization
The study of the Egyptian revolution slogans focuses on the process
of
nominalization,
which
Fairclough
considers
as
ideologically
motivated. A nominalization is a "process converted into noun. It is
reduced in the sense that some meaning is missing"(Fairclough, 1989,
p.124). Fairclough (1992) describes nominalization as a process of
conversion, which permits the deletion of agency. Fairclough refers to
nominalization as involving "the exclusion of Participants in clauses"
(2003, p.144). If nominalization is a process, then it is a process that
tends linguistically to conceal processes.
32
Thus, Fairclough describes nominalization as:
The conversion of processes into nominals, which has the effect
of backgrounding the process itself – its tense and modality are
not indicated – and usually not specifying its participants, so
that who is doing what to whom is left implicit (1992, p.179).
According to Fairclough, "nominalization turns processes and
activities into states and objects, and concretes into abstracts" (1992,
p.181). Thus, Nominalization is used to delete information from a
sentence and is the process of exchanging a verb for a simple noun or a
phrase noun.
Fowler argues that nominalization permits "habits of concealment,
particularly in the areas of power relations and writer attitudes" (1991,
p.80). In Fowler's opinion, "Nominalization is a radical syntactic
transformation of a clause, which has extensive structural consequences,
and offers substantial ideological opportunities" (1991, p.85). Fowler
describes nominalization as a process transforming a clause from verb
forms into a nominal. Fowler treats nominalization as an entity, rather
than an activity without paying any attention to the participants of the
action of the activity itself. Fowler (1991) writes that nominalization
offers opportunities for deleting information, such as information about
the participants, time and modality (p.80). For Fowler et al., the nominal
phrase "take responsibility", rather than the verb "be responsible for". For
them, "The effect of this nominalization is to present a complex relation
as a simple lexical item, and to introduce the process the verb make"
(1979, p.30).
33
2.4. Experiential and Relational Values
Experiential and relational value is "how ideological differences
between texts in their representation of the world are coded in their
vocabulary" (Fairclough, 1989, p.113). Differences between discourse
types are ideologically significant. A speaker expresses evaluations
through depending upon Classification Schemes, which are somehow
systems of evaluation, and there are ideologically contrastive schemes
reflecting different values in different discourse types (Fairclough, 1989,
p.43). One way to detect the relational values of words is "to identify
meaning relations in texts, and try and specify their ideological bases"
(Fairclough, 1989, p.116).
The research focuses on cohesion between slogans. Cohesion is in
the semantic level, which refers to relations of meaning that exist within
the text, and that defines it as a text (Halliday, and Hasan, 1976, p.4).
Cohesion occurs when the interpretation of some element in the discourse
is dependent on that of another. Lexical cohesion deals with the meaning
in text "this is the cohesive effect achieved by the selection of
vocabulary" (Halliday, and Hasan, 1976, p. 274). One way of detecting
lexical cohesion is to trace lexical relations. At the semantic level, lexical
relations may be synonyms where words have the same meanings or code
the same idea, hyponyms where the meaning of one word is included
within the meaning of another word, or antonyms, which indicate that the
meaning of one word is the opposite of the meaning of another.
2.5. Methodology
2.5.1. Data Collection
To achieve the aims of the study, the researcher collects about 300
of the most outstanding slogans which were chanted in Tahrir square and
34
other squares all over Egypt during the incidents of the 25th of January,
2011's Egyptian revolution, till Muhammad Morsi's inauguration as the
fifth president and the first elected president of Egypt. The researcher
uses a variety of sources in collecting her data from newspapers,
magazines, articles, Facebook pages, Twitter messages and Tweets,
Youtube videos, to auditory and visual files recorded by the researcher.
The collected data is then divided into eight thematic arranged
categories including:
1)
Anti-Mubarak's regime slogans.
2)
Enthusiastic and encouraging slogans.
3)
Anti-SCAF slogans.
4)
Anti-Police slogans.
5)
Martyr's rights based slogans.
6)
Slogans of social demands.
7)
Anti- Muslim brethrens slogans.
8)
Other miscellaneous slogans.
2.5.2. Methods of Analysis
Each of these Egyptian revolutionary slogans are translated by the
researcher into English using her own translational style, the rhyming
style, and language. Each of these slogans, then, is critically discussed
and analyzed following the main theory of critical discourse analysis and
critical linguistics expressed by Fowler, Van Dijk and Fairclough
previously mentioned in the theoretical framework with an outstanding
stress on Power, Dominance, Ideology and Ideological Square. The
35
researcher, also, draws upon M.A.K Halliday's theory of Systemic
Functional Grammar (SFG), which is favored by many analysts working
within the critical linguistic paradigm, with an exceptional focus on
Transitivity as well as on Fowler's notion of Lexicalization.
At the syntactic level, Transitivity Analysis focuses on processes
with their participants, the actors and patients, as well as on active and
passive voices and Nominalization to analyze power, dominance and
ideology hidden beneath the syntactic structure of slogans. In
Lexicalization analysis, the researcher focuses on the negativity,
positivity
and
power-based
lexical
items,
Overlexicalization,
Metaphorical Language, Generalization and Specification, as well as Van
Dijk's ideological square which is reflected in the choice of pronouns. At
the semantic level, the researcher focuses on the lexical cohesion among
slogans focusing on lexical relations; Synonyms, Antonyms and
Hyponyms. At the rhetorical level, the researcher spotlights the use of
repititions within slogans in order to answer the research questions. To
summarize this discussion on the related literature, one may notice that
the analysis of slogans, in general, and of the Egyptian revolution, in
particular, is not an easy work. This is due to the fact that several
analytical theories are going to be employed and applied on a huge
amount of data.
36
Chapter 3
Data Analysis
3.1. Analysis of Anti-Mubarak Slogans
3.1.1. Lexicalization
Considering anti-Mubarak slogans, we can suggest that they are
highly packed up with a countless number of lexical choices that sustains
the revolutionists' ideological point of view.
3.1.1.1. Positivity of Lexical Items
In ‫ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ إﺳ ﻘﺎط اﻟﻨﻈ ﺎم‬/ʼaš-šaʻb yurīd ʼisqāṭ ʼan-niẓām/, (people
wants the downfall of the regime), two lexical choices influence the
whole slogan; the choice of the verb "‫" "ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ‬want", and the choice of the
noun "‫"إﺳ ﻘﺎط‬bring down". The finite verb "‫""ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ‬want" is chosen
cautiously in order to cope with the status of power and dominance that
the Egyptian masses held against the less dominant segment of the
society which is the Egyptian political regime. The masses did not use the
word "‫"ﯾﻄﻠ ﺐ‬/yaṭlub/ for a variety of reasons. The verb "‫"طﻠ ﺐ‬/ṭalaba/
according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬/ʼal-muʻjam ʼal-wasīṭ/ means "‫("ﺳ ﺄﻟﮫ إﯾ ﺎه‬1993,
p.561) /saʼalahu ʼiyāh/ "asked for it". The masses do not actually ask for
the downfall of the regime. They are ordering it, that is why the choice of
the word "‫ "ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ‬is made. It means according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, " َ‫أراد اﻟ ﺸﱠﻲء‬
‫ طﻠ َﺒ ﮫ وأﺣﺒﱠ ﮫ ورﻏِ ﺐ ﻓﯿ ﮫ‬، ‫راده؛ ﺗﻤﻨ ﱠ ﺎه‬:"(1993, p.319) /ʼarāda ʼaš-šayʼ: rādahu;
ṭamanāhu, ṭalabahu wa ʼaḥabahu wa raġiba fīh/ "wanted it, loved it, and
had a desire to have it".
37
In a slogan like "‫ ﺣ ﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﺑﯿﻨ ﺎ و ﺑﯿﻨ ﻚ‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ ﻓﯿﻨ ﻚ ﻓﯿﻨ ﻚ‬/yā ḥuryah
fīnik fīnik, ḥusnī mubārak binā wa bīnik/ "O liberty come on
convene, Mubarak does intervene" or literally" O liberty where are
you, Husni Mubarak is between us and you", the choice of the word
"‫""ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬liberation" reflects Egyptians' expectations and hopes after the
revolution. They have always been oppressed by the repressive, brutal
regime. According to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, the word ‫" ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬liberty" means " ‫اﻟ ﺘﺨﻠﺺ‬
‫ اﻟﻌﻤ ﻞ ﺑ ﺎﻹرادة‬.‫("ﻣﻦ اﻟ ﺸﻮاﺋﺐ و اﻟﻘﯿ ﻮد‬1993, p.165) /ʼat-taḵaluṣ min ʼaš-šawāʼib w
ʼal-qyūd. ʼal-ʻamal bil-ʼirādah/ "getting rid of obstacles and constrains or
to work willingly".
3.1.1.2. Negativity of Lexical Choices
Negativity of lexical items that revolutionists use can be traced in
slogans like "‫" ارﺣﻞ ارﺣﻞ ارﺣﻞ ﻏﻮر ﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ ﺗ ﺸﻮف اﻟﻨ ﻮر‬/irḥal irḥal irḥal ġūr
ḵaly baladna tišūf ʼal-nūr/" Go out set an eternal depart.. let Egypt
impart a new start" or "leave leave leave , let our homeland see the
light". In this slogan, the masses use two main negative lexical choices to
express their ideological feelings opposing to Mubarak's regime. The
word "‫ "ﻏ ﻮر‬comes after the word "‫"ارﺣ ﻞ‬. According to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, the
word "‫"رﺣ ﻞ‬/raḥala/ means "‫ﺑﻤﻜ ﺮوه‬...‫( " ﺳ ﺎر و ﻣ ﻀﻰ ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﻤﻜ ﺎن‬1993,
p.334)/sāra wa maḍā ʻan ʼal-makān…bi-makrūh/ "to leave a place…
forcefully". This word is followed by another Egyptian slang word which
is "‫""ﻏ ﻮر‬go away". According to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, this word means " ٌ‫ﻏ ﺎرَ ﻓ ﻼن‬
‫ ﻣ ﻀﻰ وارﺗﺤ ﻞ ﻏﯿ ﺮ ﻣﺮﻏ ﻮب‬،‫ اﺧﺘﻔ ﻰ ﺳ ﻮاء ﺑﻐﯿﺎﺑ ﮫ أو ﺑﺨ ﺴﻒ اﻷرض ﺑ ﮫ‬،‫ ﻣ ﺸﻰ واﺑﺘﻌ ﺪ‬:‫ﺑﻌﯿ ﺪًا‬
‫("ﻓﯿ ﮫ‬1993, p.649)/ġārَa fulān baʻīdan: mašā wa-ʼibta'ad, ʼiḵtafa swāʼ biġyābihi ʼaw bi-ḵasf ʼal-ʼarḍ bihi, maḍā wa 'irtaḥal ġayr marġūb fīh/ "to
walk away and disappear because of one's absence from life or to leave
because of being undesirable". The latter word "‫ "ﻏ ﻮر‬followed the former,
"‫"ارﺣﻞ‬, to focus on the undersirability of Husni Mubarak.
38
In "‫ﺑ ﺲ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﺟﻠ ﺪه ﺗﺨ ﯿﻦ‬، ‫"ﺷ ﻌﺒﻨﺎ راﻓ ﻀﮫ ﻣ ﻦ ﺳ ﻨﯿﻦ‬/šaʻbina rafḍuh min
sinīn, bas mubārak jildu tiḵīn/"We are all waiting the interregnum,
but Mubarak is totally numb" or literally, " Our people have been
refusing him for many years, but Mubarak is thick-skinned", the
same generalized lexical choice of "‫("اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬people) is mentioned. This
word
is
connected
with
another
lexical
item
which
is
"‫"راﻓ ﺾ‬/rāfiḍ/"refusing". The word "‫"رﻓ ﺾ‬/rafaḍa/is defined in ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬
as " َ‫ ﻋ ﺎرَ ض‬، َ ‫ َﻛ ﺮِه‬،‫ ا ِﺣْ ﺘ َﺞﱠ‬، ْ‫ أ َﻋْ ﺮَ ضَ َﻋ ﻦ‬،‫ أ َ ﺑ َ ﻰ‬،َ‫("ﻨ َﻊ‬1993,
َ ‫ا ِﻣْ ﺘ‬
p.360)/ ʼiِmtanaʻa, ʼabā ,
ʼaʻrada ʻan, ʼiḥtaja, kَariِhaَ, ʻāraḍa/ "abstained, refused, departed from,
protested, hated, objected".
Negative lexical items are obvious in " ‫ ﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻠﺪي ﺗ ﺸﻮف‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﺣﻘﯿﺮ ﻏﻮر ﻏﻮر‬
‫"اﻟﻨ ﻮر‬/yā ḥaqīr ġūr ġūr, ḵaly balady tišūf ʼan-nūr/"O you vile go away
do not fight, Let our country see the light" or "O you degraded man
go away and leave, let my homeland see the light". Insulting Mubarak
by calling him "‫"ﺣﻘﯿ ﺮ‬, which is defined in ‫( اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬1993), as " ‫اﻟﻤ ﺴﺘﮭﺎن‬
‫ " ذل و ھ ﺎن ﻓﮭ ﻮ ﺣﻘﯿ ﺮ…ﺑ ﮫ‬/ḏala w hān fa hwa ḥaqīr…ʼal-mustahān bihī/ "the
disgraced and humiliated one", shows the difference in power between
revolutionists and the fragile Egyptian regime. The same result is
reflected in "‫ أﺣ ﺴﻦ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ﺗﻤ ﻮت ﻣﻘﺘ ﻮل‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ارﺣ ﻞ ﻏ ﻮر‬/yā mubārak ʼirḥal
ġūr, ʼaḥsan bukrah timūt maqtūl/Oh Mubarak Go away no words to
say, otherwise you'll soon pass away" or "Oh Mubarak go away and
leave otherwise you'll be eventually killed". The similar selection of
the couple of lexical items "‫ ﻏ ﻮر‬،‫""ارﺣ ﻞ‬go away and leave", is repeated
more and more to stress the kind of departure the revolutionists yearned
for. As a stress on the theme of departure exemplified in the word
"‫""ﻏ ﻮر‬go away", the slogan "‫ﺧ ﺪ أﺟ ﺮﺗﮭﻢ ﯾ ﺎﻻ و ﻏ ﻮر‬،‫ ﺷ ﮭﻮر‬6 ‫"ﯾ ﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﻓﺎﺿ ﻠﻚ‬/yallī
fāḍilak 6 šuhūr, ḵud ʼujrithum yalah wi ġūr/"For the remaining six
months, set out and take their wealth" or "O who have six months to
39
stay, Get paid now and go away" is created. The word "‫"أﺟ ﺮ‬/ʼajr/ is
defined in ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as "‫("ﻋ ﻮض اﻟﻌﻤ ﻞ‬1993, p.7)/ʻiwaḍ ʼal-ʻamal/"Work's
payment".
The same concept of departure is stressed upon in other slogans like
"‫ اﻟﻄﯿ ﺎرة ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤﻄ ﺎر‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﯾ ﺎ طﯿ ﺎر‬/yā mubārak yā ṭayār, ʼaṭ-ṭayārah fī
ʼal-maṭār/O Mubarak you pilot, the plane is in the airport". The
choice of "‫"اﻟﻄﯿ ﺎرة‬/at-ṭayārah/, which is a slang word for "‫"اﻟﻄ ﺎﺋﺮة‬/attāʼirah/as mentioned in ‫( ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬2002) /muʻjam
taymūr ʼal-kabīr fil- ʼalfāẓ ʼal-ʻāmyah/, came as an indication to the
concept of departure previously mentioned. The equal idea is apparent in
"‫ اﻟﻄﯿ ﺎرة ﻓ ﻲ اﻧﺘﻈ ﺎرك‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬/yā mubārak ya mubārak, aṭ-ṭayārah
fī ʼintiẓārak/"O Mubarak tell your crew, the plane is waiting for
you". In "‫ ﺟﺎﯾﻠ ﻚ واﺣ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻤﻨﻮﻓﯿ ﺔ‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﺳ ﻌﻮدﯾﺔ ﯾ ﺎ ﺳ ﻌﻮدﯾﺔ‬/yā suʻūdyah yā
suʻūdyah, jāylik wāḥid min ʼal-munūfyah/"O Saudi Arabia, O Saudi
Arabia, here's a new comer from Munofiya" where the theme of
departure is also apparent. The word "‫"ﺟ ﺎي‬/jāy/is defined in ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر‬
‫ اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬as "‫("ﻣ ﻦ ﻣ ﺎدة ﺟ ﺎء‬2002, p.426)/min mādit jāʼa/"came",
and it also reflects the call for Mubarak's departure out of the Egyptian
land. In a slogan like "‫ ﻹﺳ ﺮاﺋﯿﻞ‬،‫"ارﺣﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ ﯾ ﺎ ﻋﻤﯿ ﻞ ﺑﻌ ﺖ ﺑ ﻼدك‬/ʼirḥal ʼirḥal yā
ʻamīl biʻt bilādak, li-ʼisrāʼīl/"set out ,conspiring stooge, for Israel,
your country has been sold" or " Leave leave ,you traitor, you sold
your country to Israel", the word "‫""ﻋﻤﯿ ﻞ‬traitor" is used negatively to
describe Mubarak and his regime. According to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, the word is
defined as "‫("ﻣ ﻦ ﯾﻌﺎﻣ ﻞ ﻏﯿ ﺮه ﻓ ﻲ ﺷ ﺄن ﻣ ﻦ اﻟ ﺸﺌﻮن‬1993, p.826) /man yuʻāmil
ġayrahu fī šaʻn min aš-šiʻūn/"who deals with others in any kind of
matter".
This word is derived from the verb ‫ﻋﻤ ﻞ‬/ʻamala/(worked), and is
regarded as a form of intensiveness that refers to the great deal of work.
40
The root-word "‫ "ﻋﻤ ﻞ‬means: to do something for someone. However,
doing something for oneself is "‫"اﻋﺘﻤ ﻞ‬/ʼiʻtamala/. Arabs use this term to
refer to anyone dealing with others in any affair other than just
commerce. In Arabic, the term is used to refer to the traitor who works as
a spy for the advantage of the enemies.
The similar influence can be traced in a slogan like ‫ ﯾ ﺎ‬،‫ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﯾ ﺎ ﺟﺒ ﺎن‬
"‫"ﻋﻤﯿ ﻞ اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜ ﺎن‬/yā mubārak yā jabān, yā ʻamīl ʼal-ʼamrīkān/ "O
Mubarak you recreant, you're the American's agent". Describing
Mubarak with the word "‫"ﺟﺒ ﺎن‬/jabān/"coward" reflects the negative
position he occupies for most of Egyptians. According to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ‬
‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻ ﺮة‬/muʻjam ʼal-luġa ʼal-ʻarabyah ʼal-muʻaṣirah/, the word means "
، ‫ ﺟﺒُﻦ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟ ﺸّ ﺪﱠة‬.‫ ﺿﻌُﻒ ﻗﻠﺒُﮫ‬، ‫ ﺗﮭﯿﱠﺐ اﻹﻗﺪامَ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﯾﻨﺒﻐﻲ اﻟﺨﻮفُ ﻣﻨﮫ‬، ‫ﺟﺒُﻦ اﻟﺸﱠﺨْ ﺺُ ﺟﺒﺎن‬
‫ﺪر‬
ِ ‫ واﻟﻤﺮ ُء ﺑﺎﻟﺠُﺒﻦ ﻻ ﯾﻨﺠﻮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘ‬. . . ٌ ‫ اﻟﺠُﺒﻦ ﻋﺎ ٌر وﻓﻲ اﻹﻗﺪام ﻣﻜﺮﻣﺔ‬- "(2008, p.343)/jubn
ʼal-šaḵṣ jabān tahayub ʼal-ʼiqdām ʻalā mā lā yanbaġī ʼal-ḵawf minhu,
ḍaʻufa qalbahu , jubn ʻind
ʼal-šidah , ʼal-jubn ʻār wa fī ʼal-ʼiqdām
makramah . . . wal-marʼ bil-jubn lā yanjū min ʼal-qadar/ "being scared to
go through unfruitful tracks and the weakness of one's heart, his
cowardice on the face of hard times. Cowardice is shame and courage is
grace, and with cowardice, one can not escape his destiny". The emphasis
on the word "‫"ﻋﻤﯿ ﻞ‬traitor" ideologically reflects the negative way
Mubarak is pictured by revolutionists. Perhaps, the repetition of this word
gives a certain type of justification to people's hatred to Mubarak's
regime. As Mubarak has become a traitor against Egypt in favor of Israel
as well as the United States of America, he deserves to be revolted
against.
The same emphasis on the word "‫""ﻋﻤﯿ ﻞ‬traitor" can be traced in this
slogan "‫ ﺑﻌﺖ اﻟﻐﺎز و ﻓﺎﺿ ﻞ اﻟﻨﯿ ﻞ‬،‫"ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﯾﺎ ﻋﻤﯿﻞ‬/ḥusnī mubārak yā ʻamīl,
biʻt ʼal-ġāz w fāḍil an-nīl/ "Mubarak you started the gas shift, and
41
only the nile is being left!", or "O Husni Mubarak you traitor, you
sold the gas and the Nile is left (to be sold)". The word "‫"ﺑ ﺎع‬/bāʻa/"sold"
is mentioned in the two latter slogans to emphasize the concept of treason
committed by Mubarak against Egypt. According to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻐﻨ ﻲ‬/muʻjam
ʼal-ġany/, the word is defined as "‫أﻋْﻄ َﺎھ َ ﺎ إ ِ ﯾﱠﺎه ُ ﺑ ِ ﺜ َﻤَ ﻦ‬
"(1993, Online)/ʼaʻṭāha
ʼiyāh bِi-ṯaman/" give something and get paid in return". However, in the
Egyptian Arabic language, this word is always used to refer to the way
thereby someone gives up a certain moral rule "‫"ﺑ ﺎع ﺿ ﻤﯿﺮه‬/bāʻa ḍamīrahu/
or "‫ "ﺑ ﺎع ﻣﺒﺎدﺋ ﮫ‬/bāʻa mabādiʼahu/"betrayed his conscience" or
‫"ﺻ ﺪﯾﻘﮫ‬/bāʻa
ṣadīqahu/"betrayed
his
friend"
or
" ‫ﺑ ﺎع‬
"‫"ﺑ ﺎع ﺑﻠ ﺪه‬/bāʻa
baladahu/"betrayed his country". So, the word "‫ "ﺑ ﺎع‬does not mean to sell
in these contexts, it rather means to "betray" or "give up". Thus, the
ideological stress on the concept of treason is consistent in these slogans.
In "‫ إﻧ ﺖ ﺑﺘﻌﻤ ﻞ إﯾ ﮫ ﺑﻔﻠﻮﺳ ﻨﺎ‬،‫"ﻗ ﻮل ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﻔﻠ ﺴﻨﺎ‬/qūl yā mubārak yā
mifalisna, ʼinta bitiʻmil ʼīh bi-flūsna/Mubarak, the cause of our
bankruptcy, what are you doing with our currency (money)", the
imperative verb "‫" "ﻗ ﻮل‬tell us" puts the masses in the more powerful and
dominant
position
over
Mubaraks.
The
choice
of
the
word
"‫ﺗﻔﻠ ﯿﺲ‬/taflīs/"bankruptcy" came as a kind of justification for people's
hatred towards Mubarak's regime as well as a justification for their
decision to revolt against him. According to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, the word "‫"أﻓﻠ ﺲ‬
"bankrupt"/ʼaflasa/means "‫("ﻓﻘ ﺪان اﻟﻤ ﺎل و إﻋ ﺴﺎر ﺑﻌ ﺪ ﯾ ﺴﺮ‬1993, p.700)/fiqdān
ʼal-māl wa ʼiʻsar baʻda yusr/"loosing money and going through hard
times after experiencing welfare".
Another negative influence is clear in a slogan like " ‫اھ ﺮب اھ ﺮب ﯾ ﺎ ﺟﻤ ﺎل‬
‫"إﻧ ﺖ و أﺑ ﻮك واﻷﻧ ﺪال‬/ʼihrab ʼihrab yā jamāl ʼinta wa ʼabūk wa ʼalʼandāl/O Gamal, run with your dad fast, and take the villainous cast"
or literally,"Run away run away O Gamal with your father and
42
scoundrels". According to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, "‫ "ﻧ ﺪل‬/nadl/ is defined as
"‫("اﻟﻮﺳ ﺦ‬1993, p.911) /ʼal-wasiḵ/ "the dirty one". In Egypt, this word is
derogatory, an insult to anyone whose conduct is unbecoming. The word
"‫"اھ ﺮب‬/ʼihrab/"run away" is typically used to stress the fact that the
masses have the great upper hand, control and power over the powerless
regime. The word means, according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, "‫( "اﻟ ﺬھﺎب ﻣ ﺬﻋﻮرا‬1993,
p.980)/ʼal-ḏihāb maḏʻūran/"going away terrifically". The same is
apparent in " ‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﺟﻤ ﺎل ﻗ ﻮل ﻷﺑ ﻮك ﺷ ﻌﺐ ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﺑﯿﻜﺮھ ﻮك‬/yā jamāl qūl li ʼabūk
šaʻb maṣr bykrhūk/" O Gamal, tell your father, we all hate you and
we do bother" or literally " O Gamal tell your father, Egypt's people
hates you" exemplified by the negative lexical item "‫""ﺑﯿﻜﺮھ ﻮك‬hates
you".
In "‫ ھﻮ و ﻋﯿﻠﺘﮫ ﻣﺶ ﺳﺎﻣﻌﯿﻦ‬،‫"ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﺟﻠﺪه ﺗﺨﯿﻦ‬/ḥusny mubārak
jilduh tiḵīn, huwa wa ʻiltuh miš samʻīn/"Mubarak is diseased in his
ear, he with his family do not even hear" or literally "Hosni Mubarak
is thick-skinned, he and his family do not hear", the word
"‫""ﻋﯿﻠﺔ‬family" is the Egyptian Arabic slang for the Standard Arabic word
"‫"ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ‬/ʻāʼilah/. According to ‫ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺗﯿﻤﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬, the
word"‫"ﻋﯿﻞ‬/ʻayl/ is defined as " ‫ﻓﺈن ﻛﺎن اﻟﻤﺮاد زوﺟﺔ اﻟﺮﺟﻞ و أوﻻده‬.‫ أي اﻷﺳﺮة‬:‫اﻟﻌﯿﻠﺔ‬
‫( "ﻓﺎﻷھﻞ ﯾﺮادﻓﮭﺎ‬2002, p.458)/ʼal -ʻīlah: ay ʼal-ʼusra. fa ʼin kān ʼal-murād
zawjit ʼal-rajul wa ʼawlādahu fa ʼal-ʼahl yurādifuha/"the family. If what is
meant is man's wife, it would be called relatives. Family, generally and
specifically means one's family including those who bear the
responsibility of one's family". The equal connection is made among
Mubarak and his family. So, the word" ‫" ﻋﯿﻠﺔ‬family" comes as an
inclusive word to all characters surrounding Mubarak's life. Slogans also
show that Egyptians really understand Mubarak's mind and intentions. In
"‫ ﻣﺶ ھﺎﻧﺼﺪق أي ﺧﻄﺎب‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﯾﺎ ﻛﺬاب‬/yā mubārak ya kaḏḏāb, miš
43
hanṣadiq ʼay ḵiṭāb/"O Mubarak, you liar you double-faced, no belief
in speeches will be made", the use of “hyperpole " ‫"ﺻﯿﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ‬/ṣīġit ʼalmubālaġa/puts an emphasis on the nature of Mubarak's dishonesty. When
one is described as "‫"ﻛﺬاب‬. It means "‫" "ﻛﺜﯿﺮ اﻟﻜﺬب‬/kaṯīr ʼal-kaḏib/"the one
who does persistently lie ".
In ‫"ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﯾﺎ ﺑﻠﯿ ﺪ ﺷ ﻌﺐ ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﻣ ﺶ ﻋﺒﯿ ﺪ‬/ḥusnī mubārak yā balīd šaʻb
maṣr miš ʻabīd/the old Mubarak now recalls,his mighty folks are not
thralls "or "O Mubarak you dull, Egypt's people are not slaves",
revolutionists again attribute another insulting characteristic to Mubarak.
According to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟ ﻮﺟﯿﺰ‬/ʼal-muʻjam ʼal-wajīz/, the word "‫ ""ﺑﻠﯿ ﺪ‬numb,
dummy" means "‫("ﻣ ﻦ ﺣ ﺮم اﻟ ﺬﻛﺎء ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻣ ﺮ‬2003, p.60) /man ḥaruma ʼal-ḏakāʼ
fī ʼal-ʼamr/ " someone intellectulally compromised", and that's what
revolutionists see in his own character.
3.1.1.3. Power-based Lexical Choices
Powerful lexical choices are applied in ‫"ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ ﻏ ﻮر ﻛ ﻞ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬
‫" ﻋﻠﯿ ﻚ ھ ﺎﯾﺜﻮر‬/ʼirḥal ʼirḥal ʼirḥal ġūr kul aš-šaʻb ʻalīk hayṯūr/set out, set
out, get off the stage, the entire populace flares with rage" or " leave
leave leave go away, all population against you will revolt" where two
lexical items seems to reflect the state of power and dominance practiced
by the Egyptian revolutionists against the powerless regime. The
preference is been given to the word "‫ "اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬which means according to
‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻮﺳﯿﻂ‬, ‫"اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮة ﺗﺮﺟﻊ ﻷب واﺣﺪ و ھﻮ" أوﺳﻊ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺒﯿﻠﺔ و اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨ ﺎس‬
‫("ﺗﺨ ﻀﻊ ﻟﻨﻈ ﺎم اﺟﺘﻤ ﺎﻋﻲ واﺣ ﺪ و اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻨ ﺎس ﺗ ﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﻟ ﺴﺎﻧﺎ واﺣ ﺪا‬1993, p.483)/ʼaljamāʻah ʼal-kabīrah tarjiʻ li-ʼab wāḥid wa hwa ʼawsaʻ min ʼal-qabīlah wa
ʼal-jamāʻa min ʼal-nās taḵḍaʻ li niẓām ʼijtimāʻy wāḥid wa ʼal-jamāʻa min
ʼan-nās tatakalam lisānan wāḥidan/"a large group of people descended
from one grandparent. It is larger than a tribe. A group of people
44
submitted to a single unified social system of living. A group of people
sharing the same mother tongue" as well as the word "‫" "ﯾﺜ ﻮر‬revolt"
which means according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as "‫ "ھ ﺎج و اﻧﺘ ﺸﺮ‬/hāja wa ʼintašara/
"got excited and widespread". The word "‫"ﺛ ﻮرة‬/ṯawrah/"revolution" is
defined as " ‫ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ أﺳﺎﺳ ﻲ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷوﺿ ﺎع اﻟ ﺴﯿﺎﺳﯿﺔ و اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯿ ﺔ ﯾﻘ ﻮم ﺑ ﮫ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﻓ ﻲ دوﻟ ﺔ‬
‫("ﻣ ﺎ‬1993, p.102) /taġyīr ʼasasy fī ʼal-ʼawḍāʻ ʼas-syāsyah wa ʼal-ʼijtimāʻya
yaqūm biha ʼaš-šaʻb fī dawlah mā/ "an essential change in social as well
as political status performed by the natives of a certain country".
The lexical choice of these words together gives the population or the
revolutionists the grand upper hand, power as well as dominance over the
Egyptian
regime.
The
"‫"ﺛ ﻮار‬/ṯwār/"revolutionists",
slogan
it
does
rather
not
uses
employ
the
the
word
generalized
word
"‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬people" instead in order to give the Egyptian revolution a sort of
public credibility. Lexical choices give the reader the impression that the
whole society is revolting powerfully, exemplified in the word
"‫"ﯾﺜ ﻮر‬/yaṯūr/"revolt" against Mubarak's regime and that this revolution is
not exclusive to a certain party or group, exemplified in the word "‫"اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬
"populace".
The similar influence can be outlined in " ‫ ﺣ ﺴﻨﻲ‬،‫ﻛ ﻞ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﻘ ﻮل و ﯾﻨ ﺎدي‬
‫"ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﺑ ﺮة ﺑ ﻼدي‬/kul aš-šaʻb yaqūl w ynādy, ḥusny mubārak barah
bilādy/"Dear folks, yell and call out, Mubarak must now set out".
The word "‫"ﺑﺮة‬/barah/"out" is defined according to ‫ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺗﯿﻤﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ‬
‫ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬as "‫طﻠ ﻊ ﺑ ﺮة‬: ‫ ﻋﻨ ﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣ ﺔ‬.‫ ﺿﺪ ﺟﻮة‬:‫( "ﺑﺮا أو ﺑﺮة‬2002, p.135)/bara aw barah:
ḍid jwah. ʻind ʼal-ʻāmah: ṭiliʻ barah/outside: the opposite of inside. In
general, it is used as: "he went outside". The word "‫""ﺑ ﺮة‬out" is deeply
connected with the concept of "‫"اﻟﺮﺣﯿ ﻞ‬/ar-raḥīl/"departure" previously
mentioned. In "‫ اﻹﻋ ﺪام ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﺳﻮزان ﯾ ﺎ ﺳ ﻮزان‬/yā suzān yā suzān, ʼalʼiʻdām fī ʼal-mydān/ "O Suzan O Suzan, Execution is in the square,
45
the word "‫""إﻋ ﺪام‬execution" is used to reflect masses' aims against
Mubarak and all his family members. The word means, according to
‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, "‫("إزھ ﺎق روﺣ ﮫ ﻗ ﺼﺎﺻﺎ‬1993, p.588)/ʼizhāq rawḥahu qaṣāṣan/"to
kill someone as a punishment or penalty".
The same influence can be detected in " ‫ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﻗ ﻮل ﻟ ﺴﻮزان ھﻨﻌ ﺪﻣﻜﻢ ﻓ ﻲ‬
‫"اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان‬/yā mubārak qūl li-suzān haniʻdimkum fī ʼal-mydān/"O
Mubarak tell Suzan, it's fair to execute you in the square". The word
execution "‫ "إﻋ ﺪام‬is mentioned once again. The theme of departure is
apparent in "‫"ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﻧﻤ ﺸﻲ ھ ﻮ ﯾﻤ ﺸﻲ‬/miš hanimšī hwa yimšī/"we'll not go.
He must go". The word "‫"ﻣ ﺸﻰ‬/maša/"go away" in Egyptian Arabic slang
does not mean "to walk". According to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬, the
word "‫ "اﻣﺸﻲ‬means "‫("و ﺗﻘﺎل ﻟﻠﺮﺟﻞ اﻟﺬي ﺗﺮﯾ ﺪ ط ﺮده "ارﺣﻞ‬2002, p.370)/ʼimšy: w
tuqāl lil-rajul ʼal-laḏy turīd ṭardahu/"leave, and it is said to someone you
want to expel". The way the concept of departure is stressed upon
occupies a great number of slogans. The nature of departure is being
declared here too exemplified in the word "‫"اﻣ ﺸﻲ‬go away" which means
to go away forcefully.
Overlexicalization is being made frequently in framing Anti
Mubarak slogans. One can find this in "‫ ﻣ ﺶ ﺳ ﺎﻣﻌﯿﻦ‬،‫" "ﺟﻠ ﺪه ﺗﺨ ﯿﻦ‬thickskinned, not hearing". Overlexicalization is always used to accentuate a
concept or an idea. The concept of departure is to be stressed in these
slogans.
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Table 1: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Anti-Mubarak Slogans
Lexicalization
Positivity
"people"‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬
"liberty"‫ﺣﺮﯾﺔ‬
Negativity
Power-based
"slaves"‫ﻋﺒﯿﺪ‬
"want"‫ﯾﺮﯾﺪ‬
"liar"‫ﻛﺬاب‬
"revolt"‫ﯾﺜﻮر‬
"scoundrels"‫أﻧﺪال‬
"go away"‫ارﺣﻞ‬
"traitor"‫ﻋﻤﯿﻞ‬
"coward"‫ﺟﺒﺎن‬
3.1.1.4. Metaphors
Metaphors are included in order to reflect both positive and
negative point of views concerning different conceptions. In ‫ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ‬
"‫"ارﺣ ﻞ ﻏ ﻮر ﺧﻠ ﻲ ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ ﺗ ﺸﻮف اﻟﻨ ﻮر‬/ʼirḥal ʼirḥal ʼirḥal ġūr ḵaly baladna tšūf
in-nūr/"Leave, leave leave go away… let our country see the light",
Egypt is given the characteristics of a human being who has the ability to
see, hear, feel and smell. The "‫""اﻟﻨ ﻮر‬the light" mentioned in this slogan is
an indication to freedom and liberty. Describing freedom as "light" gives
a positive influence. The similar positive influence is repeated in " ‫ﯾ ﺎ ﺣﻘﯿ ﺮ‬
‫ ﺧﻠ ﻲ ﺑﻠ ﺪي ﺗ ﺸﻮف اﻟﻨ ﻮر‬،‫"ﻏ ﻮر ﻏ ﻮر‬/yā ḥaqīr ġūr ġūr, ḵalī baladī tišūf annūr/"O you vile go away do not fight, let my homeland see the light".
In "‫"اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ ﻣ ﻦ ﺣﻜ ﻢ ﻋ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﺘﺰوﯾ ﺮ‬/at-taḥrīr at-taḥrīr min ḥukm
ʻiṣābit at-tazwīr/"we seek liberation and freeing, from the gang of
rigging", Mubarak's regime is being described as "‫""ﻋ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﺘﺰوﯾ ﺮ‬the gang
of falsification" and that gives a negative picture. In ،‫ﺗ ﺴﻘﻂ ﺗ ﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﻌ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ‬
‫"اﻟ ﺰﻋﯿﻢ وﯾ ﺎه اﻟﺪﯾﺎﺑ ﺔ‬/tasquṭ tasquṭ ʼal-ʻiṣaba, ʼal-zaʻīm wayāh ʼaddyābah/"Down with the gangsters, wolves with their busters" or more
literally "Down with the gang, the boss with his wolves", depicting
Mubarak's followers as "‫" "دﯾﺎﺑ ﺔ‬wolves" gives a dark influence against
47
Mubarak's men. In ‫ ﺷ ﻌﺐ ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﻣ ﺶ ﻋﺒﯿ ﺪ‬،‫"ﺣ ﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﯾ ﺎ ﺑﻠﯿ ﺪ‬/ḥusny mubārak
yā balīd šaʻb maṣr miš ʻabīd/"The old Mubarak now recalls, His
mighty folks are not thralls ", or more literally "O Mubarak you dull,
Egypt's people are not slaves", the negation of describing Egyptians as
"‫""ﻋﺒﯿ ﺪ‬slaves" attributes positive qualities on behalf of the Egyptian
masses.
In "‫ دة ﻓﺮﻋ ﻮن و دة ھﺎﻣ ﺎن‬..‫ "ﻻ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك وﻻ ﺳ ﻠﯿﻤﺎن‬/lā mubārak walā
sulimān…dah firʻūn wi dah hāmān/"Neither Mubarak nor Soliman,
those are the Pharaoh and his Haman", describing Mubarak as the
Pharaoh with all his oppression and violence against masses and Soliman
as Haman; the Pharaoh's advisor and minister gives a negative picture.
The similar negative picture is being stressed in " ‫ ﺧ ﺪ‬،‫ﯾ ﺎ ﺟﻤ ﺎل ﯾ ﺎ ﻏ ﺮاب اﻟﺒ ﯿﻦ‬
‫ "أﺑ ﻮك و روﺣ ﻮا ﻟ ﺰﯾﻦ‬/yā jamāl yā ġurāb ʼal-bīn, ḵūd ʼabūk wi rūḥū lizīn/O Gamal, you have ominous minacity, Take your dad and find
Zein's city" or "O Gamal you ominous crock, take your father and go
to Zein", in which "Gamal", Mubarak's son, is being described as an
ominous crock in order to attribute all negative characteristics against
him.
Table 2: A Sample of Metaphors in Anti-Mubarak Slogans
Metaphors
Positive
Negative
‫ﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻠﺪي ﺗﺸﻮف اﻟﻨﻮر‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﺣﻘﯿﺮ ﻏﻮر ﻏﻮر‬
O you vile, go away do not fight;
let my homeland see some light"
‫ اﻟﺰﻋﯿﻢ وﯾﺎه اﻟﺪﯾﺎﺑﺔ‬،‫ﺗﺴﻘﻂ ﺗﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﻌﺼﺎﺑﺔ‬
Down with the gangsters, the boss
with his wolves
‫ ﺧﺪ أﺑﻮك و روﺣﻮا ﻟﺰﯾﻦ‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﺟﻤﺎل ﯾﺎ ﻏﺮاب اﻟﺒﯿﻦ‬
O Gamal you ominous crock, take
"your father and go to Zein
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3.1.1.5. Generalization and Specification
Several generalized words are used in Anti-Mubarak slogans like
"‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬people",
"‫""ﺷ ﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬our
people", "‫""ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬our
country"
and
"‫""ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬Egypt" in order to give the revolution a kind of public credibility
and to give the impression that the whole society supports the
revolutionary demands raised by revolutionists. The same can be traced
in the word "‫" "اﻟﻨﻈ ﺎم‬regime" in order to include the whole corrupted
political system exemplified in Mubarak, his companions as well all his
supporters inside the governmental institutions. Certain specified words
are mentioned such as "‫"ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬Mubarak", "‫""ﻋ ﺪﻟﻲ‬Adly", "‫""ﺳ ﻮزان‬suzan",
"‫"ﺟﻤ ﺎل‬Jamal", which serve as an explanation of the generalized word
"‫""اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬the regime".
3.1.1.6. Pronouns
Pronouns in these slogans are used to stress the "us" versus "them"
ideological square mentioned by Van Dijk. Most of pronouns used to
refer to people, revolutionists, and protestors are "‫ "ﻧ ﺎ‬as in "‫""ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬our
homeland", "‫"ﺷ ﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬our people", "‫""ﻓﻠﻮﺳ ﻨﺎ‬our money" and "between us" "‫"ﺑﯿﻨ ﺎ‬
as well as "‫ "ي‬as in "‫" "ﺑﻠ ﺪي‬my country" and "‫""ﺑ ﻼدي‬my homeland" as
well as "‫ "ن‬as in "‫" "ﻧﻤﺸﻲ‬we will leave""‫"ھﺎﻧﻌﺪﻣﻜﻢ‬we will execute".
However most of pronouns used to refer to Mubarak, his followers
and his regime are "‫ "ت‬as in "‫""ﺑﻌ ﺖ‬you sold" and "‫" "إﻧ ﺖ‬you", "‫ "ك‬as
in"‫""اﻧﺘﻈ ﺎرك‬waiting for you", "‫"ه‬as in "‫""راﻓ ﻀﮫ‬refuses him", "‫""ﻋﯿﻠﺘ ﮫ‬his
family", "‫""ھ ﻮ‬he" and "‫""وﯾ ﺎه‬with him", as well as "‫ "ك‬as in "‫""ﻋﻠﯿ ﻚ‬against
you", "‫""أﺑﻮك‬your father" as well as "‫""ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻚ‬remains for you".
Pronouns used to refer to the revolutionists carry positive
connotations, while pronouns connected with the former Egyptian regime
are negatively employed.
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Table 3: A Sample of Pronouns in Anti-Mubarak Slogans
Pronouns
Us
"my home land"‫ﺑﻼدي‬
"our people"‫ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬
" we will execute"‫ھﺎﻧﻌﺪم‬
Them
"refusing him"‫راﻓﻀﮫ‬
"remaining to you"‫ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻚ‬
"against you"‫ﻋﻠﯿﻚ‬
3.1.2. Semantic Level
3.1.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Lexical relations are much evident in these slogans. Synonyms are
noticeable stressing negative feelings against Mubarak's regime. " ،‫ﺟﺒ ﺎن‬
‫ أﻧ ﺪال‬،‫ " ﺣﻘﯿﺮ‬coward, vile, scoundrel, "‫ روح‬،‫ إﻣ ﺸﻲ‬،‫ ﻏ ﻮر‬،‫ ارﺣ ﻞ‬،‫ ﻣ ﺴﺘﻨﯿﻚ‬،‫"ﺑﯿﻨﺎدﯾ ﻚ‬
"calling you, expecting you, go away, go, leave" stress the concept of
departure". "‫""ﯾﻘ ﻮل و ﯾﻨ ﺎدي‬say and call out" is a positive enthusiastic
demand to all Egyptians."‫ ﻣﻘﺘ ﻮل‬،‫ "ﯾﻤ ﻮت‬die, Killed" reflects Egyptians'
wishes for Mubarak's destiny.
Table 4: Lexical Cohesion in Anti Mubarak Slogans
Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Synonyms
Positive
Negative
"killed"‫ ﻣﻘﺘﻮل‬,"die" ‫ﯾﻤﻮت‬
"call"‫ﯾﻨﺎدي‬, "say" ‫ﯾﻘﻮل‬
"vile"‫ﺣﻘﯿﺮ‬, "coward"‫ﺟﺒﺎن‬
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3.1.3. Syntactic Level
3.1.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive Voice
In transitivity analysis, one can discover that there is a range of
choices that a writer can make at the level of syntax that can evoke
different responses in the hearer. In relation to "Actor", "Patient"
structures, several slogans are framed in order to show ideologically the
power and dominance positions occupied by the revolutionists against the
less-dominant, powerless Egyptian Mubarakian regime as in " ‫ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ‬
‫ ﻛ ﻞ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﯿ ﻚ ھ ﺎﯾﺜﻮر‬،‫""ارﺣ ﻞ ﻏ ﻮر‬leave, leave, leave. Go out, all people will
revolt against you" and "‫""ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﻗ ﻮل ﻟ ﺴﻮزان ھﺎﻧﻌ ﺪﻣﻜﻢ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان‬O Mubarak
tell Suzan, we will execute you in the square". So placing the folks in the
actor and Mubarak's regime in the position of "patient", gives the masses
the power and dominance reflected in the revolutionists' ideologies.
Sometimes Mubarak's regime is placed in the position of the actor as
in "‫ ﺧﻠ ﻲ ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ ﺗ ﺸﻮف اﻟﻨ ﻮر‬،‫""ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ ﻏ ﻮر‬go away, eternally leave
(Mubarak), Let our country see the light", " ‫ ﺑﻌ ﺖ ﺑ ﻼدك‬،‫ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ ﯾ ﺎ ﻋﻤﯿ ﻞ‬
‫""ﻹﺳﺮاﺋﯿﻞ‬go away you agent, you sold your country to Israel", ‫"ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬
‫"ﯾﺎ ﻋﻤﯿﻞ ﺑﻌﺖ اﻟﻐ ﺎز و ﻓﺎﺿ ﻞ اﻟﻨﯿ ﻞ‬O Mubarak you agent, you sold the gas and the
Nile river is left (to be sold)", "‫ إﻧ ﺖ ﺑﺘﻌﻤ ﻞ إﯾ ﮫ ﺑﻔﻠﻮﺳ ﻨﺎ‬،‫""ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﻔﻠ ﺴﻨﺎ‬O
Mubarak the reason of our bankruptcy, what are you doing with our
money", in order to place the whole responsibility for all the heinous
incidents upon the regime.
Passive voice is employed in slogans which are connected with
killing or murdering Mubarak "‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ارﺣ ﻞ ﻏ ﻮر أﺣ ﺴﻦ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ﺗﻤ ﻮت ﻣﻘﺘ ﻮل‬/yā
mubārak ʼirḥal ġūr, ʼaḥsan bukrah timūt maqtūl/" Oh Mubarak Go away
no words to say, otherwise you'll soon pass away" or more literally, "O
Mubarak go away and leave otherwise you'll be eventually killed". This
51
slogan is framed in this way in order to bear the revolutionists no
responsibility for any act of Mubarak's assassination.
Table 5: A Sample of Transitivity in Anti-Mubarak Slogans
Transitivity
Revolutionists in Active
Mubarak regime in the
position
Active position
‫ ﻛ ﻞ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬،‫ ﺑﻌﺖ ﺑﻼدك ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ ﻏ ﻮر‬،‫ارﺣﻞ ارﺣﻞ ﯾﺎ ﻋﻤﯿﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻠﯿﻚ ھﺎﯾﺜﻮر‬
‫ﻹﺳﺮاﺋﯿﻞ‬
leave, leave, leave. Go out, all go away you agent, you
people will revolt against you
sold your country to
Israel
‫ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﯾﺎﻋﻤﯿﻞ ﺑﻌﺖ اﻟﻐﺎز ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﻗ ﻮل ﻟ ﺴﻮزان ھﺎﻧﻌ ﺪﻣﻜﻢ ﻓ ﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻤﯿﺪان‬
‫و ﻓﺎﺿﻞ اﻟﻨﯿﻞ‬
O Mubarak tell Suzan, we will
O Mubarak you agent,
execute you in the square
you sold the gas and the
Nile river is left (to be
sold
Passive voice
‫ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ارﺣ ﻞ ﻏ ﻮر أﺣ ﺴﻦ ﺑﻜ ﺮة‬
‫ﺗﻤﻮت ﻣﻘﺘﻮل‬
O Mubarak go away and
leave otherwise you'll be
eventually killed".
3.1.3.2. Nominalization
Nominalization is frequently used in some slogans. The reason
behind this is that Arabic is a language in which the verb can often be
replaced by a
noun.
This
occurs
in ‫" اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ‬liberation" and
"‫""اﻟﺘﺰوﯾ ﺮ‬rigging" as in "‫""اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ ﻣ ﻦ ﺣﻜ ﻢ ﻋ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﺘﺰوﯾ ﺮ‬we seek
liberation and freeing, from the gang of rigging", "‫""اﻋﺘ ﺼﺎم‬sit in" as in
"‫"اﻋﺘﺼﺎم اﻋﺘ ﺼﺎم ﺣﺘ ﻰ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﻨﻈ ﺎم‬/ʼiʻtiṣām ʼiʻtiṣām ḥata yasquṭ an-nizām/"
a sit in a sit in calls, till regime downfalls", as well as "‫""ﻗﺘ ﻞ‬murder".
Nominalization deletes the action by avoiding the use of a verb form and
using nouns instead. Replacing an action with a concept is the use of
nominalization. It's employed here to fulfill one main function; to focus
all the attention on the action itself regardless of the participants in the
action.
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Table 5: A Sample on Nominalization in Anti-Mubarak Slogans
Nominalization
Positive
Negative
" sit in"‫اﻋﺘﺼﺎم‬
"liberation"‫ﺗﺤﺮﯾﺮ‬
"rigging"‫ﺗﺰوﯾﺮ‬
3.1.4. Rhetorical Level
3.1.4.1. Repetition
At the rhetorical level, repetition occurs in most of slogans. as in
"‫""ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ‬go away, go away go away", "‫"اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ‬liberation,
liberation", "‫""إھ ﺮب إھ ﺮب‬run away, run away", "‫"ﻓﯿﻨ ﻚ ﻓﯿﻨ ﻚ‬where are you,
where are you", " ‫ ﯾ ﺎ ﺳ ﻌﻮدﯾﺔ‬،‫" "ﯾﺎ ﺳ ﻌﻮدﯾﺔ‬O Saudi Arabia, O Saudi Arabia"" ‫ﯾ ﺎ‬
‫""ﺣﺒﯿ ﺐ ﯾ ﺎ ﺣﺒﯿ ﺐ‬O Habib(El Adly) O Habib", "‫ ﻏ ﻮر‬،‫""ﻏ ﻮر‬go away, go
away""‫ اﻋﺘ ﺼﺎم‬،‫""اﻋﺘ ﺼﺎم‬a sit in, a sit in". Repetition occurs to stress a
certain idea or concept as well as drawing the attention of the reader and
the hearer.
Table 6: A Sample of Repetitions in Anti-Mubarak Slogans
Repetition
Positive
Negative
"liberation, liberation"‫ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‬،‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‬
" a sit in, a sit in"‫ اﻋﺘﺼﺎم‬،‫اﻋﺘﺼﺎم‬
"go away, go away"‫ ﻏﻮر‬،‫ﻏﻮر‬
" O Habib (El Adly), O ‫ ﯾﺎ ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬
Habib"
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3.2. Analysis of Anti-SCAF Slogans
3.2.1. Lexicalization
3.2.1.1.Power-based Lexical Choices
Of the most outstanding slogans that have a great deal with the
downfall of military rule as well as anti-SCAF ideology are those which
contain such chants as "‫ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ‬،‫"ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ‬/yasquṭ, yasquṭ/"down with, down
with" as in "‫"ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ إﺣﻨ ﺎ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﺨ ﻂ اﻷﺣﻤ ﺮ‬/yasquṭ yasquṭ
ḥukm ʼal- ʻaskar ʼiḥnā ʼaš- šaʻb ʼal-ḵaṭ
ʼal-ʼaḥmar/ "down with,
down with soldiers' command, the folks got the grand upper hand"
or more literally "down with down with military rule, we, the folks are
the red line", "‫ اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﻓ ﺎﻛﺮ ﻧﻔ ﺴﮫ ﻛﺒﯿ ﺮ‬،‫"ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ‬/yasquṭ yasquṭ ʼalMušīr, ʼilī fākir nafsu kabīr/" down with the marshal and his dream,
who is maximizing his self-esteem" or more literally "Down with down
with the marshal who sees himself as the greatest one ", and in " ‫ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ‬
‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮ دوﻟ ﺔ ﻣ ﺶ ﻣﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫"ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬/yasquṭ yasquṭ ḥukm ʼal- ʻaskar
maṣr dawlah miš muʻaskar/" Down with the military swamp, Egypt
is a state not your camp" or more literally "down with down with
military rule, Egypt is a state not a kind of camp". The lexical choice
of the word "‫""ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ‬down with" gives the Egyptian revolutionists as well
as folks the position of the dominant and more powerful part of the
equation. They have the power to down the Military armed rule.
The word "‫"أﺳ ﻘﻂ‬/asqaṭa/is defined according to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ‬
‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻ ﺮة‬as "‫( "ﯾ ﺴﺤﺐ اﻟﺜﻘ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣ ﺔ‬2008, p.1078)/yasḥab ʼal- ṯiqah min ʼalḥukūmah/"to distrust a ministerial rule". The lexical choice of the word
"‫ "ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ‬reflects the power as well dominance in people's hands. The use of
the word "‫" "اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ‬the marshal" without any respectable nicknames as
54
"‫"ﺳ ﯿﺎدة اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ‬/syādit ʼal-mušīr/"your excellence" shows the high position
occupied by revolutionists as well as the degraded position occupied by
the marshal and his men.
The lexical choice of the word "‫""دوﻟ ﺔ‬country", the opposite of
"‫""ﻣﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬camp" works both positively to refer to the idea of the civil state
and negatively when to refer to the military state. The same is clear in
"‫"اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮي ﻗ ﺮر إﺳ ﻘﺎط ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬/ʼaš- šaʻb ʼal- maṣry qarar ʼisqāṭ
ḥukm ʼal- ʻaskar " Egyptian people decided, military rule must be
ended" or more literally, "Egyptian people determined (decided) to
downfall military rule", in which the choice of the word "‫ "ﻗ ﺮر‬is packed
up with all the powerful meanings . This word is defined in ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as
"‫("اﻋﺘﻤ ﺪه و ﺣﻘﻘ ﮫ‬1993, p.725)/ʼiʻtamadahu wa ḥaqaqahu/"adapted and
achieved it". This lexical choice is used to impose a higher degree of
power on behalf of the revolutionists.
The same can be traced in "‫"اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ إﺳ ﻘﺎط اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ‬/ʼaš- šaʻb yurīd
ʼisqāṭ ʼal- mušhīr/"people demand and call, for the marshal's
downfall" or more literally, "people wants the downfall of the
Marshal" exemplified in the word "‫""ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ‬want" . The lexical choice of
the generalized word "‫" "اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬people" gives validity and credibility to the
demands contained the slogan itself. The same occurs in " ‫اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ إﻋ ﺪام‬
‫"اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ‬/ʼaš-šaʻb yurīd ʼiʻdām al-mušīr/"people demands and calls for
the marshal's dead fall" or more literally "people wants the execution
of the Marshal". The use of the word "‫"إﻋ ﺪام‬execution" attributes more
power to the revolutionists. In " ‫ ﺗ ﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﺒﻠ ﺪة‬،‫ اﺻ ﺮخ إوﻋ ﻰ ﺗﻄ ﺎطﻲ‬،‫اﺻ ﺮخ‬
‫"اﻟﻈﺒ ﺎطﻲ‬/ʼiṣruḵ, ʼiṣruḵ, ʼiwʻa tiṭāṭī, tasquṭ ʼal-badla ʼal- ẓubāṭī/" shout
out loudly, do not ever submit, Down with military uniform, we
admit", or more literally "shout out loudly do not ever submit and say
55
"down with military uniform", the lexical use of "‫""اﺻ ﺮخ‬shout" sets an
enthusiastic influence upon the hearer.
The similar feeling of enthusiasm as well as determinacy is being
felt in "‫ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫"أﯾ ﻮة أﻧ ﺎ ﺑ ﺎھﺘﻒ ﺿ ﺪ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬/ʼaywa ʼana bahtif
ḍid ʼal- ʻaskar yasquṭ yasquṭ ḥukm ʼal- ʻaskar/" we are herald
against the fool, down with the military rule" or more literally, "yes, I
yell and chant against military rule, down with down with military
rule". The use of the word "‫ "أﯾ ﻮة‬carries all the meanings of power and
determinacy. According to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬, the word
"‫"أﯾ ﻮة‬means "‫("ﺣ ﺮف ﺟ ﻮاب ﺑﻤﻌﻨ ﻰ ﻧﻌ ﻢ‬2002, p.92)/ḥarf jawāb bimaʻna naʻam"
an answer that means yes". The word gives the impression of power on
the part of the revolutionists.
This is also apparent in " ‫ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ‬،‫ﺷ ﻌﺐ ﻋ ﺎﯾﺰ ﯾﻌ ﯿﺶ ﯾﺘﺤ ﺮر‬
‫"اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬/šaʻb ʻāyiz yʻīš yitḥarar, yasquṭ yasquṭ ḥukm ʼal- ʻaskar /"
people seeks every freedom tool, down with the military rule" or more
literally "people want to live and get free. Down with down with
military rule". In this slogan, several lexical choices are used as a
justification for downing the military rule as "‫""ﻋ ﺎﯾﺰ‬want" which
emphasizes all the meanings of determinacy and power, "‫""ﯾﻌ ﯿﺶ‬to live",
and "‫" "ﯾﺘﺤ ﺮر‬get free" that stress the miserable conditions people were
undergoing under the reign of the SCAF.
The equivalent calls are apparent in " ‫ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ‬،‫ﻣ ﻦ أﺳ ﯿﻮط ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ‬
‫"اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ‬/min ʼasyūṭ lil-taḥrīr, yasquṭ ḥukm ʼal-mušīr/"From Assuit to
Tahrir, Down with Marshal's reign", and " ‫ راﯾﺤ ﯿﻦ‬،‫ﻣ ﻦ ﻋ ﯿﻦ ﺷ ﻤﺲ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ‬
‫"ﻧ ﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ‬/min ʻīn šams lil-taḥrīr, rayḥīn nusqiṭ ʼal-mušīr "we are,
from Ain shams to Tahrir , marching, ousting the Marshal is what
we're cherishing". According to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬, the word
56
"‫"راﯾ ﺢ‬/rāyḥ/ is defined as "‫( "ﻓ ﻲ ﻋﺰﻣ ﮫ أن ﯾﻔﻌ ﻞ ﻛ ﺬا‬2002, p.314)/fī ʻazmih ʼan
yafʻal kaḏa/"determining to do something". So, the lexical choice of the
word "‫"راﯾﺤ ﯿﻦ‬going" imposes all the power and determinacy on the
revolutionists.
The same inclusive influence is created in slogans like " ‫ﺻ ﻮت اﻟﺜ ﻮرة‬
‫ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫"ﺟ ﺎي ﻣ ﻦ اﻷزھ ﺮ‬/ṣut ʼaṯ-ṯawrah jāy min ʼal-ʼazhar,
yasuqṭ yasuqṭ ḥukm ʼal- ʻaskar/Al Azhar's revolution call, is to down
military rule". The choice of "‫""اﻷزھ ﺮ‬Al Azhar" creates a Holy,
religious support to the revolutionary calls. This slogan was created as a
reaction against the murder of al-Azhar Sheikh Imad Effat, who
participated in demonstrations against military rule in Tahrir. The same is
clear in "‫ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫""ﻗﺘﻠﻮا ﺷﯿﺨﻨﺎ ﺷﯿﺦ اﻷزھﺮ‬/qatalū šīḵnā šīḵ ʼalʼazhar, yasuqṭ yasuqṭ ḥukm ʼal-ʻaskar/Al Azhar Sheikh has been
killed, military rule must be ended" as well as " ‫ و‬،‫ﺷ ﯿﺦ اﻷزھ ﺮ ﻣ ﺎت ﻣﻘﺘ ﻮل‬
‫"اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ ھ ﻮ اﻟﻤ ﺴﺌﻮل‬/šīḵ ʼal-azhar māt maqtūl, w ʼil-majils hwa ʼalmasʼūl/" Al Azhar sheikh was assassinated, SCAF's hands are
contaminated" in which SCAF brutality is picturized in " ،‫ ﻣﻘﺘ ﻮل‬، ‫ﻣ ﺎت‬
‫ "ﻣﺴﺌﻮل‬died, killed, responsible".
The same comes to pass in " ‫ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ‬،‫ ﻗ ﻮل ﻓ ﻲ اﻻزھ ﺮ‬،‫ﻗﻮل ﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﯿﺴﺔ‬
‫"اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬/qūl fī kanīsah, qūl fī ʼal-ʼazhar, yasquṭ yasquṭ ḥukm ʼalʻaskar "say in a church and a mosque further more, down with down
with the military rule", in which the similar lexical choice of
"‫"ﻛﻨﯿ ﺴﺔ‬church" and "‫""اﻷزھ ﺮ‬Al Azhar mosque" creates a holy support to
the revolutionists. The inclusive spirit is also apparent in " ‫ﻋﻤ ﺎل طﻠﺒ ﺔ و‬
‫ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ‬،‫ ﺑﻜﺮة ھﺎﻧﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫ ﻟﺴﺔ ﻓﯿﻨﺎ ﻧﺎس ﺑﺘﻔﻜﺮ‬،‫ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ ﻣﺴﯿﺤﯿﯿﻦ‬،‫ﻓﻼﺣﯿﻦ‬
‫""اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬/ʻumāl ṭalaba wa falāḥīn, muslimīn msīḥyīn, lisah fīna nās
bitfakar, bukrah hanusqiṭ ḥukm ʼal- ʻaskar, yasquṭ yasquṭ ḥukm ʼalʻaskar/we're workers, students and peasants, Muslims along with
57
Christians, still have those of good thought, to down the damned
military rule, down with down with military rule". Mentioning all
sections of society, "‫ ﻣ ﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ‬،‫ ﻣ ﺴﯿﺤﯿﯿﻦ‬،‫ ﻓﻼﺣ ﯿﻦ‬،‫ طﻠﺒ ﺔ‬،‫"ﻋﻤ ﺎل‬, gives the
revolutionary voice a type of public validity. In " ‫ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ‬،‫ﻣ ﺶ ﺑﻨ ﺪﻣﺮ وﻻ ﺑﻨﻜ ﺴﺮ‬
‫"ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬/miš bindamar wala binkasar. yasquṭ yasquṭ ḥukm ʼalʻaskar/"we neither destroy nor break, military rule is a wreak" or
more literally ,"we do not destroy nor immolate, down with down
with military rule", the slogan was created after the accusation set
against revolutionists by SCAF especially after burning the building of
the Scientific Complex in Egypt. The word "‫""دﻣ ﺮ‬destroy" is defined
according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as "‫ أﺑ ﺎده‬:‫"دﻣ ﺮ اﻟ ﺸﺊ‬/damara ʼal-šayʼ:ʼabādahu/"to
destroy
something
which
means
to
demolish
it",
and
the
word"‫"ﻛ ﺴﺮ‬/kasara/"break" is defined as "‫( "ﺣﻄ ﻢ اﻟ ﺸﺊ إﻟ ﻲ ﻗﻄ ﻊ ﺻ ﻐﯿﺮة‬1993,
p.296)/ḥaṭama ʼal-šayʼ ʼila qiṭaʻ ṣaġīra'/ "to break something into small
pieces". The negation of these words is a reply against such accusations
and works positively in favor of revolutionists.
The theme of departure is also apparent in " ‫ ﻗ ﻮﻟﻲ‬،‫ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ زي ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬
‫"ﻣ ﯿﻦ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ اﺧﺘ ﺎرك‬/ʼirḥal ʼirḥal zay mubārak, qūllī mīn fī ʼaš-šaʻb
ʼiḵtārak/Like Mubarak just leave, you can not all of us deceive" or
more literally "Leave, leave like Mubarak, tell me who of our people
has elected you" and , "‫ ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ ﯾﻄﻠ ﻊ ﺑ ﺮة‬،‫"اﺳ ﻤﻊ ﻛﻠﻤ ﺔ ﻣ ﺼﺮ اﻟﺤ ﺮة‬/ʼismaʻ
kilmit maṣr ʼal-ḥura, majlis ʻaskar yiṭlaʻ barrah/" listen to Egypt's
liberated call, SCAF must go away and fall". It is emphasized by the
choice of such words as "‫""ارﺣ ﻞ‬leave" as "‫""ﺑ ﺮة‬out" that reflect the power
practiced by the generalized word "‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬people" or the revolutionists in
particular.
In "‫"اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬/ʼal-ʻaskar lil muʻaskar/"Soldiers must be back,
and return to the camp", the same lexical choices emphasize the theme
58
of departure in which the elliptical sentence "‫""ﻟﻠﻤﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬to the camp"
originally means "‫""ﯾﻌ ﻮد ﻟﻠﻤﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬back to the camp". Ellipses are used to
view the sentence as a powerful command made by the revolutionists. In
"‫ اﻟ ﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻻزم ﺗﺘ ﺴﻠﻢ‬،‫"ﻗ ﻮل إﺗﻜﻠ ﻢ‬/qūl ʼitkalim ʼas-sulṭah lāzim titsalim/ "say,
speak and repeat loudly, power must be handed over immediately",
power is clear in the lexical choice of the word "‫""ﺗﺘ ﺴﻠﻢ‬handed over".
Delivering the political power was one of the demands of the Egyptian
revolutionists. According to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟ ﻮﺟﯿﺰ‬, the word "‫ "ﺗ ﺴﻠﻢ‬means " ‫أﺧ ﺬه و‬
‫("ﻗﺒ ﻀﮫ‬2003, p.319)/ʼaḵaḏahu wa qabaḍahu/"take it ". The choice of the
words "‫""ﻗ ﻮل‬say" and "‫""إﺗﻜﻠ ﻢ‬speak" along with "‫""ﺗﺘ ﺴﻠﻢ‬hand over" impose
a great sense of power as well as dominance on people's part as opposed
to SCAF or the military rule in general. The equivalent meaning is held
by a slogan like "‫ ﺗ ﺴﻠﯿﻢ اﻟ ﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻓ ﯿﻦ‬، ‫ إﺗﻨ ﯿﻦ‬،‫"واﺣ ﺪ‬/wāḥid, itnīn, taslīm ʼalsulṭa fīn/"first, second and even third, passing power is not fulfilled"
exemplified in "‫" "ﺗ ﺴﻠﯿﻢ اﻟ ﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬passing power". The word "‫""ﺳ ﻠﻄﺔ‬power" is
defined as "‫("اﻟ ﺴﯿﻄﺮة و اﻟ ﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬1993, p.443)/ʼas-sayṭara wa ʼat-taḥakum/"
control", according to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬. The choice of this word sheds lights
on the importance of delivering the whole power to people after being
lost by the SCAF.
The similar influence can be traced in " ‫ اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻻزم‬،‫ﻗ ﻮل ﻣﺘﺨﺎﻓ ﺸﻲ‬
‫"ﯾﻤ ﺸﻲ‬/qūl matḵafšī, ʼal-majlis lāzim yimšī/" do not be scared and say,
SCAF have to go away". The same theme is emphasized by the word
"‫""ﯾﻤ ﺸﻲ‬go away", along with the enthusiastic words "‫""ﻗ ﻮل‬say",
"‫""ﻣﺘﺨﺎﻓ ﺸﻲ‬do not be scared" that tends to infuse more power within
protestors' spirits. In a slogan like " ‫ ارﺣ ﻞ ﻣﺘ ﻮرطﺶ‬،‫ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ ﺳ ﯿﺒﻨﺎ ﻧﻌ ﯿﺶ‬
‫"اﻟﺠ ﯿﺶ‬/majlis ʻaskar sībna nʻīš, ʼirḥal matwaraṭš ʼal-jyš "SCAF, let
us live do not exist, retire the troops and do not resist" or more
literally, "SCAF let us live, leave, and do not involve the army with
59
the matter", the theme of departure is also emphasized by the word
"‫""ارﺣ ﻞ‬go away". The slogan was created in the demonstrations following
army men's assault against peaceful protestors. The slogan affirms that
demonstrations are against SCAF and has nothing to do against army
soldiers.
The equal function can be traced in " ‫ ﺧﻠ ﻲ اﻟﺜ ﻮرة‬،‫ﯾ ﺎ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي ارﺣ ﻞ ﻏ ﻮر‬
‫"ﺗ ﺸﻮف اﻟﻨ ﻮر‬/yā ṭanṭāwī ʼirḥal ġūr, ḵaly ʼaṯ-ṯawrah tišūf ʼan-nūr/"O
Tantawi set off, eternally depart, let revolution impart a new start"
or more literally "O Tantawi go away, let the revolution see the light"
exemplified in two lexical choices "‫""ارﺣ ﻞ‬depart" and "‫""ﻏ ﻮر‬go away".
The use of the word "‫ "طﻨﻄ ﺎوي‬without any nicknames like " ‫ﺳ ﯿﺎدة‬
‫""اﻟﻤﺸﯿﺮ‬your excellence", is a kind of insult against him.
Another departure chant is "‫ ﺑﻜﺮة اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻠﮫ ﯾﻐ ﻮر‬،‫"و ﺣﯿﺎة ﻋﯿﻨﻚ ﯾﺎ دﻛﺘﻮر‬/w
ḥyāt ʻiynak yā duktūr, bukrah ʼal-majlis kulu yiġūr/"By your eyes O
doctor I swear, the council will get out of here" exemplified by the
word "‫" "ﯾﻐ ﻮر‬go away". "‫ ""وﺣﯿ ﺎة ﻋﯿﻨ ﻚ ﯾ ﺎ دﻛﺘ ﻮر‬by your eyes O doctor". It is
an enthusiastic chant used to describe Ahmed Harara, a dentist who
participated in the Egyptian revolution and lost his left eye under the
reign of Mubarak by the hands of police officers and his right one under
SCAF's
reign.
This
slogan
was
created
during
Anti-SCAF
demonstrations. The choice of "‫"إﺳ ﻠﻮب اﻟﻘ ﺴﻢ‬/ʼuslūb ʼal-qasam/"oath style"
creates an emphatic effect to oust SCAF's reign.
The similar theme is apparent in " ‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﻣ ﺸﯿﻨﺎ‬،‫ﯾ ﺎ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي روح دارك‬
‫"ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬/yā ṭanṭāwī rawaḥ dārk, ʼiḥna ʼillī mašīna mubārak/"O
Tantawi, retrace your steps, or guard against Mubarak's tips" or
more literally "O Tantawi go home, it's us who forced Mubarak to
leave" exemplified in the lexical choice "‫""روح‬go home", and
60
the
enthusiastic chant "‫ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي ﻻزم ﯾﻐ ﻮر‬،‫"ﯾﺎﻻ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺼﺮي اﻏﻀﺐ ﺛ ﻮر‬/yala yā maṣry
ʼiġḍab ṯūr, ṭanṭāwi lāzim yiġūr/O Egyptian revolt and say, Tantawi
must go away" or more literally "O Egyptian revolt and release your
anger, Tantawi must go away" exemplified in the lexical choice
"‫"ﯾﻐ ﻮر‬go away" along with the enthusiastic orders "‫ ﺛ ﻮر‬،‫""اﻏ ﻀﺐ‬release
your anger, revolt" that shows people's power, as well as the choice of the
generalized word "‫ "اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬/ʼal-maṣryīn/ "Egyptians" to give the
revolution against SCAF a kind of public credibility.
In "‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ ھ ﺎﺗﺮﺟﻊ ﺣ ﺮة‬،‫"ﻗﻮﻟ ﻮا ﻟﻠﻔﺎﺳ ﺪ ﯾﻄﻠ ﻊ ﺑ ﺮة‬/qūlu lil-fāsid yitlaʻ
barah, maṣr baladna hatirjaʻ ḥurah/"tell the corruptors to go away
and leave, Egypt, our country will be free", we believe", the same
departure theme is stressed upon using "‫""ﺑ ﺮة‬outside" followed by the
justification for their demands, in order to make Egypt "‫""ﺣ ﺮة‬free" again.
That depicts the miserable status Egypt was undergoing during the reign
of the SCAF.
Several slogans are framed to show negatively the military brutality
against the unarmed peaceful citizens as well as referring positively to the
courage of the Egyptian populace as " ‫ ﯾ ﺎ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي دورك‬،‫اﺿ ﺮب ﻏ ﺎز اﺿ ﺮب ﺣ ﻲ‬
‫"ﺟ ﺎي‬/ʼiḍrb ġāz ʼiḍrb ḥay, yā ṭanṭāwī dūrak jāy/"Shoot us with gas
and life bullets, O Tantawi your turn is coming", " ،‫اﺿ ﺮب ﻏ ﺎز اﺿ ﺮب ﻧ ﺎر‬
‫"و إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻧﻜﻤ ﻞ اﻟﻤ ﺸﻮار‬/ʼiḍrab ġaz ʼiḍrab nār, w ʼiḥna nikamil ʼilmišwār/"hit or shoot us with gun fire, we'll bridge ahead your mire",
or more literally "shoot, shoot, shoot us with gun fire and we'll
continue going through the path" as well as " ،‫اﺿ ﺮب ﻏ ﺎز اﺿ ﺮب ﺧﺮط ﻮش‬
‫"ﻗﻠﺒﻨ ﺎ ﻣﯿ ﺖ ﻣﯿﮭﻤ ﻮش‬/ʼiḍrab ġāz ʼiḍrb ḵarṭūš, qalbina mayit mayhimūš/use
gases, rubber bullet or any intervention, our hearts pay baldly no
attention". The brutality of SCAF's reign is reflected using such lexical
choices as "‫""اﺿ ﺮب‬shot", "‫" "ﺧﺮط ﻮش‬rubber bullets" which is defined
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according to ‫( ﻣﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻ ﺮة‬2008) as " ‫ﻣ ﺎ ﯾﺤ ﺸﻰ ﺑ ﮫ اﻟ ﺴﻼح اﻟﻨ ﺎري ﻣ ﻦ‬
‫( "ﺑ ﺎرود و ﻧﺤ ﻮه‬2008, p.632) /mā yuḥša bihy ʼas-silāḥ ʼan-nāry min bārūd wa
naḥwahu/"what the gun is filled with gunpowder.. etc", as well as
"‫"ﻧ ﺎر‬fire". Several other lexical choices are used to describe the courage
of revolutionists and their determinacy as "‫""ﻣﯿﮭﻤ ﻮش‬do not care" which
depicts the courageous spirits of revolutionists.
Several slogans touches the SCAF's members as in " ‫ﺣﻤ ﺪي ﺑ ﺪﯾﻦ ﯾ ﺎ‬
25 ‫"ﺣﻤ ﺪي ﺑ ﺪﯾﻦ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ﺟ ﺎي‬/ḥamdī badīn yā ḥamdī badīn bukrah jāy
25/"Hamdi Badin, O Hamdi Badin, Tomorrow the next 25th of
January will be here", "‫ إﻧ ﺖ ﻗ ﺎﺑﺾ وﻻ إﯾ ﮫ‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻟﯿ ﮫ‬/yā mušīr sākit
līh, ʼinta qābiḍ walā ʼīh/"O Marshal why are you silent, have you
been paid or what?!", "‫ ﯾ ﺎ ﻧﺨﻠﯿﮭ ﺎ دم ﻓ ﻲ دم‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ إﺗﻠ ﻢ إﺗﻠ ﻢ‬/yā mušīr itlam
itlam, yā niḵalīha dam fī dam/"O Marshal stop it instantly, or blood
will be shed enormously", "‫ إﺣﻨﺎ وراك ﻟﯿ ﻮم اﻟ ﺪﯾﻦ‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ ﻗﻮل ﻟﺒﺪﯾﻦ‬/yā mušīr
qūl li badīn, ʼiḥna warāk li yūm ʼad-dīn/O Marshal, to Badin, you
must say, we'll be chasing him till doomsday", "‫ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ ﻗ ﻮل ﻟﻌﻨ ﺎن اﻟﺜ ﻮرة‬
‫"رﺟﻌ ﺖ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان‬/yā mušīr qūl li ʻanān, ʼaṯ-ṯawrah
rijʻit fī ʼal-
mīdān/"O Marshal tell your Anan, revolution is back in the square",
"‫ ﯾ ﺎ اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ ﯾ ﺎﻟﺜﻮار‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ ﻟﯿ ﻚ ﺗﺨﺘ ﺎر‬/yā mušīr līk tiḵtār, yā ʼal-ḥaramyah
yā ʼaṯ-ṯwār/ "O Marshal it's your choice, either thieves or the
rebellious voice", "‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ھ ﺎﯾﺠﻲ ﻋﻠﯿ ﻚ اﻟ ﺪور‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﻐ ﺮور‬/yā mušīr yā
maġrūr, bukrah hayījī ʻalīk ʼad-dūr/"O Marshal you arrogant one,
tomorrow it will be your turn", "‫ ﺣ ﻖ ﺑﻨﺎﺗﻨ ﺎ راح ﻓ ﯿﻦ‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬/yā
mušīr yā mušīr, ḥaq banatna rāḥ fīn/"O Marshal, we have emergent
quests, where are our daughter's rights?!" following the incidents of
dragging Egyptian female revolutionists, " ‫ دورك ﺟ ﺎي و‬،‫ﯾ ﺎ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي ﺧ ﺎف ﷲ‬
‫"ﻋﮭ ﺪ ﷲ‬/yā ṭanṭawī ḵāf allāh, dūrak jāy wa ʻahd allāh/O Tantawi, fear
Allah and ward off quietly, we swear your turn is coming definitely",
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"‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ﻣ ﺼﯿﺮك زي ﻣﻌﻤ ﺮ‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي ﺧ ﺮب دﻣ ﺮ‬/yā ṭanṭawī ḵarab damar,
bukrah maṣīrak zay muʻammar/"O Tantawi destroy, do not you
see?? Like Mu'amar (Kadafy) your destiny will be", " ‫ﯾ ﺎ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي ﻗ ﻮل‬
‫ إﻧ ﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻧ ﺎ وﻻ ﻷ‬،‫"اﻟﺤ ﻖ‬/yā ṭanṭawi qūl ʼal-ḥaq, ʼinta maʻana wala laʼ/"O
Tantawi, tell the truth, are you with or against youth??", " ‫اﻟﺜ ﻮرة رﺟﻌ ﺖ‬
‫ ﺿ ﺪ ظﻠﻤ ﻚ ﯾ ﺎ ﻋﻨ ﺎن‬،‫"ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﯿﺪان‬/ʼaṯ-ṯawrah rijʻit fī ʼal-mīdān, ḍid ẓulmak yā
ʻanān/"the revolution is back in square, against your injustice, O
Anan!", "‫ اﺳ ﺄل ﻧﻔ ﺴﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﺘﻤﻮﯾ ﻞ‬،‫"ﯾﺎ طﻨﻄﺎوي ﯾ ﺎ ﻋﻤﯿ ﻞ‬/yā ṭanṭawī yā ʻamīl, ʼisʼal
nafsak ʻal-tamwīl/" O Tantawi you collaborating agent, ask yourself
about foreign funding" following the accusation of foreign funding
imposed by SCAF on revolutionists, " ‫ ﻋ ﺎوزﯾﻦ ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ‬،‫ﯾ ﺎ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي ﻣﺘ ﺸﻜﺮﯾﻦ‬
‫"ﻣ ﺪﻧﯿﯿﻦ‬/yā ṭanṭawī mutašakirīn, ʻawzīn majlis madanyīn/" O Tantawi,
thank you go to hell, we want a civilian council", and " ‫ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ ﺻ ﺒﺮك‬
‫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ راح ﻧﺤﻔ ﺮ ﻗﺒ ﺮك‬،‫"ﺻﺒﺮك‬/yā mušīr ṣabrak ṣabrak, fī ʼat-taḥrīr rāḥ
nuḥfur qabrak/"O Marshal be patient and bear hard, the square will
be your graveyard". In these slogans, several lexical choices are used to
transmit ideologically the revolutionists' point of views. First of all, the
members of SCAF are mentioned by their first names without attributing
any kind of honourable titles like "‫""ﺳ ﯿﺎدة‬excellency" as in " ،‫ ﻋﻨ ﺎن‬،‫ﺑ ﺪﯾﻦ‬
‫" "طﻨﻄ ﺎوي‬Badin, Anan, Tantawi" which is a kind of offense against them.
These slogans show the power of people against the SCAF. Utilizing the
lexical word "‫""إﺗﻠ ﻢ‬enough", "‫""ﺻ ﺒﺮك‬be patient", which are used in the
Egyptian Arabic slang as a threatening style, gives the Egyptian
revolutionists the grand upper hand and power.
Describing Tantawy and his men as " ،‫ دﻣ ﺮ‬،‫ ﺧ ﺮب‬،‫ ﻣﻐ ﺮور‬،‫ ﺣﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬،‫ﻋﻤﯿ ﻞ‬
‫ "ظﻠ ﻢ‬collaborator, thieves, arrogant, destroy, demolish, injustice" works
negatively against them. The use of the oath style "‫"إﺳ ﻠﻮب اﻟﻘ ﺴﻢ‬/ʼislūb ʼalqasam/ "‫ ﺧ ﺎف ﷲ‬،‫"و ﻋﮭ ﺪ ﷲ‬/w ʻahd Allāh, ḵāf Allāh/"I swear by God, Fear
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God", gives the revolutionists a sort of religious and holy support. The
powerful choices of lexical items like "‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ﺟ ﺎي‬،‫ دور‬،‫ ﻗﺒ ﺮ‬،‫"" دم‬blood,
grave, turn, tomorrow, coming up", shows the power as well as the
dominance of revolutionists over the SCAF.
One of the most dominant themes in anti-SCAF slogans is the
revolutionists' calls for their rights to change. This can be traced in some
chants like "‫ ﻣ ﺶ ﺣﺎﺳ ﯿﻦ ﺑ ﺎﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿﺮ‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬/yā mušīr yā mušīr, miš
ḥasīn biltġyīr/"O Marshal, you are a decoration, we do not sense any
alternation", "‫ ھ ﻲ دي ﺛ ﻮرة ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ؟؟‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ‬/yā mušīr yā mušīr, hyā
di ṯawrit taġyīr/"O Marshal, O Marshal, you strange, is this a
revolution of change", "‫ ﻗﻮﻟﻨ ﺎ أﯾ ﮫ ھ ﻮ اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬/yā mušīr yā
mušīr, qulina ʼaīh hwa ʼat-taġyīr/"O marshal what do you see, what
would change be??, "‫ ﺳ ﺠﻦ ﺻ ﻐﯿﺮ ﯾﺒﻘ ﻰ ﻛﺒﯿ ﺮ؟؟‬،‫"!!دة ﻣﻔﮭ ﻮﻣﻜﻢ ﻋ ﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬/dah
mfhūmkum ʻan ʼat-taġyīr, sijn suġayar yibqa kibīr/"Is this your
change perception, replacing a small jail with a larger capture" ,
"‫ ﻣ ﺶ ﺣﺎﺳ ﯿﻦ ﺑ ﺎﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿﺮ‬،‫"ﺷﯿﻠﻨﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﺟﺒﻨ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬/šilna mubārak jibna mušīr, miš
ḥasīn bit-taġyīr/"Mubarak departed, a Marshal held, no change,
however, can ever be felt", " ‫ أﻧ ﺎ ﻣ ﺶ ﺣﺎﺳ ﺲ‬،‫ﺛﻮرﺗﻨ ﺎ راﺣ ﺖ ﻓ ﯿﻦ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬
‫"ﺑ ﺎﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿﺮ‬/ṯawritna raḥit fīn yā mušīr, ʼana miš ḥasis bit-taġyīr/"O
Marshal, where has revolution gone, No change has been felt or even
done", "‫ اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ ھ ﻮ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ‬،‫ﻣ ﺶ ﻋ ﺎوزﯾﻦ ﻣﻨ ﻚ ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ‬/yā mušīr yā
mušīr, miš ʻawzīn minak taġyīr, ʼat-taġyīr hwa ʼat-taḥrīr/"O
Marshal O marshal, listen up, your change will never work up,
Tahrir has already created it up", " ،‫ ﺗﺤﺘﻚ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ و ﺑﻜﺮة ﯾﻄﯿﺮ‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ‬
‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ﺗ ﺸﻮف ﻏ ﻀﺐ اﻟﻔﻘﯿ ﺮ‬،‫"إﺣﻨﺎ طﺎﻟﺒﯿﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬/yā mušīr yā mušīr , taḥtak kursī
w bukrah yiṭīr, ʼiḥna ṭalbīn ʼat- taġyīr, bukra tišūf ġaḍab ʼalfaqīr/"O marshal behold and go, a contemporary chair is below,
change is all what we vow, poor's anger will eventually grow". The
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lexical choices of the words "‫""ﻏ ﻀﺐ‬anger", as well as "‫""ﻋ ﺎوز‬want"
which is defined according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺗﯿﻤﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬as "‫ ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ‬:‫"ﯾﻌ ﻮز‬
/yaʻūz: yurīd/ "want", shows power practiced by the revolutionists.
Several slogans are framed to direct their calls to Egyptian citizens
and the Egyptian army men as in "‫ﺑ ﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ و اﻟﺜ ﻮار‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﺟﯿﺸﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﯿ ﻚ ﺗﺨﺘ ﺎر‬/yā
jīšna ʻalīk tiḵtār, bīn ʼal-majils wi ʼal-ṯwār/"O our army it is your
own choice, either SCAF or the rebellious voice", " ،‫اﻧﺰﻟ ﻮا ﻣ ﻦ ﺑﯿﻮﺗﻜ ﻮا‬
‫ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي ﻋ ﺮا ﺑﻨ ﺎﺗﻜﻮا‬،‫ اﻧﺰﻟ ﻮا ﻣ ﻦ ﺑﯿﻮﺗﻜ ﻮا‬،‫ "طﻨﻄﺎوي ﻗﺘﻞ وﻻدﻛ ﻮا‬/ʼinzilū min byūtku,
ṭanṭāwy qatal wilādku, ʼinzilū min byūtku, ṭanṭāwi ʻara banātkū/
"come here, face the mighty killer, Tantawi has got children killed,
breast the licentious procurer ,Tantawi has got you daughters
naked", "‫ اﻟﺜ ﻮار ھﻤ ﺎ اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﺣ ﺎﻣﻮك‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮي ﻗ ﻮل ﻷﺧ ﻮك‬/yā ʻaskary qūl liʼaḵūk, ʼal-ṯwār huma ʼilly ḥamūk/" Dear soldier tell your mate,
mutineers escaped your fate", " ‫ اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ ھ ﻮ‬،‫ﯾ ﺎﻻ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺼﺮي إﺗﻜﻠ ﻢ ﻗ ﻮل‬
‫"اﻟﻤ ﺴﺌﻮل‬/yala yā maṣry itkalim qūl, ʼal-majils hwa ʼal-masʼūl/"O
Egyptian, frankly sum up, SCAF is totally caught up"," ‫ﯾ ﺎﻻ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺼﺮي‬
‫ اﻟﻄﻨﻄ ﺎوي ھ ﻮ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬، ‫"اﻧ ﺰل ﻣ ﻦ دارك‬/yala yā maṣry ʼinzl min dārak , ʼalṭanṭawī hwa mubārak/"O Egyptian come fight such mirage, Tantawi
is another Mubarak's visage". Here, the same spirit of creating public
credibility to the revolution continues exemplified in such lexical choices
as "‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮي‬،‫ أﺧ ﻮك‬،‫ وﻻدﻛ ﻮا‬،‫ ﺟﯿ ﺸﻨﺎ‬،‫ اﻧ ﻀﻤﻮا‬،‫""أھﺎﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬our people, join, our army,
your sons, your brother, O homeboy". Other lexical choices are created to
show the brutality of SCAF, as well as to create a sense of sympathy
towards revolutionists like "‫ ﺣ ﺎﻣﻮك‬،‫ ﻋ ﺮا‬،‫"ﯾﻘﺘ ﻞ‬, "kill, get naked, protecting".
According to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻ ﺮة‬, the word "‫""ﯾﻌ ﺮي‬get naked" is
defined as "‫("ﯾﻨ ﺰع ﻋﻨ ﮫ ﻣﻼﺑ ﺴﮫ‬2008, p.1490)/yanziʻ ʻanhu malābisahu/"to put
off one's clothes". The choice of this word provokes all manly feelings.
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The feeling of religious support is clear in such slogans as " ‫ﯾ ﺎ ﻋﻠ ﯿﻢ ﯾ ﺎ‬
‫ ﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا إﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ‬،‫""ﻗﺪﯾﺮ‬/yā ʻalīm yā qadīr, ḍarabu ʼiḵwatna fī ʼattaḥrīr/"O the most knowing, the one we fear, they shot our brothers
in Tahrir". Asking and recalling God's help exemplified in "‫" "ﻋﻠ ﯿﻢ‬the
most knowing" and "‫""ﻗ ﺪﯾﺮ‬the most powerful" gives the slogan a Holy
value. The same takes place in " ‫ﻗﻮﻟ ﻮا ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ واﻟﻠ ﻲ ﻣﻌ ﺎه ﻣ ﺶ ھ ﺎﻧﺮﻛﻊ ﻏﯿ ﺮ‬
"/qūlu lil-majils w ʼilly maʻāh miš hanrikaʻ ġīr lilāh/"tell the
council and those who follow, But to Allah, we'll not kneel to any
fellow". The lexical choice of the word "‫""ﯾﺮﻛ ﻊ‬kneel" which also means
"to submit" or "be the slaves of" shows the determinacy and power of the
Egyptian revolutionists, and the mention of the word "Allah" seemed to
elevate the level of religious aid and validity in revolutionists' favour.
Some reactionary slogans appear as a reaction against SCAF's and
MP men's practices as in "‫ اﻟ ﺮﯾﺲ ﯾﺒﻘ ﻰ اﻟﺠﻨ ﺰوري‬،‫"اﻹﻋ ﻼن اﻟﺪﺳ ﺘﻮري‬/ʼal-ʼiʻlān
ʼad-dustūry, ʼal-rayis yibqa ʼal-janzūry/"Constitutional declaration's
settlement is that Ganzory is the next president", which comes as a
reaction against the complementary constitutional declaration made by
SCAF along with appointing Kamal al Ganzory as a prime minister
which raised the anger of revolutionists, ‫ ﺣ ﺴﻨﻲ" ﺑ ﯿﺤﻜﻢ وﻻ‬،‫اﻟﻄ ﻮارئ ﺗ ﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﯿ ﮫ‬
‫"إﯾ ﮫ؟؟‬/ʼaṭ-ṭawāriʼ tāny līh, ḥusnī byuḥkum wala ʼaih/" O why
emergency law came back once more?? Is Husni still a ruler?? O
What for??"; a reaction against stretching the period of emergency law
after the many promises for its cancellation, " ‫ و ﻟﻮ ﺻﺎر‬،‫ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ ﺑﻼ ﺻﻼﺣﯿﺔ‬
‫"ﻟ ﯿﮭﻢ ﻣﯿ ﺔ ﺿ ﺒﻄﯿﺔ‬/ḥukm ʼal-ʻaskar bila ṣalaḥyah, w law ṣār līhum mīt
ḍabṭyah/"military rule is against legal procedure, even if it's with
their law of seizure", that is created after enacting the military seizure
law by the minister of justice, "‫ ﻋ ﺎﯾﺰ ﯾﺒﻘ ﻰ اﻟ ﺮﯾﺲ‬،‫ "اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ ﺑﯿﮭ ﯿﺲ‬/ʼal-mušīr
byhayis, ʻāyz yibqa ʼal-rayis/"the marshal suffers from hallucination,
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he seeks for presidency administration" that appears after the claims
and assumptions that Marshal, Muhammad Tantawi, is going to nominate
himself in the next presidency elections, " ‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ﻧ ﺸﯿﻠﻚ ﻣ ﻦ‬،‫رش اﻟﻤﺎﯾ ﺔ و اﻷﻟ ﻮان‬
‫"اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان‬/ruš ʼal-mayah w ʼal-ʼalwān, bukra nšīlak min ʼal-mydān/"
Sprinkle on us colors and water, Tahrir will soon make you shiver"
which comes after the second generation of the Egyptian revolution, the
25th of January, 2012, especially after some claims that police officers are
going to use colored water to separate protestors that sticks into their
bodies for months in order to be easily captured, "‫ ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ‬،‫اﻷﻟﺘ ﺮاس دول رﺟﺎﻟ ﺔ‬
‫"ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮي زﺑﺎﻟ ﺔ‬/ʼal-ʼultras dūl rijāla, majlis ʻaskary zibāla/"the Ultras
are praiseworthy, while SCAF is so filthy", " ‫ راس‬،‫اﻷﻟﺘ ﺮاس ﻗﺎﻟﮭ ﺎ ﺧ ﻼص‬
‫ راس اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ ھ ﻲ اﻟ ﺪوري‬،‫ اﻷﻟﺘ ﺮاس أھ ﻼوي و ﺛ ﻮري‬،‫ "اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ ھ ﻲ اﻟﻜ ﺎس‬/ʼal-ʼultras
qalha ḵalās, rās ʼal-mušīr hyā ʼal-kās, ʼal-ultras ʼahlāwī w ṯawrī, rās
ʼal-mušīr hyā ʼal-dawrī/ "the Ultras has a new bargain, the field
marshal is the gain, we'll protest without fatigue, his head is the
league" which both come after the accidents of Ultrass members in Port
Said, and "‫ ﻋﻨ ﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺗﻨ ﺎ ھ ﺎﻧﻘﻄﻊ إﯾ ﺪك‬،‫"ﺑﺪﻟ ﺔ ﺟﯿ ﺸﻚ ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﺗﻔﯿ ﺪك‬/badlit jīšak miš
hatfīdak, ʻand banatna haniqṭaʻ ʼīdak/"your military suit will make
no use, against our daughters, we refuse". Most of lexical choices
reflect the state of power as well as dominance that revolutionists have as
the use of interrogative, exclamatory formats "‫""ﻟﯿ ﮫ‬why", as well as
words like "‫ ""رﺟﺎﻟ ﺔ‬men", "‫ ""ﺛ ﻮري‬revolutionists", "‫" "ﻧ ﺸﯿﻠﻚ‬throw you
away", "‫""ﻧﻘﻄ ﻊ‬cut" to describe the revolutionists' power, as well as the
choice of such words "‫""زﺑﺎﻟ ﺔ‬rubbish", "‫""ﻻ ﺻ ﻼﺣﯿﺔ‬with no legitimacy",
and "‫ ""ﯾﮭ ﯿﺲ‬hallucinate"; a slang newly-coined word that means suffering
from hallucinations, in order to depict the humility and insanity of SCAF
members and their actions.
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Enthusiastic slogans appear in anti-SCAF slogans as in " ‫ﺛﻮرﺗﻨ ﺎ ﺛ ﻮرة‬
"‫ ﻣﺠﻠ ﺴﻜﻢ ﻣ ﻦ ﻏﯿ ﺮ ﺻ ﻼﺣﯿﺔ‬،‫"ﺷﻌﺒﯿﺔ‬/ṯawritna ṯawrah šaʻbyah, majliskum min
ġīr salaḥyah/" Our revolution is for all population, your council has
no validation", " ‫ ﺣﺮﻛ ﺔ وطﻨﯿ ﺔ واﺣ ﺪة ﺿ ﺪ اﻟ ﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﻠ ﻲ‬،‫ ﻛﺘﻔ ﻲ ﻓ ﻲ ﻛﺘﻔ ﻚ‬،‫وﺣ ﺪ ﺻ ﻔﻚ‬
‫"ﺑﺘ ﺪﺑﺤﻨﺎ‬/waḥid ṣafak, kitfī fī kitfak, ḥaraka waṭanyā waḥda ḍid ʼalṣulṭa ʼillī btidbaḥna/"Hurry up, unify our human line, your shoulder
is against mine, let our patriotism face, the authority that kills", " ‫ﻗ ﻮم‬
‫ ﻟ ﺴﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﻠﯿ ﻮن ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﻣﺼﺮي اﻧﺰل ﻣﻦ دارك‬/qūm yā maṣry ʼinzil min dārak,
lisa fīh milyūn mubārak/"O Egyptian get out of your home, millions
of Mubarak still loams", "‫ ﻟ ﻦ ﯾﺤﻜﻤﻨ ﺎ رﺋ ﯿﺲ أرﻛ ﺎن‬،‫اﺷ ﮭﺪ اﺷ ﮭﺪ ﯾ ﺎ زﻣ ﺎن‬/ʼišhad
ʼišhad yā zamān, lan yaḥkumnā raʼyīs ʼarkān/"Innocent age, eye no
more grief, the governor will not be a staff chief", "‫ﻛﻠﻤ ﺔ واﺣ ﺪة و ﻏﯿﺮھ ﺎ‬
‫ اﻟ ﺴﯿﺎﺳﺔ ﻣ ﺶ ﻟﻠﺠ ﯿﺶ‬،‫"ﻣﻔ ﯿﺶ‬/kilma waḥada w ġirha mafīš, ʼas-syāsah miš
lil-jīš/"a single phrase without any linkage, SCAF has no political
knowledge". The word "‫ "وطﻨﯿ ﺔ‬is derived from "‫"اﻟ ﻮطﻦ‬/al-waṭan/ which is
defined according to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, as "‫("اﻟﺒﻠ ﺪ‬1993, p.1042). So, the choices
which bear the enthusiastic spirit, as in " ،‫ ﻗ ﻮم‬،‫ وطﻨﯿ ﺔ‬،‫ ﺣﺮﻛ ﺔ‬،‫ ﻛﺘﻔ ﻲ‬،‫ ﺻ ﻔﻚ‬، ‫وﺣ ﺪ‬
‫ ﺷ ﻌﺒﯿﺔ‬،‫ ﻟ ﻦ‬،‫ ﻛﻠﻤ ﺔ واﺣ ﺪة‬،‫""اﻧ ﺰل‬unify, your line, my shoulder, movement,
national, rise, go down, one single word, never, public" which reflect all
the meanings of power, public credibility as well as enthusiasm against
military power and brutality. The employment of the Oath style ‫"اﺷ ﮭﺪ ﯾ ﺎ‬
‫ "زﻣ ﺎن‬shows the great power and dominance occupied by the Egyptian
masses against the SCAF. The idiomatic expressions "‫""ﻛﻠﻤ ﺔ واﺣ ﺪة‬one
definite order" and "‫""ﻏﯿﺮھﺎ ﻣﺎﻓﯿﺶ‬nothing more" stress the same function.
The same powerful tone is apparent in several other slogans as in
"‫ ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ ﺑ ﺢ ﺧ ﻼص‬،‫"ﻣﺶ ھﺎﯾﻔﯿﺪك ﻏ ﺎز و رﺻ ﺎص‬/miš hayfīdak ġāz w ruṣāṣ,
ḥukm ʼal-ʻaskar baḥ ḵalāṣ/" tear gas and bullets are no more useful,
the military reign is not remorseful ". The word "‫" "ﺑ ﺢ‬finished" is
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defined according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺗﯿﻤﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬as " ‫ﺗﻘﺎل ﻟﻸطﻔ ﺎل ﺑﻤﻌﻨ ﻰ ﻓ ﺮغ‬
‫("او اﻧﺘﮭ ﻲ‬2002, p.113) /tuqāl lil-ʼaṭfāl bimʻana faruġa ʼaw ʼintaha/ "It is
said to kids meaning It is done or finished". The lexical choice of the
word "‫""ﺑ ﺢ‬finished" followed by the lexical choice "‫""ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﯾﻔﯿ ﺪ‬will make
no use" shows the great powerful position occupied by the revolutionists
against the childish less powerful position occupied by the SCAF. The
same can be traced in a slogan like " ‫ إﻧﺘ ﻮا ﺟﮭ ﻨﻢ و إﺣﻨ ﺎ‬،‫ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﯾﻔﯿ ﺪك ﻛ ﺎب و ﺑﯿ ﺎدة‬
‫""ﺷ ﮭﺎدة‬/miš hayfīdak kāb w byāda, ʼintu jahanam w ʼiḥna
šihādah/"your cap and belt will make no use, martyrdom is ours and
Hell is yours". The similar lexical choice of the word "‫ "ﯾﻔﯿ ﺪ‬is used for the
same influence. The powerful lexical choices of "‫""ﺷ ﮭﺎدة‬martyrdom" as
the reasonable destiny of revolutionists, and "‫""ﺟﮭ ﻨﻢ‬hell" as the logical
destiny of SCAF members, police men and MP men provide
revolutionists with a great powerful holiness as opposed to the filthiness
imposed on the other part. The word "‫ "ﺷ ﮭﺎدة‬is the slang equivalent for
"‫ "اﻻﺳﺘﺸﮭﺎد‬/ʼal-ʼistišhād/ which is defined according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as "‫اﻟﻘﺘ ﻞ‬
‫("ﻓ ﻲ ﺳ ﺒﯿﻞ ﷲ‬1993, p.497)/ʼal- qatl fī sabīl ʼallah/"being killed for God's
sake" and that works positively for the revolutionists and negatively
against SCAF men who would occupy their place in "‫""ﺟﮭﻨﻢ‬the Hell".
3.2.1.2.Negativity of Lexical Choices
Negative lexical choices are clear in slogans like " ‫ﺟﯿ ﺸﻨﺎ ﻓ ﻮق اﻟ ﺮاس‬
‫ و اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ ﺗ ﺎﺑﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﺨﻠ ﻮع‬،‫""ﻣﺮﻓ ﻮع‬/jīšna fūʼ ʼal-rās marfūʻ, wa ʼal-majlis
tābiʻ lil-maḵlūʻ/"Our army, above our heads is being raised, and the
council is the follower of the deposed". The choice of the word
"‫""ﻣﺮﻓ ﻮع‬raised" reflects ideologically the revolutionists' respect for their
army. The word "‫""ﻣﺨﻠ ﻮع‬deposed" is defined according to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ‬
‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻ ﺮة‬as ‫("ﺧﻠ ﻊ اﻟ ﻮاﻟﻲ ﻣ ﻦ ﻣﻨ ﺼﺒﮫ ﻓﮭ ﻮ ﻣﺨﻠ ﻮع‬2008, p.682) /ḵalaʻ ʼal-wāly min
manṣibahu fahwa maḵlūʻ/ "to oust the ruler from his position, and the
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ousted ruler is deposed". The word "‫" "ﺗ ﺎﺑﻊ‬follower" is defined in ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ‬
‫ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as "‫ أﻣ ﯿﻦ ﺳ ﺮ‬،‫("اﻟﺨ ﺎدم‬1993, p.81)/ʼal-ḵādim, ʼamīn ʼal-sir/"the servant,
or the secret holder". The word "‫" "ﻣﺨﻠ ﻮع‬deposed" is used ideologically to
insult Husni Mubarak, the Egyptian former president. Connecting the
SCAF with the deposed president by the choice of the word
"‫""ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬follower" serves as a kind of accusation against the SCAF.
The rejection of the idea of the Military state is also highlighted in
several slogans like "‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ ﺳ ﺠﻦ وﻻ إﯾ ﮫ؟؟؟‬،‫"!ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ ﻟﯿ ﮫ‬/ʻaskar
ʻaskar ʻaskar līh, ʼiḥna fī sijn wala ʼīh/" why troops are very
deployed, have all citizens been detained?!", or more literally, "a
military rule and soldiers for what?? Are we in jail or what??!!", "
!‫ ﻣ ﺶ ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ وﻻ إﯾ ﮫ؟‬،‫ "!ﺳﻮر ﻋﺎﻟﻲ و ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﻟﯿﮫ‬/sūr ʻālī wa ʻskar līh, miš baladna
walla ʼīh/"Barricades and soldiers are in streets, is this how
SCAF,the citizens, treats?!", or more literally "a high wall and
soldiers for what, isn't it our country or what?!", as well as " ‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﯾﺤﻜ ﻢ‬
‫ اﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻛﺘﯿﺒ ﺔ وﻻ إﯾ ﮫ‬،‫"ﻣ ﺪﻧﻲ ﻟﯿ ﮫ‬/ʻaskar yuḥkum madany līh, ʼiḥnā katībah
walla ʼīh/" why does the military reign, a battalion is it or a chain?!"
or more literally "a soldier to rule a civilian for what?? Is it a
battalion or what?!". The use of exclamation mark is an "‫"اﺳ ﺘﻨﻜﺎر‬
/ʼistinkār/ "condemnation" against military practices. The lexical choices
of "‫"ﺳ ﺠﻦ‬/sijn/"prison", which is defined in "‫"ﻣﺨﺘ ﺎر اﻟ ﺼﺤﺎح‬/muḵtār ʼalṣaḥāḥ/ as "‫ أي اﻟﻤﻜﺎن اﻟﺬي ﯾﺤ ﺒﺲ ﻓﯿ ﮫ اﻟ ﺴﺠﯿﻦ‬:‫ اﻟﻤﺤﺒﺲ‬:‫("اﻟﺴﺠﻦ‬1911, p.532)/ʼal-sijn:
ʼal-maḥbas: ʼay ʼal-makān ʼalaḏī yuḥbas fīh ʼal-sajīn/"Prison: jail: the
place where a prisoner is being kept", and "‫"ﺳ ﻮر‬/sūr/"barricade" which is
defined in ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻮﺳﯿﻂ‬as "‫("ﻛﻞ ﻣ ﺎ ﯾﺤ ﯿﻂ ﺑﺎﻟ ﺸﺊ ﻣ ﻦ ﺑﻨ ﺎء أو ﻏﯿ ﺮه‬1993, p.462)/kul
mā yuḥīt bi ʼal- šayʼ min bināʼ ʼaw ġayrahu/ "what surrounds something;
building or something else", support the revolutionists' point of view as
well as emphasize the miserable status the citizens were undergoing
70
under the reign of SCAF. The same happens with the choices of "‫"ﺻ ﮭﺎﯾﻨﺔ‬
"Zionists" and "‫""ﻛﺘﯿﺒ ﺔ‬battalion" which is defined as "‫("ﻓﺮﻗ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺠ ﯿﺶ‬1993,
p.775)/firqah min ʼal- jayš/a group of army soldiers", according to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ‬
‫اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, which give the impression that there is a state of war between the
army men and the Egyptian civilians.
Several accusations are directed against SCAF in slogans like " ‫إﺗﻨ ﯿﻦ‬
‫ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ و اﻹﺧ ﻮان‬،‫"ﻣ ﺎﻟﮭﻮﻣﺶ أﻣ ﺎن‬/ʼitnīn malhumš ʼamān, ʼal-ʻaskar wa ʼalʼiḵwān/"two can never be trusted now, military soldiers and
Ikhwan* (Muslim brethrens)", "‫ ﯾﺒﻘ ﻰ اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻛﻠ ﮫ ﯾﻐ ﻮر‬،‫"اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ ﺷ ﺎھﺪ زور‬
/ʼal-mušīr šāhid zūr, yibqa ʼal-majlis kuluh yiġūr/"the marshal is a
fraudulent witness, so SCAF will get no forgiveness", " ‫اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﻟ ﺴﺔ ﺑﯿﺤﻤ ﻲ‬
‫ ﻋﻤ ﺮه ﻣ ﺎ ﯾﺤﻤ ﻲ داري و دارك‬،‫ "ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬/ʼillī lisah byiḥmi mubārak, ʻumru mā
yiḥmī dārī w dārak/" those who aspire to guard Mubarak, can never
guard another sidetrack", " ‫ ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ ﻋ ﺎر و‬،‫اﻛﺘ ﺐ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺣﯿﻄ ﺔ اﻟﺰﻧﺰاﻧ ﺔ‬
‫"ﺧﯿﺎﻧ ﺔ‬/ʼiktib ʻala ḥyṭit ʼaz-zinzānah,
ḥukm ʼal-ʻaskar
ʻār
w
ḵyānah/"Record on the wall of prison, military rule is shame and
treason", "‫ ﺳ ﻨﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠ ﺔ وﻻ ﺣﺘ ﻰ دوﻻر‬،‫"آه ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻋ ﺎر‬/āh yā majlis ʻār, sana
kamlah wala ḥata dulār/"O a SCAF of shame, where is our money,
One year without any single penny?!", " 70 ‫ راﺣ ﻮا ﻓ ﯿﻦ‬،‫آه ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻋ ﺎر‬
‫"ﻣﻠﯿ ﺎر‬/āh yā majlis ʻār, rāḥu fīn 70 milyār/"O a SCAF of shame, what
did you do, where 70 billions were to go?!", " ‫ اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ‬،‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ ﺑﯿﻘ ﻮل ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬
‫"ﻛﻠ ﮫ ﺣﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬/ʼat-taḥrīr byqūl ḥuryah, ʼal-majlis kuluh ḥarāmyah/
"liberty is the main Tahrir's call, a group of thieves is SCAF, all",
"‫ ﻣ ﺶ ﺑﯿﺤﻤ ﻲ اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬،‫"دوﻻ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ ﻛ ﺬاﺑﯿﻦ‬/dūla ʻaskar kaḏabīn, miš byiḥmī
ʼal-maṣryīn/"those are military pretenders, not protecting the
Egyptians", "‫ اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗ ﻚ ﺑ ﺎﻟﺘﺰوﯾﺮ‬،‫"ﺑﺎﻧ ﺖ ﺑﺎﻧ ﺖ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬/bānit bānit yā mušīr,
ʼintiḵābātak bil-tazwīr/ "O Marshal, it's clear now, your elections are
purely sham", "‫ و إﻧ ﺖ ﺷ ﻌﺒﻚ ﺑﯿ ﺴﯿﻞ اﻟ ﺪم‬،‫ ﻓﯿﻦ اﻻﻣﻦ‬،‫"ﻓﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬/fīn ʼal-majlis,
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fīn ʼal-amn, w ʼinta šaʻbak bysīl ʼal-dam/"where is the council, where
is security, and your people are bleeding frequently", "،‫ﻗﺎﻟﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨﺎ ﺑﻠﻄﺠﯿﺔ‬
‫ ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﯾﺤ ﺎﻛﻤﻮا اﻟﻌ ﺼﺒﺠﯿﺔ‬،‫ ﺣﻜﻤ ﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮﯾﺔ‬،‫ "ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ ﺣﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬/qālu ʻalīna
baltajyah, qālu ʻalīna ḥarāmyah, ḥakamu ʻalīna ʻaskaryah, miš
hayḥakmu ʼal-ʻiṣbajyah/ "they named us thugs and robbers, they
sentenced us by military troopers, and left untouched the grand
gangsters", "‫ رﻣ ﻮا ﺷ ﮭﺪاءﻧﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺰﺑﺎﻟ ﺔ‬،‫"ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺤﺜﺎﻟ ﺔ‬/majlis ʻaskar
min ʼal-ḥuṯālah, ramu šuhadāʼna fī ʼal-zibālah/" A military council
of refuse, in drags, threw our own martyrs", " ‫ ﺟﻨ ﺪي‬،‫ﯾﺎدي اﻟﺬل و ﯾﺎدي اﻟﻌ ﺎر‬
‫"ﺿ ﺮب أﺧ ﻮه ﺑﺎﻟﻨ ﺎر‬/yādī ʼal-ḏul w yādī ʼalʻār, jundy ḍarab ʼaḵūh bilnār/"how scandalous, what a decoy, a soldiers shoots his homeboy",
and "‫ ﺷ ﺎﻟﻮا اﻟﻜﻠ ﺐ و ﺟ ﺎﺑﻮ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬،‫"ﺿ ﺤﻜﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ و ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬/ḍiḥku ʻalīna w qālū
taġyīr, šālu ʼal-kalb w jābū mušīr/"they beguiled us, "change" they
claimed, the dog is ousted and a marshal came", " ‫ﺿ ﺤﻜﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ و ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا‬
‫ و ﺑﯿﺤﻜﻤﻮﻧ ﺎ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮﯾﺔ‬،‫"ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬/ḍiḥkū ʻalīna wi qalū ḥuryah w byḥakmūna
ʻaskaryah/"they deceived us and said liberty, and our trials are done
by military", "‫ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺛ ﻮرﺗﻜﻢ ﯾ ﺎ أﺣ ﺮار‬،‫"ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ ﻟ ﻒ و دار‬/majlis ʻaskar laf
w dār, ʻala ṯawritkum yā ʼaḥrār/"The military council has been
evasive, against your revolution O liberate native", " ‫ﺷ ﺎﻟﻮا ﺣ ﺴﻨﻲ ﺟ ﺎﺑﻮ‬
‫ داھﯿ ﺔ ﺗﺎﺧ ﺪھﻢ اﻷﺗﻨ ﯿﻦ‬،‫"ﺣ ﺴﯿﻦ‬/šālū ḥusny jābu ḥusīn, dahyā taḵudhum ʼilʼitnīn/"They ousted Husni and Hussein came, what the Hell, they're
the same", "‫ رﻣ ﻮا اﻟﺜ ﻮار ﻓ ﻲ اﻟ ﺴﺠﻮن‬،‫"ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا ﻋﺪاﻟ ﺔ و ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا ﻗ ﺎﻧﻮن‬/qālū ʻadāla w
qālū qanūn, ramū ʼal- ṯwār fī ʼil-sijūn/"justice and law, they have
claimed, in jails our brothers have been detained", " ‫ﻗﻮﻟﻨ ﺎ ﻋ ﯿﺶ ﻋﺪاﻟ ﺔ‬
‫ و ﺑﯿﺤﺎﻛﻤﻮﻧ ﺎ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮﯾﺔ‬،‫"ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬/qūlna ʻīš ʻadālah ḥuryāh w byḥakmūna
ʻaskaryah/ "we said bread, justice and free lifestyle, they are
subjecting us to military trial". As one can notice, Egyptians have long
called for change as a basic element of democracy. When SCAF took the
reign and no change is being felt, slogans started to play on that theme.
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Lexical choices are used ideologically to give the impression that no
change is being made in Egypt during the SCAF's rule. Lexical choices of
the words "‫ دار‬،‫ ﻟ ﻒ‬،‫ ﺳ ﺠﻮن‬،‫ رﻣ ﻮا‬،‫ ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮ‬،‫ ﺑﯿﺤﺎﻛﻤﻮﻧ ﺎ‬،‫ ﺳ ﺠﻦ‬،‫ ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا‬،‫ ""ﺿﺤﻜﻮا‬beguiled,
claimed, prison, sentencing us, said, threw, jails, evasive, go around"
show the miserable status underwent by revolutionists under the reign of
the SCAF. The same is clear in the lexical choices of " ‫ ﻣ ﺶ‬،‫ داھﯿ ﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻜﻠ ﺐ‬
‫""ﻋ ﺎوزﯾﻦ‬the dog, Hell, we do not want". According to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ‬
‫اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬, the word "‫"دھ ﻮة‬/dahwa/"Hell" is defined as "‫("ﻧ ﺪاء ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺠ ﻊ‬2002,
p.296)/nidāʼ liltafajuʻ/"a call for lamentation" which serves as a way of
showing misery concerning their status under SCAF's reign. The lexical
choices"‫ اﺣ ﺮار‬،‫ ﺣﺎﺳ ﺲ‬،‫ ط ﺎﻟﺒﯿﻦ‬،‫ ﻋ ﺎوزﯾﻦ‬،‫"ﺣﺎﺳ ﯿﻦ‬sensing, wanting, calling for,
sensing, liberators" show that people are the grand upper hand to decide.
Other Several lexical choices are negatively used as accusations to
SCAF as in "‫"أﻣﺎن‬trust" which is defined according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ‬as
"‫ "اﻟﺜﻘ ﺔ ﺑ ﯿﻦ اﻟﻨ ﺎس‬/ʼaṯ- ṯiqah bayna ʼan- nās/ (2002, p.185)"trust between
people". The negation of this word is used to give a negative picture
against the SCAF. Other lexical choices are used for the same function as
"‫""ﻋﺼﺒﺠﯿﺔ‬gangsters" which is defined according to ‫ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺗﯿﻤﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ‬
‫ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬as "‫("اﻟﻌ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ ﻣ ﻦ اﻷوﺑ ﺎش ﯾﺘ ﻀﺎرﺑﻮن‬2002, p.181)/ʼal-ʻiṣābah min ʼalʼawbāš ytḍarabūn/"a gang of thugs fighting", "‫""زﺑﺎﻟ ﺔ‬garbage" which is
defined according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺗﯿﻤﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬as "‫("ﻣﺎ ﯾﺠﻤﻌ ﮫ اﻟﺰﺑ ﺎل‬2002,
p.122)/mā yajmaʻahu ʼal-zabāl/"what a rubbish man collects" , ،‫"ﺗﺰوﯾ ﺮ‬
"‫"زور‬fraud", and "‫""ﻋ ﺎر‬shame". All these words are considered as an
insult against SCAF and military men
and reflects the humility of
military men as well as highlighting their brutality against the Egyptian
people "‫" "أﺧﻮه‬brother", "‫""ﺷﻌﺒﮫ‬people", "‫""ﻧﺎﺳﮫ‬homeboys".
Satirical tone is obvious in several slogans like " ‫ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ ﺻ ﺒﺎح‬
‫ و إﻧ ﺖ رﺋﯿ ﺴﻚ ﻣﻠﯿ ﺎردﯾﺮ‬،‫"اﻟﺨﯿ ﺮ‬/majlis ʻasakar ṣabāḥ ʼal-ḵīr, w ʼinta raʼīsak
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milyārdīr/"we re aware, SCAF is extremely fair, their chief is even a
multi- millionaire". In Egyptian slang, the word "‫""ﺻ ﺒﺎح اﻟﺨﯿ ﺮ‬Good
morning" can be satirically used as a means of insult . The same is
obvious in "‫ ﻻزم ﯾﺮﺟ ﻊ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﺜﻜﻨ ﺎت‬،‫"ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﮭﻮات‬/majlis ʻaskar min
ʼal-bahawāt, lāzim yirjaʻ ʻala ʼaṯ-ṯakanāt/"A council of military
humpbacks (Bieks), must go back to barracks". The same satirical
lexical choice is clear also in this slogan. The word "‫"ﺑﯿ ﮫ‬/bīh/"Biek" is
defined according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬as " ‫ﻟﻘ ﺐ ﯾﻄﻠ ﻖ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻧﺨﺒ ﺔ‬
‫("اﻟﺒﻠ ﺪ‬2002, p.89) /laqab yuṭlaq ʻala nuḵbat ʼal-balad/"a title for Elites in a
certain country". This word is used satirically in Egypt as an insult to
someone. The lexical choice of the word "‫""ﻻزم‬must", which is defined
according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬as "‫"ﻛﻠﻤ ﺔ ﺗ ﺪل ﻋﻠ ﻰ وﺟ ﻮب اﻟ ﺸﺊ‬
(2002, p.285) /kalima tadul ʻala wijūb ʼaš-šayʼ/ "a word which refers to
the necessity of doing something", puts a great power on behalf of the
revolutionists as opposed to the SCAF or military men. In " ‫ﯾ ﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﺑﺘ ﺴﺄل ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬
‫ اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ ﺧ ﺎﯾﻦ و ﻋﻤﯿ ﻞ‬،‫"اﻟﺘﻤﻮﯾ ﻞ‬/yallī btisʼal ʻala ʼal-tamwīl, ʼal-majlis ḵāyn
w ʻamīl/"who asks for foreign funding agency, the council has a
collaborating policy", the slogan comes as a reaction against the
accusations which were raised by SCAF and were believed by the
ordinary people. The lexical choice of "‫ ﻋﻤﯿ ﻞ‬،‫"ﺧ ﺎﯾﻦ‬traitor, collaborator"
works negatively against the SCAF.
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3.2.1.3. Positivity of Lexical Choices
Several other slogans appear like " ‫ ﺑﯿﻘﻰ ﻣﻜﺎن اﻟﻤﺠ ﺮم‬،‫ﻟﻤﺎ اﻟﺸﺮﻓﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺰﻧﺎزﯾﻦ‬
‫"ﻓ ﯿﻦ‬/lama ʼaš-šurafā fī ʼaz-zanāzīn, yibqā makān ʼal-mujrim
fīn/"Honorable people are in jails so, where criminals are to go?!".
The lexical choice of the word "‫""ﺷ ﺮﻓﺎ‬honorable", describing the
revolutionists captured by military powers in military jails, elevates the
revolutionists' position over the military armed man, especially Tantawi
who is described as "criminal""‫ "ﻣﺠ ﺮم‬in the same slogan. The use of the
condemnation style gives revolutionists the power as well as the right to
ask and to object.
Table 7: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Anti-SCAF Slogans
Lexicalization
Positivity
"our people"‫أھﺎﻟﯿﻨﺎ‬
"honorable"‫ﺷﺮﻓﺎ‬
Negativity
"shame"‫ﻋﺎر‬
"criminal"‫ﻣﺠﺮم‬
"destroy"‫ﺧﺮب‬
Power-based
"down with"‫ﯾﺴﻘﻂ‬
"decided"‫ﻗﺮر‬
"traitor"‫ﻋﻤﯿﻞ‬
"rubbish"‫زﺑﺎﻟﺔ‬
Overlexicalization is frequently made in framing Anti SCAF slogans.
One can find a variety of lexical items which are used to refer to the same
concept as in
"‫ وطﻨﯿ ﺔ‬،‫""ﺷ ﻌﺒﯿﺔ‬popular, patriotic", " ،‫ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ اﻟﺤﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ‬
‫""طﻨﻄ ﺎوي‬Marshal, military marshal, Tantawi", " ‫ ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ‬،‫ اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ‬،‫ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬
‫ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫""ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮي‬military rule, the council, military council, the soldiers".
Overlexicalization is employed here in order to stress the previously
mentioned concepts or ideas.
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3.2.1.4. Metaphors
Metaphors are applied in order to reflect both positive and negative
views underlying different ideologies as in " ‫ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫اﺳﻤﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﺤﺮة‬
‫"" ﯾﻄﻠ ﻊ ﺑ ﺮة‬listen to Egypt's free word, SCAF must go away and get out", in
which Egypt is personalized and is given the characteristics of a human
being as well as describing Egypt's call of being free in order to elevate
the value of the revolutionary call.
A negative feeling is reflected in slogans like " ،‫اﺳ ﻤﻊ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ اﻟﺤﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ‬
‫ "ھﺎﻧﺤ ﺎﻛﻢ ﻛ ﻞ اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬Hear us and listen O the marshal of military school,
we'll charge all thieves", in which revolutionists described SCAF
members as well as Mubarak's men of being thieves. In " ‫اﺿ ﺮب ﻏ ﺎز اﺿ ﺮب‬
"‫ ﻗﻠﺒﻨ ﺎ ﻣﯿ ﺖ ﻣ ﺎﯾﮭﻤﻮش‬،‫ " "ﺧﺮط ﻮش‬Shot us with gas and rubber bullets, our heart
is dead and does not care", the revolutionists' hearts are positively
described as "dead" in order to reflect their courage. In " ‫اﻷﻟﺘ ﺮاس ﻗﺎﻟﮭ ﺎ‬
‫ راس اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ ھ ﻲ‬،‫ اﻷﻟﺘ ﺮاس أھ ﻼوي و ﺛ ﻮري‬،‫ راس اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ ھ ﻲ اﻟﻜ ﺎس‬،‫"ﺧ ﻼص‬
‫"اﻟ ﺪوري‬Ultrass has already said it, marshal's head is the cup, Ultrass is
Ahlawy and a revolutionary one, marshal's head is the league", the
marshal's head is described as the Cup and the league of the Egyptian
football team; which originally means that it is the Ultrass's goal to gain
the Marshal's head in order to emphasize the theme of revenge. In " ‫اﻟﻠ ﻲ‬
‫ ﻣ ﺎ ﯾﺤﻜﻤ ﺶ ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬،‫"ﯾﻌ ﺮي ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬/ʼillī yʼarī maṣr, mayḥkumš maṣr" that who gets
Egypt naked, can never rule Egypt", Egypt is personified and pictured as
a girl or a woman who gets naked forcefully by the SCAF in order to
refer negatively to the horrible brutality practiced by SCAF men
especially after the accident of getting one of the female revolutionists in
the street while protesting against SCAF rule.
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In "‫ و ﻟ ﺴﺔ ﻛﻼﺑ ﮫ ﺑ ﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬،‫"ﺣ ﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﺳ ﺎب اﻟﻘ ﺼﺮ‬/ḥusnī mubārak sāb
ʼal-qaṣr, w-lisah kilābuh bituḥkum maṣr/" Hosni Mubarak left the palace
and his dogs are still reigning, Alas!", SCAF or military men are
described as "‫" "ﻛ ﻼب‬dogs" which is an insult against them. In " ‫راﯾ ﺢ ﯾﻜ ﺸﻒ‬
‫ و ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﺤ ﺪود ﻋﺎﻣ ﻞ وﻟﯿ ﺔ‬،‫"ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻌﺬرﯾ ﺔ‬/rāyḥ yikšif ʻala ʼal-ʻuḏrya, wʻala ʼalḥidūd ʻāmil wilyah/" he vows to check virginity and on borderlines is
playing women's role", SCAF men are described as women facing their
own enemies in order to insult their own manhood following the incidents
of checking the virginity of female revolutionists.
Another insulting effect is apparent in " ‫ ﺷ ﺎﻟﻮا‬،‫ﺿ ﺤﻜﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ و ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬
‫ "اﻟﻜﻠ ﺐ و ﺟ ﺎﺑﻮا ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬they beguiled us and said change, then they ousted the
dog and brought a marshal", in which Mubarak is being described as
"‫"اﻟﻜﻠ ﺐ‬/ʼal-kalb/"the dog" in order to negatively refer to Mubarak and his
filthy character. In "‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﺻ ﮭﺎﯾﻨﺔ وﻻ إﯾ ﮫ‬،‫ ﻟﯿ ﮫ‬،‫ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫ "ﻋﺴﻜﺮ‬ʻaskar ʻaskar
ʻaskar līh, ʼiḥna ṣahaynah walla īh/why soldiers, for reign, are earnest,
have all citizens been Zionists?!", Egyptians are described as Zionists
which seems to be the only justification for living under the military rule.
The atmosphere depicted here is that of war. As for revolutionists, the
only condition to see military men is through a war against Zionists. In
"‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻛﺘﯿﺒ ﺔ وﻻ إﯾ ﮫ‬،‫""ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﯾﺤﻜﻢ ﻣ ﺪﻧﻲ ﻟﯿ ﮫ‬a soldier to rule a civilian for what, are
we a battalion or what?!", Egyptians are described as "‫"ﻛﺘﯿﺒ ﺔ‬/katībah/" a
military battalion" which also seems to be the only justification for living
under the military rule. Military men should only rule their battalions in
their camps, according to revolutionists' point of views. The same
metaphor is apparent in "‫" ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ ﻣ ﺼﺮ دوﻟ ﺔ ﻣ ﺶ ﻣﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬down
with down with military rule, Egypt is a state not a camp" in which Egypt
is being described as a military camp in order to refer negatively to SCAF
rule.
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In " ‫ ﻣ ﺶ ھ ﺎﯾﺤﻜﻤﻮا‬،‫ ﺣﻜﻤ ﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮﯾﺔ‬،‫ ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ ﺣﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬،‫ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮ ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ ﺑﻠﻄﺠﯿ ﺔ‬
‫""اﻟﻌ ﺼﺒﺠﯿﺔ‬they named us thugs and thieves, they executed us to military
trials, they will never judge against gangsters", the last Egyptian regime's
figures are described as "‫ ""ﻋ ﺼﺒﺠﯿﺔ‬gangster". The same comes about in
"‫ ﯾ ﺎ ﻋ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﻌﯿﻨﮭ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬،‫""ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﯿﻦ إﺧﺘﺎرك‬/qūlī yā majlis mīn iḵtārak, yā
ʻiṣābah miʻayenha mubārak"/"Tell me O council who did choose you??
You're a gang, appointed by Mubarak", in which SCAF is described as
"‫""ﻋ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ‬gang" in order to paint a negative picture against them. The same
is clear in "‫ و إﻧﺘ ﻮا ﯾ ﺎدوب ﺷ ﻠﺔ ﺣﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬،‫""ﻗﻮﻟﺘﻮﻟﻨ ﺎ إﺣﻨ ﺎ اﻟ ﺸﺮﻋﯿﺔ‬you told us that you
are the legitimacy while you are just a group of thieves", in which SCAF
is being described as a group of thieves.
In "‫ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﺤﻤﺎر‬،‫"ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ذل و ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺎر‬/majlis ḏul w majlis ʻār,
yasquṭ yasquṭ ʼal-ḥumār/ "A council of shame and disgrace, down with
the damned jackass", the field marshal, Muhammad Hussein Tantawi is
described as a "donkey" which serves as an insult against his own thought
and mind. This metaphor was first used by Ziyad Al 'limy, the former
parliamentary member, which he used to describe Tantawi. The same
happens in that slogan as a means of humiliating and insulting SCAF and
Tantawi.
The same occurs in describing Tantawi's followers as in " ،‫ﻣ ﺶ ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻨ ﮫ‬
‫ وﻻ ﻛﻼﺑ ﮫ وﻻ زﻧﺎزﯾﻨ ﮫ‬،‫""ﻣ ﺶ ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻨ ﮫ‬/miš ʻayzīnuh, miš ʻayzīnuh, wala kilābuh
wala zanāzīnuh/"Egypt does not want, and never looks, for neither his
prisons nor his dogs" in which SCAF's followers are insulted and
described as being "‫""ﻛ ﻼب‬dogs" which gives them a humiliating picture.
In "‫ ﺳ ﺮﻗﻮﻛﻲ ﺑﺘ ﻮع اﻟﺤﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ‬،‫ ﯾ ﺎ وﺳ ﯿﺔ‬،‫ ﯾ ﺎ ﺗﻜﯿ ﺔ‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬/yā baladna, yā tikyah ,yā
wisyah, saraqūky bitūʻ ʼal-ḥarbyah/" O our lovely homeland, you're a
hospice or a private state, stolen by a military hand", Egypt is described
78
as a private property stolen my SCAF in order to reflect negatively the
brutality of the SCAF.
In "‫ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي ﺑﯿﻨ ﺎ و ﺑﯿﻨ ﻚ‬،‫ "ﯾ ﺎ ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ ﻓﯿﻨ ﻚ ﻓﯿﻨ ﻚ‬O liberty why do not you
convene, Tantawi is intervening in between", Tantawi is described as an
obstacle between the revolutionists and their goal, freedom, which is a
justification for revolting against him and his SCAF. In " ‫ﯾ ﺎ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي ارﺣ ﻞ‬
‫ ﺧﻠ ﻲ اﻟﺜ ﻮرة ﺗ ﺸﻮف اﻟﻨ ﻮر‬،‫""ﻏ ﻮر‬O Tantawi go away, let revolution see the
light", the Egyptian revolution is personified and liberty is being
described as "‫""ﻧﻮر‬light" in order to stress its sublimity and purification.
In "‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﺨ ﻂ اﻷﺣﻤ ﺮ‬،‫"ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬/yasquṭ yasquṭ ḥukm
ʼal- ʻaskar, ʼiḥna ʼaš-šaʻb ʼal-ḵaṭ ʼal-ʼaḥmar/"down with, down with
soldier's commands, the folks have got the grand upper hand" or more
literally "down with down with military rule, we, the folks, are the red
line", Egyptians are described as one of the forbidden taboos. They are
the red line that should not be crossed and that positively gives a
powerful picture to the Egyptian revolutionists and people.
Table 8: A Sample of Metaphors in Anti-SCAF Slogans
Metaphors
Positive
Negative
‫ ﺧﻠﻲ اﻟﺜﻮرة ﺗﺸﻮف اﻟﻨﻮر‬،‫ﯾﺎ طﻨﻄﺎوي ارﺣﻞ ﻏﻮر‬
"O Tantawi go away, let revolution see
some light"
‫ اﺣﻨﺎ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﺨﻂ اﻷﺣﻤﺮ‬،‫ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‬
"down with down with military rule, we,
the folks, are the red line"
‫ ھﺎﻧﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿﺔ‬،‫اﺳﻤﻊ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ اﻟﺤﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬
" Hear us and listen O the marshal of
military school, we'll charge all thieves"
‫ ﻣﺎ ﯾﺤﻜﻤﺶ ﻣﺼﺮ‬،‫اﻟﻠﻲ ﯾﻌﺮي ﻣﺼﺮ‬
that who gets Egypt naked, can never
rule Egypt
79
3.2.1.5. Generalization and Specification
Several generalized words are used in Anti-Mubarak slogans like
"‫"اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬
"people",
"‫""أھﺎﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬our
people", "‫""ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬our
country"
and
"‫""ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬masr"/Egypt/, "‫""ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬O Egyptians"/yā masryin/ in order to
give the revolution a kind of public credibility and give the impression
that the whole society supports the revolutionary demands raised by
revolutionists. Another generalized word is "‫""اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬military men" which
is used in order to refer generally and inclusively to military rule and all
military practices and policies.
Specified words come as a detailed description to the generalized
words previously mentioned above as"‫" " ﺷ ﯿﺨﻨﺎ‬our Sheikh", "‫""دﻛﺘﻮرﻧ ﺎ‬our
doctor", "‫" "ﻣ ﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ‬Muslims",
"‫""ﻣ ﺴﯿﺤﯿﯿﻦ‬Christians",
"‫""ﻋﻤ ﺎل‬workers",
"‫""طﻠﺒ ﺔ‬students", "‫""ﻛﻨﯿ ﺴﺔ‬church", "‫""اﻻزھ ﺮ‬ʼal- Azhar" as specified words
for the generalized words "‫" "ﺷ ﻌﺐ‬people" and "‫""ﻣ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬Egyptians", in
order to provide some examples of the Egyptian revolutionary sections of
the society. The equal specification can be traced in which ‫"ﺣﻤ ﺪي‬
"‫"ﺑ ﺪﯾﻦ‬Hamdy
Badin", "‫""طﻨﻄ ﺎوي‬Tantawy",
and"‫""اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ‬al-mushir" as
specified words for the generalized one "‫" "اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‬military men"
3.2.1.6. Pronouns
Pronouns in these slogans stress the "us" vs. "them" phenomenon
previously mentioned by Van Dijk. Most of the pronouns used to refer to
people, revolutionists, and protestors are"‫ "ﻧ ﺎ‬as in "‫""إﺣﻨ ﺎ‬we are",
"‫""ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬our homeland", "‫""ﻓﯿﻨ ﺎ‬among us" ,"‫""ﻣﻨ ﺎ‬from us" ""‫"ﯾﺤﻜﻤﻨ ﺎ‬rule us",
"‫"ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ‬on us", "‫"ﻗﻠﺒﻨ ﺎ‬our heart", "‫""ﺷ ﯿﻠﻨﺎ‬we ousted", ‫""ﺷ ﯿﺨﻨﺎ‬our Shiekh",
"‫""ﺟﺎﻟﻨ ﺎ‬came to us", "‫""ﺑﯿﻨ ﺎ‬between us", "‫"" ﺑﯿﻠﻤﻮﻧ ﺎ‬gather us", "‫""ﺛﻮرﺗﻨ ﺎ‬our
revolution", "‫""ﺑﯿﺤﺎﻛﻤﻮﻧ ﺎ‬judge us", "‫""ﺑﻨﺎﺗﻨ ﺎ‬our daughters", "‫""ﺟﯿ ﺸﻨﺎ‬our army"
"‫""ﻗﻮﻟﺘﻮﻟﻨ ﺎ‬you told us", "‫""إﺣﻨ ﺎ‬we", "‫""أﻧ ﺎ‬I am", "‫""ﺷ ﮭﺪاءﻧﺎ‬our martyrs"
80
"‫""ﺑﺘ ﺪﺑﺤﻨﺎ‬slaughter us", "‫""أھﺎﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬our people", "‫""اﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ‬our brothers", as well
as "‫ "ي‬as in "‫"ﺑﻠ ﺪي‬, "my country", "‫""ﺑ ﻼدي‬my homeland", and "‫""داري‬my
home" as well as "‫ "ن‬as in "‫" "ھﺎﻧﺤ ﺎﻛﻢ‬we will execute""‫"ھﺎﻧﻌ ﺪﻣﻜﻢ‬we will
execute", "‫""ﻧﻜﻤ ﻞ‬we'll continue", "‫""ﺣﺎﺳ ﯿﻦ‬we feel", "‫""ھ ﺎﻧﺮﻛﻊ‬we'll kneel",
"‫""ﺑﻨﺪﻣﺮ‬we destroy", "‫""ﺑﻨﻜﺴﺮ‬we break".
However most of the pronouns used to refer to SCAF, its followers
and the silent masses following its regime are "‫""ﻣﻨ ﻚ" "ك‬from you",
‫""ﺷ ﻌﺒﻚ‬your people", "‫" "أﻧﺘ ﻲ‬you", "‫"إﻧﺘ ﻮا‬you"; "‫ه‬،‫""ھ ﻢ‬they, he" as in
"‫'"أﺧ ﻮه‬his brother", "‫""ﻛﻼﺑ ﮫ‬his dogs", "‫""ﺷ ﻌﺒﮫ‬his people", and "‫"ﻧﺎﺳ ﮫ‬his
people", "‫""ﺗﺎﺧ ﺪھﻢ‬take them", "‫""راﺳ ﮫ‬his head", "‫""ﻧﻔ ﺴﮫ‬himself", "‫""ﻟ ﯿﮭﻢ‬for
them", "‫""ھ ﻮ‬he" ,"‫""وﯾ ﺎه‬with him", "‫""ﻋﺎوزﯾﻨ ﮫ‬want him", and "‫""ﻣﻜ ﺎﻧﮭﻢ‬their
places" and "‫ "ك‬as in "‫""اﺧﺘ ﺎرك‬chose you", and "‫""دورك‬your turn" as well
as "‫""ﻓﺎﺿ ﻠﻚ‬remains for you", "‫""ظﻠﻤ ﻚ‬your injustice", "‫""دارك‬your home",
"‫""ﺑﯿ ﻮﺗﻜﻢ‬your homes", "‫""ﺛ ﻮرﺗﻜﻢ‬your revolution", "‫""وﻻدﻛ ﻢ‬your sons",
"‫""ﺑﻨ ﺎﺗﻜﻢ‬your daughters", "‫"ﻣﺠﻠ ﺴﻜﻢ‬your council", "‫""ﺗﺤﺘ ﻚ‬under you",
"‫""ﺑﺄﯾ ﺪك‬your hands", and "‫""اﻧﺘﺨﺒﺎﺗ ﻚ‬your elections", "‫""ﺟﯿ ﺸﻚ‬your army",
"‫""ﻗﺒ ﺮك‬your grave", "‫""ﺑ ﺪﻟﺘﻚ‬your suit", "‫""إﯾ ﺪك‬your hand", "‫""ﻣ ﺼﯿﺮك‬your
destiny",
"‫""ﻧﻔ ﺴﻚ‬yourself",
"‫""إﯾ ﺪﯾﻜﻢ‬your
hands",
"‫""ﻣﻔﮭ ﻮﻣﻜﻢ‬your
perception", "‫""إﺧﻮاﺗ ﻚ‬your brothers" and "‫""وا‬they" as in "‫""ﺳ ﺮﻗﻮا‬they
stole", "‫""ﺧ ﺎﻓﻮا‬they feared", "‫""ﺷ ﺎﻟﻮا‬they ousted", "‫""ﺟ ﺎﺑﻮا‬they brought",
"‫""رﻣﻮا‬they threw".
Table 9: A Sample of Pronouns in Anti-SCAF Slogans
Pronouns
Us
"among us"‫ﻓﯿﻨﺎ‬
"our heart"‫ﻗﻠﺒﻨﺎ‬
""we ousted"‫ﺷﯿﻠﻨﺎ‬
Them
"from you"‫ﻣﻨﻚ‬
"your injustice"‫ظﻠﻤﻚ‬
"they threw"‫رﻣﻮا‬
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3.2.2. Semantic Level
3.2.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Synonyms are noticeable stressing negative and positive feelings
against and for certain conceptions. Synonyms are used to refer
negatively to the theme of departure as in "،‫ روح‬،‫ ارﺣ ﻞ‬،‫ ﯾﻐ ﻮر‬،‫ ﺑ ﺮة‬،‫"ﯾﻄﻠ ﻊ‬Go
away, out, leave, depart, go", " ،‫ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫ ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ‬،‫ اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ‬،‫ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ‬
‫ ﺑﺪﻟ ﺔ ﺟ ﯿﺶ‬،‫""وزارة اﻟ ﺪﻓﺎع‬military council, the council, a council, the soldiers
,soldiers, ministry of defense, military suit" are gathered to refer
negatively
to
the
SCAF.
"‫ ﺧﯿﺒ ﺔ‬،‫ اﻟﻔﺎﺳ ﺪ‬،‫ زور‬،‫ ﺣﺜﺎﻟ ﺔ‬،‫""زﺑﺎﻟ ﺔ‬rubbish,
collaborator, treason, garbage, fraud, the ruining, futile", " ،‫ﻋ ﺎر‬
‫""ذل‬disgrace, humiliation", "‫ ﺧﯿﺎﻧ ﺔ‬،‫""ﻋﻤﯿ ﻞ‬collaborator, treason", and "
،‫ ﻋ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ‬،‫ ﺣﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬،‫""ﻋ ﺼﺒﺠﯿﺔ‬gangsters, thieves, gang" are synonyms used to
show the dark side of the SCAF. SCAF's brutality is being highlighted in
synonyms like "‫ ﺑﺘ ﺪﺑﺢ‬،‫اﻟ ﻀﺮب‬، ‫ ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا‬،‫ ﯾﻘﺘ ﻞ‬،‫ رش‬،‫""اﺿ ﺮب‬shot ,sprinkle, kill ,
killed, destroy, ruin, the shot, slaughter", "‫ دار‬،‫ ﻟ ﻒ‬،‫""ﺿ ﺤﻜﻮا‬beguiled, go
around, deceiced", "‫ ﺣﺒ ﺴﻮا‬،‫ ""رﻣﻮا‬throw, capture", and "‫ دﻣ ﺮ‬،‫""ﺧ ﺮب‬destroy,
demolish".
Several synonyms are used to give a positive point of view as in
"‫ ﺛ ﻮار‬،‫ اﻟ ﺸﺮﻓﺎ‬،‫ أﺣ ﺮار‬،‫ ﺛ ﻮري‬،‫""رﺟﺎﻟ ﺔ‬men, revolutionist, liberators, honorable
men, revolutionists" to describe revolutionists, " ،‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮي‬،‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬،‫"اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬
‫ أھﺎﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬،‫ ﻧ ﺎس‬،‫""ﺷﻌﺐ‬citizens, Egyptians, people, people, our home citizens" to
refer positively to all Egyptians," ،‫ ﻗﻮﻟ ﻮا‬،‫ اﻧ ﻀﻤﻮا‬،‫ ﺛ ﻮر‬،‫ ﻗ ﻮم‬،‫ إﻧﺰﻟ ﻮا‬،‫ إﺗﻜﻠ ﻢ‬،‫" ﻗ ﻮل‬
‫"اﺻ ﺮخ‬say, speak, go down, rise up, revolt, join, say, shout" to evoke a
positive enthusiastic feeling, and in " ‫ ﺣ ﻖ‬،‫ ﯾﺘﺤ ﺮر‬،‫ ﯾﻌ ﯿﺶ‬،‫ اﻟﻨ ﻮر‬،‫ ﺣ ﺮة‬،‫""اﻟﺤﺮة‬the
liberate, free, the light, live, get free, right" to refer positively to
revolutionists' calls and chants.
82
Antonyms are also gathered to create negative as well as positive
influences as in "‫ ﺗﻄ ﺎطﻲ‬،‫"اﺻ ﺮخ‬shout out, submit" in which the former
bears a positive view and the latter bears a negative view,""‫ اﺿ ﺮب‬،‫ﻧﻜﻤ ﻞ‬
"continue, shoot", "‫ اﺿ ﺮب‬،‫""ﻗﻠ ﺐ ﻣﯿ ﺖ‬a fearless heart, shot", " ،‫اﻛﺘ ﺐ‬
‫""زﻧﺰاﻧ ﺔ‬write out, jail", "‫ اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ‬،‫" ﺟﯿ ﺸﻨﺎ‬our army, the council", " ،‫ﻣﺮﻓ ﻮع‬
‫""ﺗ ﺎﺑﻊ‬raised up, follower", "‫ ﺑ ﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬،‫""ﺳ ﺎب‬left, ruling",""‫ ﻛﺒﯿ ﺮ‬،‫"ﺻ ﻐﯿﺮ‬small,
large","‫ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫""ﻣ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬Egyptians,
soldiers","‫ ﺟ ﺎﺑﻮا‬،‫""ﺷ ﺎﻟﻮا‬
ousted,
brought","‫ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ‬،‫""ﯾﺘﺤﺮر‬get free, down with", "‫ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫"ﻣ ﺪﻧﻲ‬civilian, soldier",
"‫ اﻟ ﺪم‬،‫""اﻷﻣ ﻦ‬safety, blood", " (‫ ﻋﺪاﻟ ﺔ)ﻗ ﺎﻧﻮن‬,‫"ﺳ ﺠﻮن‬، "justice(law), prisons",
"‫ ﻣﻌ ﯿﻦ‬،‫""اﺧﺘ ﺎر‬elect, appointed", "‫ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮﯾﺔ‬،‫"ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬freedom, military", " ،‫ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮي‬
‫""ﺛ ﻮار‬soldier, revolutionists", "‫ ﺛ ﻮار‬،‫ "ﺣﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬thieves, revolutionists", " ،‫دوﻟ ﺔ‬
‫" "ﻣﻌﺴﻜﺮ‬state, camp", and "‫ ﻣﺠﺮم‬،‫""ﺷﺮﻓﺎ‬honorable, criminal".
Hyponyms are also used as in " ‫ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬،‫ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬،‫ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮي‬،‫ ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ‬،‫ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ‬
‫ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫ ﺣﻤ ﺪي ﺑ ﺪﯾﻦ‬،‫ ﻋﻨ ﺎن‬،‫ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي‬،‫ رﺋ ﯿﺲ أرﻛ ﺎن‬،‫"اﻟﺤﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ‬SCAF, council, soldier,
marshal, military marshal, a chief of staff, Tantawi, Anan, Hamdi Badin,
soldiers" to negatively include all military associations, and " ،‫ دوﻟ ﺔ‬،‫ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬
‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬،‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮي‬،‫ ﻧ ﺎس‬،‫ ﺷ ﻌﺐ‬،‫""ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬our country, state, Egypt, people,
citizens, Egyptian, Egyptians" to positively include Egypt with all it is
populations.
Table 10: Lexical Cohesion in Anti –SCAF Slogans
Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Synonyms
Positive
"men" ‫رﺟﺎﻟﺔ‬
"revolutionist"‫ﺛﻮري‬
Antonyms
Negative
"garbage"‫"ﺣﺜﺎﻟﺔ‬rubbish",‫زﺑﺎﻟﺔ‬
،‫"ﻋﺼﺎﺑﺔ‬gangsters"
"gangster"‫ﻋﺼﺒﺠﯿﺔ‬
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Hyponyms
Positive /Negative
"a "‫ اﺿﺮب‬،‫" "ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﯿﺖ‬military ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ‬
fearless
heart,
council",
shot"
",civilian "‫" "ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬chief of ‫رﺋﯿﺲ أرﻛﺎن‬
staff", and
soldier‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮ‬
"marshal"‫ﻣﺸﯿﺮ‬
3.2.3. Syntactic Level
3.2.3.1.Transitivity including Active and Passive Voice
In transitivity analysis, we can discover that there are a range of
choices that a writer can make at the level of syntax that uncovers
different ideologies and evokes different responses to the hearer.
In relation to "Actor", "Patient" structures, several slogans are
designed to ideologically dtress negative as well as positive feelings.
Negative points are depicted using the active voice as in " ‫اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﻟ ﺴﺔ ﺑﯿﺤﻤ ﻲ‬
‫ ﻋﻤ ﺮه ﻣ ﺎ ﯾﺤﻤ ﻲ داري و دارك‬،‫ ""ﻣﺒﺎرك‬who is still protecting Mubarak, can never
protect neither your home nor mine", in which SCAF's responsibility for
protecting Mubarak is being held using the active voice in order to show
ideologically a negative point of view against their own practices.
The same occurs in "‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة اﻟﺜ ﻮرة ﺗﻘﻄ ﻊ راﺳ ﮫ‬، ‫"اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﯾﻘﺘ ﻞ ﺷ ﻌﺒﮫ و ﻧﺎﺳ ﮫ‬/ʼillī
byiqtil šaʻbuh wa nāsuh, bukrah ʼaṯ-ṯawrah tiqtaʻ rāsuh/ "whoever kills
his people and folk, revolution will cut off his neck/ "who is killing his
people and folks, revolution will soon cut his head", " ‫ ﻣ ﺎ‬،‫اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﯾﻌ ﺮي ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬
‫"ﯾﺤﻜﻤ ﺶ ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬that who gets Egypt naked, can never rule Egypt", ‫ﯾ ﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﺑﺘﺤ ﺒﺲ‬
"‫ ﻗﺒﻠ ﻚ ﺣ ﺴﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﮭ ﺎ و ﻏ ﺎر‬،‫"ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺜ ﻮار‬/yallī btiḥbis fī ʼaṯ-ṯwār, qablak ḥusnī
ʻamalha w ġār/"O that captures rebellions; no way, Hosni did it before
and went away", and "‫ ﻟﯿ ﮫ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ ﺳ ﺮﻗﻮا ﺷ ﺒﺎﺑﻲ‬،‫" "أﯾ ﻮة ﺑ ﺪﻗﻦ و ﻣ ﺶ إرھ ﺎﺑﻲ‬yes I
have a beard and I am not a terrorist, why soldiers have stolen my youth"
in which soldiers are placed in the actor position while "‫"ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬Egypt",
"‫"ﺷ ﻌﺐ‬people" and "‫" "ﺷ ﺒﺎﺑﻲ‬my youth" are placed in the patient, victim,
position in order to impose all the responsibility for committing these
horrible practices on the SCAF to create a negative point of view against
them. The same is clear in "‫"ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ ذل و ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻋ ﺎر اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﺑﯿﻘﺘ ﻞ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺜ ﻮار‬/majlis
ḏul w majlis ʻār, ʼilly byiqtil fī ʼaṯ-ṯwār/"A council of shame and disgrace,
84
that is killing revolutionists" in which "‫" "ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ‬the SCAF" is placed in the
actor place to bear the whole responsible, and "‫ " "اﻟﺜ ﻮار‬revolutionists are
placed in the patient victim position.
This is also apparent in "‫ ﯾﻔﺮق إﯾﮫ ﻋﻦ ﺟ ﯿﺶ ﺑ ﺸﺎر‬،‫"ﻟﻤﺎ اﻟﺠﯿﺶ ﯾﻀﺮب ﻧﺎر‬/lamā
ʼal-jīš yiḍrab nār yifriq ʼīh ʻan jīš bašar/"when the army shoots fire, what
is the difference between it and Bashar's army?!" which places the army
in the actor position to impose all the responsibility upon it. This is also
clear in "‫ رﻣ ﻮا ﺷ ﮭﺪاءﻧﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺰﺑﺎﻟ ﺔ‬،‫""ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺤﺜﺎﻟ ﺔ‬a military council of
drags, threw our martyrs in refuse" in which "‫""ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ‬SCAF" is placed in
the actor position and "‫" "ﺷ ﮭﺪاءﻧﺎ‬martyrs" in the passive position to depict
the SCAF's responsibility and brutality. SCAF's responsibility is clear
also in "‫ ﺿ ﺪ اﻟ ﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﺑﺘ ﺪﺑﺤﻨﺎ‬،‫ﺣﺮﻛ ﺔ وطﻨﯿ ﺔ واﺣ ﺪة‬،‫ ﻛﺘﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﻔﻚ‬،‫""وﺣﺪ ﺻﻔﻚ‬unify
your line, my shoulder is by yours, one patriotic movement, against
authority that is slaughtering us" in which authority is placed as the actor
and revolutionists are in the patient victim position, as well as in " ‫ﯾ ﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ‬
‫ ﺟ ﯿﺶ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي ﺑﯿﻘﺘ ﻞ ﻓﯿﻨ ﺎ‬،‫"اﻧ ﻀﻤﻮا ﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬O our people join us, Tantawi's army is
slaughtering us". The same happens in " ‫ ﺟﻨ ﺪي ﺿ ﺮب أﺧ ﻮه‬،‫ﯾ ﺎدي اﻟ ﺬل ﯾ ﺎدي اﻟﻌ ﺎر‬
‫""ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎر‬how scandalous what a decoy, a soldier shoots his homeboy".
The actor is sometimes missing from the sentence because of many
causes. Perhaps, the actor is left missing ideologically to include all the
expected actors that revolutionists might refer to or because of the
revolutionists' uncertainty about the actor of the incident. This is clear in
such slogans as "‫ داھﯿ ﺔ ﺗﺎﺧ ﺪھﻢ اﻻﺗﻨ ﯿﻦ‬،‫ ﺟ ﺎﺑﻮا ﺣ ﺴﯿﻦ‬،‫""ﺷ ﺎﻟﻮا ﺣ ﺴﻨﻲ‬they ousted
Hosni and brought Hussein, Hell for them, they're the same" in which the
actor is missing replaced by the pronoun of "‫"واو اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋ ﺔ‬/waw ʼaljamāʻah/"they". This is being used intentionally by revolutionists to open
the hearer's mind and expectation about all the expected actors that seem
to be responsible for that action. The same occurs in " ‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة‬،‫ﺑﯿﻠﻤﻮﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﯿﺎدﯾﻦ‬
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‫"ﻣﻜ ﺎﻧﮭﻢ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺰﻧ ﺎزﯾﻦ‬/bylimūnā min ʼal-myādīn, bukrah makānhum fī ʼazzanāzīn/"They gather us from squares, Tomorrow they rest in jails"
exemplified in the word "‫"ﺑﯿﻠﻤﻮﻧ ﺎ‬/bylimūnā/"they gather us" in which the
pronoun related back to SCAF is being placed in the actor position and
the pronoun related back to revolutionists is being placed in the patient
position in order to stick the whole responsibility of committing horrible
actions to SCAF as well as placing revolutionists in the victim position.
The same happens in " ‫ ﺷ ﺎﻟﻮا اﻟﻜﻠ ﺐ و ﺟ ﺎﺑﻮا‬،‫ﺿ ﺤﻜﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ و ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬
‫""ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬they beguiled us and said a change, but they ousted the dog and
brought a marshal", as well as in " ‫ ﺟ ﺎﺑﻮا ﺷ ﺮطﺔ‬،‫ﺿ ﺤﻜﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ و ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬
‫""ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮﯾﺔ‬they deceived us and said freedom, but they brought a military
police". The same is apparent in " ‫ رﻣ ﻮا اﻟﺜ ﻮار ﻓ ﻲ‬،‫ﺿ ﺤﻜﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ و ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا ﻗ ﺎﻧﻮن‬
‫""اﻟ ﺴﺠﻮن‬they said justice as well law, and they threw revolutionists in
jails" in which "‫""اﻟﺜ ﻮار‬revolutionists" are placed in the victim patient
position and the actor is missing. The same is plain in " ‫ ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا‬،‫ﻗﺎﻟﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨﺎ ﺑﻠﻄﺠﯿﺔ‬
‫ ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﯾﺤ ﺎﻛﻤﻮا اﻟﻌ ﺼﺒﺠﯿﺔ‬،‫ ﺣﻜﻤ ﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮﯾﺔ‬،‫""ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ ﺣﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬they named us thugs
and thieves, they took us to military trials, they will never judge against
gangsters" in which the actor is missing.
In "‫ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫""ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا ﺷ ﯿﺨﻨﺎ ﺷ ﯿﺦ اﻷزھ ﺮ‬they killed our Al
Azhar's Sheikh, down with down with the military rule", "the Sheik" is
placed in the patient victim position and the actor is missing because of
the state of uncertainty of the identity of the killer. This is apparent in " ‫ﯾ ﺎ‬
‫ ﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا إﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ‬،‫ "" ﻋﻠﯿﻢ ﯾﺎ ﻗ ﺪﯾﺮ‬O the most knowing, the One we fear,
they shot our brothers in Tahrir"" That also is clear in " ،‫ﻗﻮﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﯿﺶ ﻋﺪاﻟ ﺔ ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬
‫""و ﺑﯿﺤﺎﻛﻤﻮﻧ ﺎ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮﯾﺔ‬we said bread, justice and freedom, and they sentence
us to military trial" in which revolutionists are placed in the patient
position and the missing actor can be understood from the rest of the
sentence ,"‫""ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮﯾﺔ‬military", which refers greatly to the SCAF as an actor
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of the action. This is also clear in ‫"ﺣ ﻀﺮات اﻟ ﺴﺎدة اﻟ ﻀﺒﺎط ﻋﻠ ﻰ إﯾ ﺪﯾﻜﻮا ﻛ ﺎم واﺣ ﺪ‬
‫"ﻣ ﺎت‬/ḥaḍarāt ʼas-sāda ʼal-ḍubāṭ, ʻala aidīku kām wāḥid māt/"O Officers O
gentlemen behold, how many citizens have you killed" in which officers
hold the actor position in order to bear them the whole responsibility of
assassinating revolutionists exemplified in "‫""ﻋﻠﻰ إﯾﺪﯾﻜﻮا‬with your hands".
Sometimes revolutionists are placed in the actor position and
SCAF's men are placed in the patient position in order to show the power
and dominance of Egyptian masses and revolutionists as in " ‫اﺳ ﻤﻊ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬
‫ ھﺎﻧﺤ ﺎﻛﻢ ﻛ ﻞ اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬،‫""اﻟﺤﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ‬Hear us O the marshal of military school, we'll
charge all thieves", "‫ ﻗ ﻮﻟﻲ ﻣ ﯿﻦ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ اﺧﺘ ﺎرك‬،‫""ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ زي ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬leave
leave like Mubarak, tell me who of our people has elected you", " ‫اﺿ ﺮب‬
‫ و إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻧﻜﻤ ﻞ اﻟﻤ ﺸﻮار‬،‫""اﺿ ﺮب ﻧ ﺎر‬kick, hit or shot us with gun fire, we'll bridge
ahead your mire", "‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ إﺳ ﻘﺎط اﻟﻨﻈ ﺎم‬people want the downfall of
regime", "‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ إﻋ ﺪام اﻟﻤ ﺸﯿﺮ‬people want the execution of the
marshal", "‫ اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ ﺷ ﻠﺔ ﺣﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬،‫""اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ ﺑﯿﻘ ﻮل ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬Tahrir is calling quite
loudly "liberation", SCAF is a group of thieves"," ‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة‬،‫اﻟﻠﻲ ﺑﯿﻘﺘ ﻞ ﺷ ﻌﺒﮫ و ﻧﺎﺳ ﮫ‬
‫""اﻟﺜ ﻮرة ﺗﻘﻄ ﻊ راﺳ ﮫ‬who is killing his people and folks, revolution will cut off
his head", "‫ ﻋﻨ ﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺗﻨ ﺎ ھ ﺎﻧﻘﻄﻊ إﯾ ﺪك‬،‫""ﺑﺪﻟﺔ ﺟﯿ ﺸﻚ ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﺗﻔﯿ ﺪك‬your military suit will
make no benefit for you, we'll cut your hands if you approach our
daughters", "‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ﻧ ﺸﯿﻠﻚ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان‬،‫""رش اﻟﻤﺎﯾ ﺔ و اﻷﻟ ﻮان‬sprinkle water and
color, tomorrow we will soon push you out of the square", " ‫ﺷ ﯿﻠﻨﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ﺟﺒﻨ ﺎ‬
‫ﻣ ﺶ ﺣﺎﺳ ﯿﻦ ﺑ ﺎﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿﺮ‬،‫"" ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬we replaced Mubarak with a marshal, but we do
not feel any change", "‫ اﻟﺜ ﻮار ھﻤ ﺎ اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﺣ ﺎﻣﻮك‬،‫""ﯾ ﺎ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮي ﻗ ﻮل ﻷﺧ ﻮك‬O soldier
tell your brother, revolutionists are those who covered your back", "‫ﯾ ﺎ‬
‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﻣ ﺸﯿﻨﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬،‫""طﻨﻄ ﺎوي روح دارك‬O Tantawi go away, we forced
Mubarak to leave" and "‫ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان راح ﻧﺤﻔ ﺮ ﻗﺒ ﺮك‬، ‫""ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ ﺻ ﺒﺮك ﺻ ﺒﺮك‬O
Marshal, be patient, in square we will drill your graveyard" that reflect
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the fact that revolutionists have the upper hand as opposed to SCAF and
military men.
Passive voice is sometimes used in some slogans like " ‫ﺷ ﯿﺦ اﻷزھ ﺮ ﻣ ﺎت‬
‫ و اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ ھ ﻮ اﻟﻤ ﺴﺌﻮل‬،‫ "ﻣﻘﺘ ﻮل‬Al Azhar's Sheikh was murdered, and the
council is responsible" in which the passive voice is used to direct the
hearer's attention to the action of murder itself. In " ‫ﻗ ﻮل إﺗﻜﻠ ﻢ اﻟ ﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻻزم‬
‫""ﺗﺘ ﺴﻠﻢ‬say and speak quite loudly, authority must be handed over", the
passive voice is used to focus the hearer's attention on the action of
delivering or handing over the power or authority.
Table 11: A Sample of Transitivity in Anti-SCAF Slogans
Transitivity
Revolutionists in Active
SCAF in the Active position
Passive voice
Position
‫ ھﺎﻧﺤ ﺎﻛﻢ ﻛ ﻞ‬،‫اﺳ ﻤﻊ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ اﻟﺤﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿﺔ‬
"Hear us O the marshal of
military school, we'll charge
all thieves"
‫ ﻋﻨ ﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺗﻨ ﺎ‬،‫ﺑﺪﻟ ﺔ ﺟﯿ ﺸﻚ ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﺗﻔﯿ ﺪك‬
‫ھﺎﻧﻘﻄﻊ إﯾﺪك‬
‫ ﻗﺒﻠﻚ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‬،‫ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﺑﺘﺤﺒﺲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺜﻮار‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﮭﺎ و ﻏﺎر‬
"O that captures rebellions;
no way, Hosni did it before
and went away"
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ذل و ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺎر اﻟﻠﻲ ﺑﯿﻘﺘﻞ ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺜﻮار‬
"your military suit will be
useless for you, we'll cut your
hands if you approach our
daughters"
"A council of shame and
disgrace, that is killing
revolutionists"
‫ﻗﻮل إﺗﻜﻠﻢ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻻزم ﺗﺘﺴﻠﻢ‬
"say and speak quite
loudly, authority must be
handed over"
3.2.3.2. Nominalization
Nominalization is frequently used in some slogans. This occurs in
"‫""أﻣ ﺎن‬trust", "‫""إﺳ ﻘﺎط‬downfall",
"‫""إﻋ ﺪام‬execution", "‫" "اﻟﻘ ﻀﯿﺔ‬the case",
"‫"ﺷ ﺮﻋﯿﺔ‬legitimacy", "‫""اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ‬liberation", "‫""اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬change", "‫""ﺗﻘ ﺼﯿﺮ‬fail",
"‫ "ﺷ ﮭﺎدة‬martyrdom", "‫""ﺻ ﺒﺮك‬your patience", "‫""ﻏ ﻀﺐ‬anger", and "‫"اﻟ ﻀﺮب‬
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"the shooting". Nominalization is used here to direct the attention to the
action or the process regardless of the participants in the process.
Table 12: A Sample on Nominalization in Anti-SCAF Slogans
Nominalization
Positive
Negative
"legitimacy"‫ﺷﺮﻋﯿﺔ‬
"liberation"‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‬
"alternation"‫اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿﺮ‬
"downfall"‫إﺳﻘﺎط‬
"execution"‫إﻋﺪام‬
"the shooting"‫اﻟﻀﺮب‬
3.2.4.Rhetorical Level
3.2.4.1. Repetition
Repetitions are clear in"‫ اﺷ ﮭﺪ‬،‫""اﺷ ﮭﺪ‬witness, witness", "‫"" ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ‬go
away, go away "‫ اﺻ ﺮخ‬،‫"اﺻ ﺮخ‬shout out, shout out", "‫ اﺿ ﺮب‬،‫" اﺿ ﺮب‬shoot
us, shoot us" ‫ اﻟﻘ ﻀﯿﺔ‬،‫"اﻟﻘ ﻀﯿﺔ‬, " "the case, the case", "‫ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ‬،‫""ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ‬down with
down with", "‫ ﺑﺎﻧ ﺖ‬،‫""ﺑﺎﻧ ﺖ‬clear, clear", "‫ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫""ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ‬soldiers,
soldiers, soldiers", "‫ راﺟﻌ ﯿﻦ‬،‫"راﺟﻌ ﯿﻦ‬coming back, coming back", " ‫ﻣ ﺶ‬
‫ ﻣ ﺶ ﻋ ﺎوزﯾﻦ‬،‫""ﻋ ﺎوزﯾﻦ‬we do not want, we do not want", "‫ ﻓﯿﻨ ﻚ‬،‫""ﻓﯿﻨ ﻚ‬where
are you, where are you", "‫ إﺗﻠ ﻢ‬،‫""إﺗﻠ ﻢ‬enough, enough", "‫ ﺻ ﺒﺮك‬،‫""ﺻ ﺒﺮك‬be
patient, be patient", and "‫ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ‬. Repetition occurs here to stress a
certain idea or concept as well as drawing the attention of the reader and
the hearer to a certain concept and sometimes serves as a kind of threat
against a certain character.
Table 13: A Sample of Repetitions in Anti-SCAF Slogans
Repetition
Positive
Negative
"shout out, shout out"‫اﺻﺮخ‬، ‫اﺻﺮخ‬
"soldiers, soldiers, ‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮ‬
soldiers"
"be patient, be patient"‫ﺻﺒﺮك‬، ‫ﺻﺒﺮك‬
"coming back, coming back‫راﺟﻌﯿﻦ‬، ‫راﺟﻌﯿﻦ‬
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3.3. Analysis of Encouraging Slogans
3.3.1. Lexicalization
3.3.1.1. Positivity and Power-based Lexical Choices
Encouraging theme occupies a great place within the Egyptian
revolution slogans. In order to raise the revolutionary spirit and
enthusiasm, several slogans are framed to accomplish this task. A lot of
slogans are framed in order to give an introduction to the identities of the
revolutionists and the nature of their revolutionary attitude. In ‫إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻣ ﯿﻦ إﺣﻨ ﺎ‬
‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻛ ﻞ اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬،‫"ﻣ ﯿﻦ‬/ʼiḥnā mīn ʼiḥnā mīn, ʼiḥna kul ʼal-maṣryīn/how
are we how miraculous , we're the entire Egyptian populace" or more
literally "who are we who are we" we are all Egyptians", the
generalization of the word "‫""ﻣ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬Egyptians" is used in order to give
the impression that all Egyptians are revolting against Mubarak in order
to give the revolution a kind of public credibility.
Another introductory slogan is "‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﺷ ﺒﺎب ﺑﻨﺤ ﺮر‬،‫ارﻓ ﻊ ﻛ ﻞ راﯾ ﺎت اﻟﻨ ﺼﺮ‬
‫"ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬/ʼirfaʻ kul rayāt ʼan-naṣr, ʼiḥnā šabāb binḥarar maṣr/"Hoist up
every triumph banner, we track every freedom manner" or more
literally "raise up every triumph banners, we are youth who are
freeing Egypt". Again in this slogan, we face an introduction to those
who bear the responsibility of holding demonstrations against Mubarak's
regime. This enthusiastic slogan is packed up with two lexical choices
that sustain the revolutionary ideology as well as provok the Egyptian
revolutionary spirit, which are "‫""ارﻓ ﻊ‬raise" and "‫""ﯾﺤ ﺮر‬to free".
According to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, the word "‫"رﻓ ﻊ‬/rafaʻa/"raised" is defined as
"‫("ﻋ ﻼ و ﺗﻘ ﺪم‬1993: 360) /ʻalā wa taqadam/ "to rise and advance", while the
word "‫""ﯾﺤ ﺮر‬to free" is defined as "‫ "ﯾﻌﺘﻘ ﮫ‬/yaʻtiqahu/ "set it free". The
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word "‫""ﺷ ﺒﺎب‬youth" is positively employed in order to increase the degree
of sublimity attributed to the Egyptian revolution.
In "‫ "ﺛ ﻮار أﺣ ﺮار ھﺎﻧﻜﻤ ﻞ اﻟﻤ ﺸﻮار‬/ṯuwwār ʼaḥrār hankamil ʼil-mišwār/
"revolutionary spirit underwrote, "we would track freedom route"
or more literally "we are free rebellions and we'll continue the path",
the stress on the word "‫ "ﺛ ﻮار‬evokes the same enthusiastic spirit mingling
with the lexical choice "‫"أﺣ ﺮار‬free" to refer to the nature of rebellions.
They demand freedom and they achieve it. That again places
revolutionists in the highest position as opposed to the lower position
occupied by the Egyptian regime. Lexical choices are made to depict the
noble nature of revolutionists as well as arousing people's enthusiasm.
The same lexical choices are applied in a slogan like " ‫ ارﻓ ﻊ‬،‫ارﻓ ﻊ‬
‫ ﺷ ﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﺣ ﺮ و ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﯾﺨ ﺎف‬،‫"اﻟﮭﺘ ﺎف‬/ʼirfaʻ, ʼirfaʻ ʼal-hitāf , šaʻbina ḥur wa miš
hayḵāf/"raise up your voice and chant, Our people will never be
scared", or more literally, "raise raise the chant, our people is free
and will be fearless". The same lexical choices of "‫"ارﻓ ﻊ‬raise" and
"‫""ﺣ ﺮ‬free" as well as the previously chosen lexical word "‫ "ﺷ ﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬are used
in order to evoke enthusiasm and to expose the identity of revolutionists
by choosing the generalized word "‫""ﺷ ﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬our people" instead of
"‫""اﻟﺜ ﻮار‬revolutionists", for example. The lexical choice "‫""ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﯾﺨ ﺎف‬will
never fear" is also used as an enthusiastic and encouraging chant in order
to break the barrier of fear in Egyptians' hearts. Another enthusiastic
slogan is "‫ اﻟﻨﻈ ﺎم ﺧ ﺎﯾﻒ ﻣ ﻮت‬، ‫"ﻋﻠ ﻲ و ﻋﻠ ﻲ و ﻋﻠ ﻲ اﻟ ﺼﻮت‬/ʻalī w ʻalī w ʻalī ʼaṣṣūt, ʼan-niẓām ḵāyf mūt/raise your voice to be heard, the entire
regime is totally scared", or more literally "raise raise raise the voice,
the regime is scared to death". The word "‫" "ﻋﻠ ﻲ‬raise" is the same as
"‫""ارﻓ ﻊ‬raise". It is defined according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as " ‫رﻗﯿ ﮫ و ﺻ ﻌﻮده و‬
‫("ارﺗﻔﺎﻋ ﮫ‬1993, p.625) /ruqiyahu wa ṣuʻūdahu wa ʼirtifāʻahu/ "to raise it
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up". The word "‫ "اﻟﮭﺘ ﺎف‬/ʼal-hitāf/ "the chant" is derived from the verb
"‫ "ھﺘ ﻒ‬/hatafa/ which is defined as "‫("ﺻ ﺎح ﻣ ﺎدا ﺻ ﻮﺗﮫ‬1993, p.971) /ṣāḥa
mādan ṣawtahu/ "shouted raising his voice". The word "‫""ھﺘ ﺎف‬chant" is
defined as "‫("اﻟ ﺼﻮت اﻟﻌ ﺎﻟﻲ ﯾﺮﻓ ﻊ ﺗﻤﺠﯿ ﺪا أو اﺳ ﺘﻨﻜﺎرا‬1993, p.971)/ʼaṣ-ṣūt ʼal- ʻālī
yurfaʻ tamjīdan ʼaw ʼistinkāran/ "the high voice raised as a means of
glorification as well as condemnation", according to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬. The
word "‫""ﺧﺎﯾﻒ‬scared" is used to describe Mubarak's regime.
The similar effect can be traced in a slogan like " ‫ﻋﻠﻲ اﻟﺼﻮت و ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻤ ﺎن‬
‫"ﻟﺠ ﻞ ﻣ ﺎ ﯾ ﺴﻤﻊ ﻛ ﻞ ﺟﺒ ﺎن‬/ʻalī ʼaṣ-ṣūt wa ʻalī kamān lajl mā yismaʻ kul
gabān/"raise your voice with no fear, for the coward might then
hear" or more literally "raise the voice even more in order that every
coward can hear" exemplified in the word "‫""ﻋﻠ ﻲ‬raise" as opposed to
the lexical choice "‫""ﺟﺒ ﺎن‬coward", referring to the Egyptian regime's
members.
The same occurs in " ‫ ﻋﻠﻲ‬،‫ﻋﻠﻲ و ﻋﻠﻲ و ﻋﻠﻲ اﻟﺼﻮت ﻋﻤﺮ اﻟﺜﻮرة ﻓﻲ ﯾﻮم ھﺎﺗﻤﻮت‬
‫ ﻋﻤﺮ اﻟﻤﺼﺮي ﻣ ﺎ ﻛ ﺎن ﺟﺒ ﺎن‬،‫"وﻋﻠﻲ وﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﺎن‬/ʻalī w ʻalī w ʻalī ʼaṣ-ṣūt ʻumr ʼaṯṯawrah fī yūm hatmūt, ʻalī w ʻalī w ʻalī kamān, ʻumr ʼal-maṣrī mā
kān jabān/"louder louder raise your voice, the revolts will thrive and
rejoice, even chant "we'll be powered", the Egyptian has been
coward", or more literally "raise raise raise the voice, the revolution
will never die.. Raise raise raise it even more , the Egyptian has never
been coward". The negation of revolution's death, as well as the
Egyptian's cowardice is stressed upon using two lexical choices "‫""ﺗﻤ ﻮت‬
die", and "‫""ﺟﺒ ﺎن‬coward". All these lexical choices are employed to
attribute power and dominance on the part of the revolutionists as
opposed to the coward powerless regime. The same is lucid in" ‫ﺻ ﻮﺗﻚ ارﻓ ﻊ‬
"‫"زي اﻟﻨ ﺎس إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻛﺮھﻨ ﺎ اﻟﻈﻠ ﻢ ﺧ ﻼص‬/ʼirfaʻ ṣūtak zay ʼan-nās ʼiḥnā kirihnā
ʼaẓ-ẓulm ḵalāṣ/"like people, raise your voice, we hated oppression, O
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notice" by the choice of the word "‫""ارﻓ ﻊ اﻟ ﺼﻮت‬raise the voice" followed
by the reason for raising it which is "‫""اﻟﻈﻠ ﻢ‬oppression" that serves as a
justification for the previously mentioned demand.
Another encouraging slogan is "‫ اﻟﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ ﺗﻌ ﯿﺶ ﻣ ﻦ‬،‫اﻋﺘﻘﻠ ﻮﻧﻲ اﻋﺘﻘﻠ ﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫"دوﻧ ﻲ‬/ʼiʻtaqilūnī ʼiʻtaqilūnī, ʼal-ḥuriyah taʻīsh min dūnī/arrest me
arrest me, without me freedom be*"or more literally" arrest me
arrest me, long live freedom without me". The term "‫""اﻋﺘﻘﻠ ﻮﻧﻲ‬arrest
me" shows the courage, sacrifice and fearlessness of the Egyptian
revolutionists. The word "‫""اﻋﺘﻘ ﻞ‬arrest" is defined in ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as
derived from the verb "‫"ﻋﻘ ﻞ‬/ʻaqala/ and it means " ُ‫ َﺳ ﺠَ ﻨ َﮫ‬،ُ‫("ﺣَ ﺒ َ َﺴﮫ‬1993,
p.616) /ḥabasahu, sajanahu/ "arrested and imprisoned him". The equal
emphasis on the word "‫""ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬liberty, freedom" is being tackled in this
slogan too. The similar courageous spirit is clear in a slogan like " ‫اﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا‬
‫ ﻛﻞ اﻟ ﻀﺮب دا ﺑﯿﻘﻮﯾﻨ ﺎ‬،‫"ﻓﯿﻨﺎ اﺿﺮﺑﻮا ﻓﯿﻨﺎ‬/ʼiḍrabū fīnā ʼiḍrabu fīnā, kul ʼaḍ-ḍarb
da byqwīnā"/Hit us shot us it does not matter, our strength is not
going to shatter", or more literally "shot us shot us all these shots are
to strengthen us" exemplified in some words as "‫""اﺿ ﺮب‬hit" which is
defined as "‫ "أﺻ ﺎﺑﮫ و ﺻ ﺪﻣﮫ‬/ʼaṣābahu wa ṣadamahu/ "to hurt and hit
someone", and "‫""ﯾﻘﻮﯾﻨ ﺎ‬strengthen us" which is defined in ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as "
‫ أﺑﺪﻟ ﮫ ﻣﻜ ﺎن ﺿ ﻌﻔﮫ ﻗ ﻮة‬:‫("أﻗ ﻮي‬1993: 536) /ʼaqwa: ʼabdalahu makān ḍaʻfahu
qwah/ "replacing his weakness by a strength". These lexical choices
stress the revolutionists' ideological perception of the regime's brutality as
opposed to the revolutionary power and sacrificial spirit. Another
sacrificial, enthusiastic slogan is "‫ "اﻟﺠﮭﺎد اﻟﺠﮭ ﺎد ﻟﺤ ﺪ ﻣ ﺎ ﯾﻤ ﺸﻲ اﻟﺠ ﻼد‬/ʼal-jihād
ʼal-jihād liḥad ma yimšī ʼal-jalād/ "O Jihad, come on, till the
executioner is gone". The word "‫ "ﺟﮭﺎد‬is defined as " ‫ﻗﺘ ﺎل ﻣ ﻦ ﻟ ﯿﺲ ﻟ ﮫ ذﻣ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ‬
‫("اﻟﻜﻔ ﺎر‬1993, p.142) /qitāl man laysa lahu ḏimāh min ʼal-kufār/ "fighting
those who have no religion or disbelievers" according to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬. The
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term Al-Jihad is culturally used to refer to the act of scarifying one's soul
in favor of his country, religion and thought.
The same sacrificial and courageous spirit comes about in "‫أﻧ ﺎ راﺟ ﻊ‬
‫ أﻧ ﺎ ھ ﺎﻣﻮت ﻣ ﺶ ﺟﺒ ﺎن‬،‫"اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان‬/ʼanā rājiʻ ʼal-mydān, ʼanā hamūt miš
jabān/"I am going back willfully to Tahrir, say not coward but say
mutineer", or more literally "I am back to the square, I'll die not
being coward" exemplified in the word "‫" "ھ ﺎﻣﻮت‬I'll die (sacrifice
myself)", and "‫""ﻣ ﺶ ﺟﺒ ﺎن‬not coward", as well as in " ،‫أﻧ ﺎ ﻧ ﺎزل ﻣ ﺶ راﺟ ﻊ ﺗ ﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫"اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان ﺑﯿﺘ ﻲ و ﻋﻨ ﻮاﻧﻲ‬/ʼanā nāzil miš rājiʻ tānī, ʼal-mydān bītī
waʻinwānī/"I am going to revolt against yielding, Tahrir is my crib,
core and shielding", or more literally "I'll go and never come again,
my home, my name is the square" exemplified in the words
"‫""ﻧ ﺎزل‬going down", and "‫""ﻣ ﺶ راﺟ ﻊ ﺗ ﺎﻧﻲ‬never going back again" where
the word "‫ "راﺟ ﻊ‬is equivalent to the standard Arabic word "‫"ﺗﺮاﺟ ﻊ‬
/tarājaʻa/ which means according to ‫("رﺟﻌ ﻮا اﻟ ﻰ ﻣﺤﻠﮭ ﻢ" اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬1993,
p.331) /rajiʻū ʼilā maḥalahum/ going back to their positions" which is
against all the meanings of revolutionary, sacrificial and courageous
spirit.
The determinant, courageous spirit is also apparent in slogans like
"‫ ﺻ ﻮت اﻟﺜ ﻮرة ﻣ ﺶ ھ ﺎﯾﻤﻮت‬،‫" ﻟ ﻮ ﺧﻄﻔﻮﻧ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺒﯿ ﻮت‬/law ḵaṭafūnā min ʼal-byūt,
ṣawt ʼaṯ- ṯawrah miš haymūt/ "when they kidnap us from our rooms,
the voice of the revolts louder looms", or more literally "if they kidnap
us from our houses, the sound of revolution will never die".
According to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, the word "‫ "ﺧﻄ ﻒ‬/ḵaṭafa/ "kidnap" means " ‫ﺟﺬﺑ ﮫ‬
‫( "و أﺧ ﺬه ﺑ ﺴﺮﻋﺔ و اﺳ ﺘﻠﺒﮫ و اﺧﺘﻠ ﺴﮫ‬1993, p.422)/gaḏabahu wʼaḵaḏahu bisurʻah
wa ʼistalabahu wa ʼiḵtalasahu/ "to take, steal, abduct someone". This
lexical choice shows the brutality of the Egyptian regime exemplified in
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the SCAF rule. The word "‫""ﻣ ﺶ ھ ﺎﯾﻤﻮت‬will never die" gives some sense
of hope, as well as determinacy to the revolutionists' spirits.
In "‫"ﻣﺶ ھﺎﻧﻄﺎطﻲ ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﻧﻄ ﺎطﻲ إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻛﺮھﻨ ﺎ اﻟ ﺼﻮت اﻟ ﻮاطﻲ‬/miš hanṭāṭī, miš
hanṭāṭī ʼiḥnā kirihnā ʼaṣ-ṣūt ʼal-wāṭī/" we'll not get down or even
submit, we hated the low voice, we admit" or literally "we'll not
submit. We'll not get down (o our knees), we have hated the low
voice", the choice of the word ‫ ;ط ﺎطﻲ‬the Egyptian slang word for
‫طﺄط ﺄ‬/ṭaʼṭaʼa/is ideologically used. The word is defined in ‫ﻟ ﺴﺎن اﻟﻌ ﺮب‬
(2003)/lisān ʼal- ʻarab/ as ": ‫ وﺗﻄﺄط ﺄ‬.‫ طﺎﻣﻨ ﮫ‬:‫ اﻟﻄﺄطﺄة ﻣﺼﺪر طﺄطﺄ رأﺳﮫ طﺄط ﺄة‬:‫طﺄطﺄ‬
‫ ﺧﻔ ﺾ رأﺳ ﮫ ﻋﻨ ﮫ‬: ‫ وطﺄطﺄ ﻋﻦ اﻟ ﺸﻲء‬. ‫" ﺗﻄﺎﻣﻦ و ﺧﻔﻀﮫ‬/ṭaʼṭaʼa : ʼaṭ- ṭaʼṭaʼah maṣdar
ṭaʼṭaʼa raʼsahu ṭaʼṭaʼa: ṭāmanahu wa ḵafaḍahu. wa ṭaʼṭaʼa ʻan ʼaš-šayʼ:
ḵafaḍa raʼsahu ʻanhu/ "to lower something or to lower the head".
Selecting this word along with "‫"ﻛﺮھﻨ ﺎ‬we hated" sheds lights on the status
of the Egyptians before the revolution. This status is changed now so, the
slogan is used to depict this kind of change.
The same influence occurs in " ‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ أﺧ ﺪﻧﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬،‫ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﻧﺨ ﺎف ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﻧﻄ ﺎطﻲ‬
‫"اﻟﻤﻄ ﺎطﻲ‬/miš hanḵāf miš hanṭāṭī, ʼiḥnā ʼaḵadnā ʻalā ʼal-maṭāṭī/"No
more inclined head, fear nor spoof, Squads, We are roughly bulletsproof" we'll not be afraid or even submit, we've got used to rubber
bullets". The similar determinacy is seen in the lexical choices of " ‫ﻣ ﺶ‬
‫""ھﺎﻧﺨ ﺎف‬we'll not be afraid", and "‫""ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﻧﻄ ﺎطﻲ‬we'll never submit". The
word "‫ "أﺧ ﺪﻧﺎ‬is an Egyptian slang word for "‫"اﻋﺘ ﺎد‬/ʼiʻtāda/"get used to"
which is defined according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as "‫("ﺟﻌﻠ ﮫ ﻣ ﻦ ﻋﺎدﺗ ﮫ‬1993,
p.635)/jaʻalahu min ʻādatih/"make it a habit for him". That ideologically
stresses the new Egyptian nature that bears all the meanings of power,
courage and sacrifice towards their own homeland.
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Another reflection of the spirit of determinacy is " ،‫ ﻣﺘﻌﺒﻨ ﺎش‬،‫ﻣﺘﻌﺒﻨ ﺎش‬
‫""اﻟﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ ﻣ ﺶ ﺑ ﺒﻼش‬/matʻibnāš, matʻibnāš , ʼal-ḥuriyah miš bibalāš/"we
are not finished (done) yet, freedom is hard to get" or more literally
"We haven't been tired yet, freedom is not free" exemplified by the
word "‫""ﻣﺘﻌﺒﻨ ﺎش‬we haven't been tired". The same lexical choice occurs in
"‫ ﻧ ﺺ اﻟﺜ ﻮرة ﻣﯿﻨﻔﻌﻨ ﺎش‬،‫"ﻣﺘﻌﺒﻨ ﺎش ﻣﺘﻌﺒﻨ ﺎش‬/matʻibnāš, matʻibnāš, nuṣ ʼaṯṯawrah maynfaʻnāš/" we are neither fatigues nor worn out, Midways
shall not work out". The word "‫"ﺗﻌ ﺐ‬/taʻiba/means "‫( "أﺻ ﺎﺑﮫ اﻻﻋﯿ ﺎء‬1993,
p.85)/ʼaṣābahu ʼal-ʼiʻyāʼ/"got tired", according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬. The same
influence occurs in "‫ ﺛ ﻮرة ﻛﺎﻣﻠ ﺔ ﯾ ﺎ إﻣ ﺎ ﺑ ﻼش‬،‫ ﻣﺘﻌﺒﻨ ﺎش‬،‫ "ﻣﺘﻌﺒﻨ ﺎش‬matʻibnāš,
matʻibnāš, ṯāwrah kamlah yā ʼimā balāš/"we haven't been done yet,
a full revolution or not". The choice of the word "‫""ﺑ ﻼش‬no" which is
defined according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬as " ‫ﺑ ﻼ ﻋ ﻮض وﻻ ﺛﻤ ﻦ و‬
‫("أﺻ ﻠﮫ ﺑ ﻼ ﺷ ﺊ و ﯾﺮادﻓ ﮫ ﻣﺠ ﺎﻧﻲ‬2002, p.209) /bila ʻawaḍ wala ṯaman wa ʼaṣlahu
bilā šayʼ w a yurādifahu majānī/ "without price and its origin is without
anything or free", is used to stress the state of dominance, determinacy
and power the revolutionists hold. They have the power to decide and
choose freedom and they are unwilling to stray from their own choice.
The same emphasis on liberty is exemplified in a slogan like " ‫ﻗﻮﻟﻨﺎھ ﺎ‬
‫ اﻟﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ ﺟﺎﯾ ﺔ ﻻﺑ ﺪ‬،‫"زﻣ ﺎن ﻟﻠﻤ ﺴﺘﺒﺪ‬/qulnāhā zamān lil-mustabid, ʼal-ḥuriyah
jāyah labud/"we have told that unjust, liberty's birth is a must". The
lexical choice of the word "‫""ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬liberty" is followed by another lexical
choice which is "‫""ﻻﺑ ﺪ‬a must" that depicts the highest degree of
determinacy and places revolutionists in the powerful, dominant position.
One of the means of encouraging the masses is playing on their religious
beliefs. Mentioning God is one of the ways of attracting the audience as
in "‫ و اﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻧ ﺎ اﻟﺠﺒ ﺎر‬،‫"ھﻤ ﺎ ﻣﻌ ﺎھﻢ ﺿ ﺮب اﻟﻨ ﺎر‬/humā maʻāhum ḍarb ʼan-nār,
waʼiḥnā maʻānā ʼaj-jabār/"they have only bullets in a gun , and we
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have the almighty One". The lexical choice of "‫" "اﻟﺠﺒ ﺎر‬the almighty
One" as one of the names of Allah according to Muslim Egyptians, as
well as Christians and placing Him in the aid of revolutionists, gives the
revolutionists a kind of religious power and credibility. The lexical choice
"‫"ﺿ ﺮب اﻟﻨ ﺎر‬bullets" is also used ideologically to show the brutality of
SCAF's cops against the unarmed civilians.
The theme of patriotism is mingled with the theme of self- sacrifice
and encouragement as in slogans like " ‫اﻓ ﺘﺢ ﺻ ﺪرك ﻟﻠﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ ﻣ ﺼﺮ ھﺎﺗﻔ ﻀﻞ ﻏﺎﻟﯿ ﺔ‬
‫"ﻋﻠﯿ ﺎ‬/ʼiftaḥ ṣidrak lil-ḥuryah maṣr hatifḍal ġālyah ʻalayā/"Be
magnanimous to liberation, Egypt exceeds any consideration" or
more literally "open your chest to freedom, Egypt will remain dear to
me" exemplified in the word "‫" "ﻏﺎﻟﯿ ﺔ‬dear" which is defined, according
to, ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as "‫( "اﻟﺜﻤ ﯿﻦ و ﺧ ﻼف اﻟ ﺮﺧﯿﺺ‬1993, p.101) /ʼaṯ-ṯamīn wa ḵilāf
ʼal-raḵīs/ "the precious thing; opposite to cheap". This lexical choice
along with the self-sacrificial metaphor "‫""اﻓ ﺘﺢ ﺻ ﺪرك‬open your chest"
bear all the meaning of patriotism and courage. In " ‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬،‫ﻗ ﻮل و رد أﻧ ﺖ و ھ ﻲ‬
‫"ھﺎﺗﻔ ﻀﻞ ﻏﺎﻟﯿ ﺔ ﻋﻠﯿ ﺎ‬/qūl wa rud ʼinta wa hya, maṣr hatifḍal ġālya
ʻalayā/"(To) say and repeat, (it is) you and she, Egypt will remain
dear to me", the same patriotic lexical choices are being made by
revolutionists exemplified in the word "‫""ﻏﺎﻟﯿ ﺔ‬dear" mingled with the
enthusiastic order "‫""ﻗ ﻮل و رد‬say and repeat". The same occurs in " ‫ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬
‫"ھﺎﺗﻔ ﻀﻞ ﻏﺎﻟﯿ ﺔ ﻋﻠﯿ ﺎ رﻏ ﻢ اﻟﺨﻮﻧ ﺔ و اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬/maṣr hatifḍal ġālyah ʻalyā raġm
ʼal-ḵawanah w ʼil-ḥarāmyah/"Egypt will stay so dear to me, though
traitors and thieves are free", or more literally " Egypt will always be
dear to me despite traitors and thieves will always be there"
exemplified in the word "‫" "ﻏﺎﻟﯿ ﺔ‬dear" along with the choice of two lexical
items describing the Egyptian regime, which are "‫""ﺧﻮﻧ ﺔ‬traitors" and
"‫""ﺣﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬thieves". The latter word is defined in ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻟﻠﻤ ﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎت‬
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‫ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬as"‫ اﻟﻠ ﺼﻮص‬:‫ أي ﻟ ﺺ و اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬:‫("ﺟﻤ ﻊ ﺣﺮاﻣ ﻲ‬2002, p.86)/jamʻ ḥarāmī:
ʼay liṣ w ʼal-ḥaramya: ʼal-liṣūṣ/ "the plural of thief: it means thieves".
That gives revolutionists some sense of credibility and honor against the
degraded nature of the Egyptian regime.
Another patriotic slogan that shows the great connection between the
revolutionists and their homeland is " ‫ دول ﻋﻠ ﺸﺎﻧﻚ ﺷ ﺎﻟﻮا‬،‫ وﻻدك أھ ﻢ‬،‫ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﯾ ﺎ أم‬
‫ دول ﯾﻔ ﺪوﻛﻲ ﺑ ﺎﻟﺮوح و اﻟ ﺪم‬..‫"اﻟﮭ ﻢ‬/maṣr yā ʼum, wilādik ʼahum, dūl ʻalašānik
šālu ʼal-ham.. dūl yifdūky bilrūḥ wi ʼad-dam/ "O Beloved Egypt;
Our school, you see your sons' pool; coming fighting every fool, and
spending blood and soul" or more literally "O Egypt O Mother here
are your sons. They, for you, bore all worries; they are ready to
sacrifice their souls and bloods for you". This slogan is packed up with
some lexical choices that reflect the great love and connection between
Egypt and revolutionists. The word "‫""ﯾﻔ ﺪوﻛﻲ‬sacrifice" bears all the
meanings of love and sacrifice. The word "‫ "ﻓ ﺪاه‬is defined according to
‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬
as "‫"ﻗ ﺪم ﻧﻔ ﺴﮫ ﻓﺪﯾ ﺔ‬/qadama nafsahu fidyah/"sacrificing one's
self" and "‫("اﺳﺘﻨﻘﺬه ﺑﻤﺎﻟﮫ أو ﺑﻐﯿﺮ ذﻟﻚ ﻓﺨﻠﺼﮫ ﻣﻤ ﺎ ﻛ ﺎن ﻓﯿ ﮫ‬1993, p.677)/ʼistanqaḏahu
bimālih aw biġayr ḏālik faḵalaṣahu mima kān fīh/"save one by one's
money or something else and saved him from what one was undergoing".
The words "‫""اﻟ ﺮوح‬soul" and "‫""اﻟ ﺪم‬blood" come as a means of sacrifice to
ideologically stress the theme of patriotism as well as the endless love
and connection with the homeland.
The emphasis on the revolutionary spirit is made clear in the lexical
choices of such slogans as
‫ﺛ ﻮرة ﺛ ﻮرة ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ ﻟﺠ ﻞ ﻣ ﺎ ﻧﺨﻠ ﺺ ﻣ ﻦ‬
‫"اﻟﺨ ﺎﯾﻨﯿﻦ‬/ṯawrah ṯawrah yā maṣryīn lajl mā niḵlaṣ min ʼal-ḵaynīn/
"Revolution Revolution O Egyptians, in order to get rid of
the
plotters", as well as " ‫ "ﺛ ﻮرة ﺛ ﻮرة ﻓ ﻲ ﻛ ﻞ ﻣﻜ ﺎن ﺿ ﺪ اﻟﺨﻮﻧ ﺔ و اﻷﻧ ﺪال‬/ṯawrah
ṯawrah fī kul makān ḍid ʼal-ḵawanah w ʼal-ʼandāl/" the revolution
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flares up everywhere, against traitors and scoundrels there". The
same occurs in " ‫ ﺛﻮرة ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺛﻮرة‬،‫ ﺛﻮرة ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻮارع ﻣﺼﺮ‬،‫ﺛﻮرة ﺛﻮرة ﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﻨﺼﺮ‬
‫"ﻓ ﻲ ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬/ṯawrah ṯawrah ḥata ʼan-naṣr, ṯawrah fī kul šwāriʻ maṣr,
ṯawrah fī tūnis ṯawrah fī maṣr/"we are revolting with no effort kept,
revolutions will get every crypt crept, revolts prevails Tunisia and
Egypt", or more literally "a revolution a revolution till victory is
captured.. a revolution all over Egypt's street. A revolution in Egypt
and a revolution in Tunisia", and " ‫ﺻ ﻮت اﻟﺜ ﻮرة ط ﺎﻟﻊ ط ﺎﻟﻊ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻤ ﺪارس و‬
‫""اﻟﻤ ﺼﺎﻧﻊ‬/ṣuṭ ʼaṯ- ṯawrah ṭāliʻ ṭāliʻ min ʼal-madāris wa ʼalmaṣāniʻ/"the revolution hails so loudly, schools and mills loom
strongly". The same takes place in " ‫ﺛ ﻮرة ﺛ ﻮرة ﺣﺘ ﻰ اﻟﻨ ﺼﺮ و اﻟ ﺴﺘﺎت ھ ﺎﺗﺤﺮر‬
‫"ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬/ṯawrah ṯawrah ḥata ʼan-naṣr wʼal-sitāt hatḥarar maṣr/"
Demands of revolts will come true, as long as women share through"
or more literally "a revolution a revolution till victory is captured and
women are going to free Egypt" during demonstrations of women
following the incidents of dragging female revolutionists by the hands of
military soldiers, and in "‫ ﻻ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي وﻻ ﺟﻨ ﺰوري‬،‫""ﯾ ﺎ ﺑﻼدﻧ ﺎ ﺛ ﻮري ﺛ ﻮري‬/yā
baladnā ṯūry ṯūry , lā ṭanṭāwī wala janzūrī/"O my homeland revolt
do mightily, neither for Tantawi nor Ganzory". All these slogans
focus on a main lexical choice which is "‫ ﺛ ﻮري‬،‫"ﺛ ﻮرة‬. According to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ‬
‫اﻟﻮﺳﯿﻂ‬, the word is defined as " ‫ﺗﻐﯿﯿﺮ أﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻷوﺿﺎع اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﯿﺔ واﻹﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯿﺔ ﯾﻘﻮم ﺑﮫ‬
‫("اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﻓ ﻲ دوﻟ ٍﺔ ﱠﻣ ﺎ‬1993, p.102) /taġyīr ʼasāsy fī ʼal- ʼawḍāʻ ʼal- syāsyah wa
ʼal-ʼijtimāʻya yaqūm bihy ʼaš- šaʻb/ "a change in political and social
status performed by the people of a certain country". According to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ‬
‫اﻟﻐﻨ ﻲ‬, the word is defined as " ِ‫اﻧْﺘ"ِﻔﺎﺿَ ﺔ ٌ ﻣِ ﻦْ أ َﺟْ ﻞِ اﻟﺘ ﱠﻐْ ﯿ ِﯿ ِﺮ واﻟ ﺴﱢﯿﺎدَةِ اﻟﻮَ ط َﻨ ِﯿﱠ ﺔِ وَ ﺿِ ﱠﺪ اﻟﻈ ْﱡﻠ ﻢ‬
(1993)/ʼintifāḍa min ʼajl ʼat-taġyīr wa ʼas-syādah ʼal-waṭanyah wa ḍid
ʼaẓ-ẓulm/"an uprising for change and national supremacy and against
injustice". According to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻ ﺮة‬, the word is defined as
" ‫اﻧ ﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻨﯿ ﻒ ﻣ ﻦ ﺟﻤ ﺎھﯿﺮ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﻧﺤ ﻮ ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ اﻷوﺿ ﺎع اﻟ ﺴﯿﺎﺳﯿﱠﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯿﱠ ﺔ ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮً ا‬
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‫("أﺳﺎﺳ ﯿّ ًﺎ‬2008, p.336)/ʼindifāʻ ʻanīf min jamāhīr ʼaš- šaʻb naḥwa taġyīr ʼalʼawḍāʻ ʼas- syāsyah wa ʼal-ʼijtimāʻyah taġyīran ʼasāsyan/ "a rough flow
of people masses towards changing radically the political, and social
status quo". The choice of the word "‫""ﺛ ﻮرة‬revolution" shows that
revolution is not a goal but a way to achieve their goals which are
expressed later in the second parts of the slogans. The lexical choice of
the word "‫""ﺛﻮرة‬revolution" seems to evoke the feeling of enthusiasm.
As a means of wakening up the Egyptians who are hesitant to join
the revolution, several slogans are framed to urge them to wake up and
participate with the rest of the protestors as in " ‫اﺻﺤﻲ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ و ﻓﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨ ﻮم‬
‫"ﻧﮭﺒ ﻮا وﻻدك ﯾ ﻮم ورا ﯾ ﻮم‬/ʼiṣḥī yā maṣr w fūqī min ʼan-nūm nahabū
wilādak yūm wara yūm/" Egypt, get your rise finally completed,
your sons have been kept depleted" or more literally, "Get up Egypt
and wake up from your sleep, they have been robbing your sons a
day after another". The word "‫""اﺻ ﺤﻲ‬wake up" which is defined as"
‫ ﺗ ﯿﻘﻆ و ﺗ ﯿﻘﻦ‬:‫"ﺻ ﺤﺎ اﻟﻨ ﺎﺋﻢ‬/saḥa ʼan- nāʼim: tayaqaẓa wa tayaqan/ "is supported
by another lexical choice which is "‫ "ﻓ ﻮﻗﻲ‬which is defined according to
‫ ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻ ﺮة‬as "‫("ﻓ ﻮﱠق اﻟﻨ ﱠ ﺎﺋﻢَ أﯾﻘﻈ ﮫ‬2008, p.1273) /fawaqa ʼannāʼim: ayqaẓahu/ "to wake the sleepers up". The choices of these lexical
items place the revolutionists in the powerful, dominant place that gives
them the ability to order and direct Egypt and the Egyptian people. The
same is patent in "‫ اﻟﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ ﺑﺘﺘﻮﻟ ﺪ‬،‫"ﺷ ﺪي ﺣﯿﻠ ﻚ ﯾ ﺎ ﺑﻠ ﺪ‬/šidī ḥīlik yā balad, ʼilḥuryah bititwalad/"O my lovely country take your breath, freedom is
being given birth". Revolutionists have the power to assist their country
and help it to gain freedom. The slang lexical combination "‫ "ﺷ ﺪ ﺣﯿﻠ ﻚ‬is
defined according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬as " ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟ ﺔ ﺗﻘ ﺎل ﻟﺰﯾ ﺎدة ﻗ ﻮة‬
‫أي ﺗ ﻀﻌﻒ ﻗﻮﺗ ﮫ‬: ‫( "اﻟﺘﺤﻤ ﻞ و ﻣ ﻀﺎدھﺎ ﯾﻘ ﻞ ﺣﯿﻠ ﮫ‬2002, p.447) /maqūlah tuqāl lizyādit qwit ʼat-taḥamul wa muḍādaha yaqil ḥaylahu: ʼay taḍʻaf quwatahu/
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"A statement used to increase one's enduring abilities. It is opposite to
weakening one's power". Thus, revolutionists have the power to sheer
Egypt up and help it getting through its miserable situations.
The similar influence is clear in a slogan like " ‫ ﺛ ﻮرة ﺟﺪﯾ ﺪة‬،25‫ﺑﻜﺮة ﺟ ﺎي‬
‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﻧ ﺎﯾﻤﯿﻦ‬/bukrah jāy 25, ṯawrah jadīda yā naymīn/"the 25 anniversary
is coming soon, with blazing revolts in every zone" or more literally
"tomorrow the 25th is coming up; it's a new revolution you sleepy
head" exemplified by the same lexical choices of "‫""ﻧ ﺎﯾﻤﯿﻦ‬sleepy heads".
As a way of unifying the whole populace under the umbrella of the
Egyptian revolution, several slogans are used to accomplish this task as in
"‫"ﯾ ﺎ أھﺎﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ اﻧ ﻀﻤﻮا ﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬/yā ʼahālīna ʼinḍamū līna/"O our homeboys you
and he, come to be in our accompany", or "O our people come and
join us". The lexical choice of the term "‫""أھﺎﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬our people"; not " ‫ﯾ ﺎ‬
‫"ﻧ ﺎس‬/yā nās/, or "‫""ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﻌﺐ‬O people" shows a kind of cordiality as well as
intimacy while addressing the Egyptian people. The slogan employs also
generalization in this word in order to refer to the fact that the
revolutionists are an inseparable part of the Egyptian people, and to get
their own sympathy as well as their enthusiasm. The word "‫""اﻧ ﻀﻢ‬join" is
defined in‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻮﺳﯿﻂ‬as"‫("اﺟﺘﻤﻊ و اﺗﺤﺪ ﻣ ﻊ ﺑﻌ ﻀﮫ اﻟ ﺒﻌﺾ‬1993, p.135)/ʼijtamaʻa
wa ʼitaḥada maʻa baʻḍihy illibaʻḍ/ "gather and join each others". This
lexical choice puts an emphasis on the importance of the unity between
revolutionists and the rest of the Egyptian populace.
As a reply to people's gatherings with the revolutionists, several
slogans are created as"‫ ﯾ ﺎﻻ اﻧ ﻀﻤﻮا ﻟﻸﺣ ﺮار‬،‫"أھ ﻼ أھ ﻼ ﺑﺎﻷﺑﻄ ﺎل‬/ʼahlan ʼahlan
bil-ʼabṭāl, yalā ʼinḍamū lil-ʼaḥrār/"welcome welcome heroes, come
on join the liberators". The word "‫"أھ ﻼ‬welcome" comes as a celebration
with the way people react towards the revolutionists' calls. Describing
them as "‫""أﺑﻄ ﺎل‬heroes" evokes their own enthusiasm as well as pride and
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the choice of the word "‫""أﺣ ﺮار‬liberators" to describe the revolutionists
serves as a way of introducing the nature of their characters and places
them in the highest position as opposed to the lower position of the
Egyptian regime.
The same effect is obvious in" ‫ ﻛﺮاﻣﺘﻨ ﺎ ھ ﺎﺗﺮﺟﻊ ﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬،‫" ﯾ ﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ ﯾ ﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ‬/yā
ʼahalīna yā ʼahalīna, kramitnā hatirjaʻ līna/"O our people with great
trust, Our dignity will be back to us" exemplified in the lexical item
"‫""ﻛﺮاﻣ ﺔ‬dignity" which evokes all the meanings of enthusiasm. The word
"‫"أﻛ ﺮم‬/ʼarkrama/ is defined according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as " ‫أﻋﻈﻤ ﮫ و‬
‫("ﻧﺰھ ﮫ‬1993, p.784)/ʼaʻẓamahu w nazahahu/"to dignify something". So, the
word "‫""ﻛﺮاﻣ ﺔ‬dignity" places the revolutionists, as well as the entire
Egyptian people in the dominant, highest, noblest place as opposed to the
humiliated Egyptian regime.
The same occurs in "‫ اﻟﺜ ﻮرة ﺑﺘ ﻀﯿﻊ ﻣ ﻦ اﯾ ﺪﯾﻨﺎ‬،‫"ﯾﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨﺎ ﯾﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨﺎ اﻧﻀﻤﻮا ﻟﯿﻨﺎ‬/yā
ʼahalīna yā ʼahalīna ʼinḍmaū līna, ʼal-ṯawrah bitḍīʻ min ʼidīna/"O
the citizens of our homeland, the revolution is slipping out of our
hands", or more literally" O our people, o our people join us, the
revolution is slipping out of our hands". This slogan was used after the
controversial incidents following the Egyptian revolution where several
divisions erupted and parties clashed Islamists started to attack liberals,
Christians started to attack Muslims. The Supreme Council of Armed
Forces started to despise certain protest groups as the 6th of April group.
Egyptians felt that their revolution will be doomed to failure. So, they
decided to go out to Tahrir square in order to restore the spirit of the first
18 days of the Egyptian revolution. The similar lexical choice of the word
"‫ "ﯾ ﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ‬is used, as well as the word "‫""ﺗ ﻀﯿﻊ‬is lost" to emphasize their
concern about the revolution, and to raise the degree of enthusiasm
towards their revolution. The same urge to join the revolutionists is clear
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in the use of such calls as "‫" اﻧ ﺰل اﻧ ﺰل‬/ʼinizl, ʼinizl/"go down, go down",
as well as in "‫ ﺟ ﺎﯾﯿﻦ ﻧﺠﯿ ﺐ ﺣﻘ ﻮﻗﻜﻢ‬،‫"اﻧﺰﻟ ﻮا ﻣ ﻦ ﺑﯿ ﻮﺗﻜﻢ‬/ʼinzilū min byūtkum,
jayīn nijīb huqūqkum/"get out of your houses to the track, we came
to bring your rights back". The call to the Egyptian people to "‫""ﯾﻨ ﺰل‬go
down out" of their houses and join them emphasizes the importance of
unity and participation of all the sections of the society. This slogan was
originally invented during the 25th demonstrations, but it was retrieved
back during anti-SCAF demonstrations in order to evoke the spirit of
enthusiasm.
As a way of creating some sense of intimacy between the
revolutionists and the Egyptian people, several lexical choices are made
as in slogans like "‫"ﯾ ﺎ اﺑ ﻦ اﻟﺨ ﺎل ﯾ ﺎ اﺑ ﻦ اﻟﻌ ﻢ اﻟﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ ﺗﻤﻨﮭ ﺎ اﻟ ﺪم‬/yā ʼibn ʼal-ḵāl yā
ʼibn ʼal-ʻam ʼal-ḥuryah tamanha ʼad-dam/" O cousins enough of
your dud, liberty's tax is our own blood". The lexical choice of " ‫اﺑ ﻦ‬
‫""اﻟﺨ ﺎل و اﺑ ﻦ اﻟﻌ ﻢ‬cousin" is used to show the way the revolutionists are
connected to the rest of the Egyptian population. They are all one family.
The urge to unite revolutionists is clear in a slogan like " ،‫ﯾ ﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺣ ﺪ اﻟﮭﺘ ﺎف‬
‫"إوﻋ ﻰ ﺗﻄ ﺎطﻲ إوﻋ ﻰ ﺗﺨ ﺎف‬/yalā niwaḥid ʼal-hitāf, ʼiwʻa tiṭaṭī ʼiwʻa
tiḵāf/"lets unite our own call, do not ever submit or even fall" or more
literally "lets unite the call, do not submit and not ever be
frightened". The exclamation tool "‫""ﯾ ﺎﻻ‬come on" which is defined
according to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬, as "‫("ھﯿ ﺎ‬2002, p.165) /hayā/
"come on" is used to wake Egyptians up. This slogan was created
following many incidents after the revolution which seemed to break their
own unity according to their own different ideologies. This slogan urges
them to unify themselves. The same effect can be seen in " ‫ﯾ ﺎﻻ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺼﺮي ﯾ ﺎﻻ‬
‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﻋ ﺎﯾﺰة ﺷ ﻐﻞ ﺑﺰﻣ ﺔ‬،‫"اﻟﮭﻤ ﺔ‬/yalā yā maṣrī yalā ʼal-himah, maṣr ʻayzah
šuġl bzimah/"O Egyptian come on increase your determination, our
103
Egypt need our hard endeavor". The same exclamation mark
"‫""ﯾ ﺎﻻ‬come on" is used to enthuse Egyptians. The choice of the word
"‫ "ھﻤ ﺔ‬which is defined according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as "‫("اﻟﻌ ﺰم اﻟﻘ ﻮي‬1993,
p.995)/ʼal-ʻazm ʼal-qawī/"strong determination", as well as the word
"‫ "زﻣ ﺔ‬which is defined according to ‫( ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬2002)
as "‫" "دﯾ ﻦ‬debt" but widely used in the Egyptian slang as working hard,
stress the theme of patriotism and the Egyptians' debt towards their
beloved homeland.
This spirit is also clear in a slogan like "‫"أﯾ ﺪ واﺣ ﺪة‬/ʼīd waḥadah/"one
hand". The same is apparent in ‫"ﯾ ﺎﻻ ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﯿﺦ ﻗ ﻮل ﻷﺑﻮﻧ ﺎ إوﻋ ﻮا ﻓ ﻲ ﯾ ﻮم ﯾﻔﺮﻗﻮﻧ ﺎ‬
"/yalā yā šyīḵ qūl li-ʼabūnā ʼiwʻū fī yūm yifaraqūnā/" O Sheikh, ask
the priest for, not dividing us anymore" or more literally "O Sheikh
tell the Priest, do not ever set us apart". The negation of the word
"‫""ﯾﻔ ﺮق‬set apart" bears the same urge to unify the line previously
mentioned above. According to ‫( اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬1993), the word is defined as
"‫ ﻓ ﺼﻞ ﺑﯿ ﻨﮭﻢ‬:‫ "ﻓ ﺮق ﺑ ﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﺘﺨﺎﺻ ﻤﯿﻦ‬/faraqa bayna ʼalmutaḵaṣimīn: faṣala
baynahum/ "divided between two parts of dispute: to separate them".
Perhaps the theme of unity is stressed upon following the incidents of
destroying the Christian church in Atfih, and that is what revolutionists
focus upon. The unifying calls appear in " ‫ أﯾ ﺪ واﺣ ﺪة ﻓ ﻲ‬،‫ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ ﻧﺮﺟ ﻊ زي زﻣ ﺎن‬
‫"اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان‬/ʻayzīn nirjaʻ zay zamān, ʼīd waḥada fīl-mīdān/(Like heydays,
we want to be back, One hand through the grand track), or more
literally "we want to go back like the heydays, to be one hand in the
square" expressed by the lexical choice "‫""إﯾ ﺪ واﺣ ﺪة‬one hand". Some
enthusiastic slogans are created as a reaction against the way some
political and Islamic parties tend to exploit the benefits of the revolution
exclusively for themselves without any regard to the benefit of youth or
their own homeland. Those parties; including Muslim brotherhood begins
104
to claim that the Egyptian revolution was exclusively held and organized
by them. So, revolutionists, following these miserable conditions, begin
to react against those parties. Some slogans are created to remind those
parties as well as the Egyptian populace of the nature and the identities of
the real participant in the Egyptian revolution. In " ‫اﻟﺜ ﻮرة ﺛ ﻮرة ﺷ ﺒﺎب ﻣ ﺶ‬
‫"ﺟﻤﺎﻋ ﺎت وﻻ أﺣ ﺰاب‬/ʼaṯ-ṯawra ṯawrit šabāb miš jamaʻāt walā ʼaḥzāb/" it's
a revolution of youth, not of groups or parties", the choice of the
lexical item "‫""ﺷ ﺒﺎب‬youth" emphasizes the fact that youth are the real
instigator of the Egyptian revolution. Several sources, through the days of
revolution began to doubt that this revolution is sparked by foreign arms
along with Islamic groups and civil parties. So, this slogan was created as
a reaction against this claim. The slogan was retrieved again in the
aftermath demonstrations which were held against the military rule.
Youth have experienced a great injustice following the Egyptian
parliamentary elections. Some Islamist parties began to occupy the stage
and seize the benefits of the revolution exclusively for their on interest
with no thankful regard to youth. The negation " ‫ﻣ ﺶ ﺟﻤﺎﻋ ﺎت وﻻ‬
‫""أﺣ ﺰاب‬neither of groups nor parties" is used to attribute the favor and
power to the Egyptian youth.
The same happens in "‫ اﻟﺜ ﻮرة ﺛ ﻮرة ﺷ ﺒﺎب‬،‫"ﻻ إﺧ ﻮان وﻻ أﺣ ﺰاب‬/lā ʼiḵwān
wala ʼaḥzāb, ʼal-ṯawrah ṯawrit šabāb/"neither by Brethrens nor
parties, it's by angry youth treaties". The same is clear in " ‫ﺛ ﻮرة ﻣ ﺼﺮ و‬
‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﺷ ﺒﺎب ﻣ ﺼﺮ اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﮭ ﺎ‬،‫"ھﻨﻜﻤﻠﮭ ﺎ‬/ṯawrit maṣr w hankamilhā, ʼiḥna
šabāb maṣr ʼillī ʻāmilhā/"Egyptian revolts will continue, it's your
youth in every avenue", or more literally " It's Egypt's revolution and
we'll continue it, we are Egypt's youth who have accomplished it".
The same choice of the word "‫" "ﺷ ﺒﺎب ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬Egypt's youth" is used to
support the previously mentioned ideological view along with the word
105
"‫""ﯾﻜﻤ ﻞ‬continue" that shows the spirit of determinacy. During the days of
the 25th revolution, the Egyptian regime started to have some talks,
discussions and negotiations with several characters and parties including
Muslim brethrens as well as creating a mediating group called " ‫ﻟﺠﻨ ﺔ‬
‫"اﻟﺤﻜﻤ ﺎء‬/lajnit ʼal-ḥukamāʼ/"wisemen committee". Several slogans are
created as a reaction against these meetings and negotiations as " ‫وﻻ ﺣﻜﻤ ﺎء‬
‫ اﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟ ﺐ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان‬،‫"وﻻ إﺧ ﻮان‬/wala ḥukamāʼ wala ʼiḵwān, ʼal-maṭalib fīlmīdān/"no wise men no Brethren are here, Demands are there in the
square". The word "‫""ﻣﯿ ﺪان‬square" refers to the entire Egyptian populace
who are the real participants in the Egyptian revolution as opposed to
"‫""اﺧ ﻮان‬Brethrens" or "‫""ﺣﻜﻤ ﺎء‬wise men" who kept on making deals and
negotiations with the Egyptian regime during the Egyptian revolution.
The same is apparent in the revolts against SCAF as in " ‫إﺣﻨ ﺎ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﻻ‬
‫ وﻻ أﺣ ﺰاب ﺑﺘﻘ ﺴﻢ ﺗﻮرﺗ ﺔ‬،‫"ﺟ ﯿﺶ وﻻ ﺷ ﺮطﺔ‬/ʼiḥna ʼaš- šaʻb lā jīš walā šurtah,
walā ʼaḥzāb bitqasim turtah/"we're the people neither an army, a
police, nor some parties willing to bite a larger piece", or more
literally "we are the people not an army, police nor parties dividing
the cake into pieces". The generalized word "‫ "ﺷ ﻌﺐ‬is used to refer to the
wide range of Egyptian people who participate in the revolution and to
give the slogan a kind of credibility and validation as opposed to the
ruling class "‫ اﻷﺣ ﺰاب‬، ‫ اﻟ ﺸﺮطﺔ‬،‫""اﻟﺠﯿﺶ‬army, police, parties" who seemed to
occupy the stage that time.
The same occurs in "‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮي و ﺑﺎﯾ ﺖ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان‬..‫"ﻻ ﺑﺮدﻋ ﺎوي وﻻ إﺧ ﻮان‬/lā
baradʻāwī walā ʼiḵwān.. maṣrī wa bāyit fī ʼal-mīdān/"Neither
Baradei's nor Bretherns' fielding, I am Egyptian and square is my
shielding". The choice of the generalized word "‫""ﻣ ﺼﺮي‬Egyptian" is
used to refer to the nature of those who really hold the revolution as
opposed to other groups and parties who hold different ideologies. By
106
employing such choices, a more credibility is given to the ideology of the
chanters of the slogan itself.
The same can be traced in " ‫ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮي ﻣ ﻼ‬،‫وﻻ أﺣ ﺰاب وﻻ إﺧ ﻮان‬
‫"اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان‬/wala ʼaḥzāb wala ʼiḵwān, ʼaš-šaʻb ʼal-maṣry mala ʼalmīdān/"Neither parties nor Ikhwan*, Egyptians entirely filled the
square". The same lexical choice of "‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮي‬Egyptian people" is
used to sustain the previously mentioned ideology. Another slogan that
used the same lexical choice
is " ‫ اﻟﺜ ﻮرة دي ﺛ ﻮرة‬،‫ ﻣﻠﯿﻮﻧﯿ ﺔ‬،‫ﻣﻠﯿﻮﻧﯿ ﺔ‬
‫"ﻣ ﺼﺮﯾﺔ‬/milyūnyah, milyūnyah, ʼaṯ-ṯawrah dī ṯawrah maṣryah/"we
are millions of multi-millions, this is the Egyptian rebellions" or more
literally "a million man march a million man march, this revolution is
purely Egyptian". The same determinacy is clear in the second phase of
the Egyptian revolution exemplified in a slogan like " ‫اﺳ ﻤﻊ ﯾ ﺎ ﻛﺒﯿ ﺮ إﺣﻨ ﺎ‬
25 ‫ ﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟ ﺐ‬،‫"اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ‬/ʼismaʻ yā kabīr ʼiḥna ʼat-taḥtrīr, līna maṭalib
25/"listen up carefully senescent bands, Tahrir's demands are
commands" or more literally, "listen up you grand one, we are Tahrir
and we have the demands of the 25th ". The choice of the lexical item
"‫""اﺳ ﻤﻊ‬listen up" reflects the great power and dominance that the
revolutionists hold to the point that they have the ability to order SCAF to
achieve their commands.
Revolutionists have long been accused, during and after the
revolution, of being collaborators, thugs, foreign funding agents … etc.
As a reaction against such an accusation, several slogans are created as in
"‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﺣ ﺮاس اﻟﻘ ﻀﯿﺔ‬،‫"اﻟﺜ ﻮار ﻣ ﺶ ﺑﻠﻄﺠﯿ ﺔ‬/ʼaṯ-ṯwār miš baltajyah, ʼiḥna ḥurās
ʼal-qaḍyah/"rebels are not thugs, we're the revolution's guards". The
emphasis on the word "‫""ﺛ ﻮار‬rebellions" evokes the revolutionists'
enthusiasm and pride. The word is being specified as a reply to the
accusations
which
were
set
against
107
revolutionists
of
being
"‫""ﺑﻠﻄﺠﯿ ﺔ‬thugs". According to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬, the word
"‫"ﺑﻠﻄﺠﯿ ﺔ‬is defined as "‫("ﻓﺮﻗ ﺔ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ ﻟﻠﮭ ﺪم و ﻧﺤ ﻮه‬2002, p.220)/firqah min
ʼal-ʻaskar lil hadm wa naḥwahu/ "a group of militias used to destroy and
ruin something". Perhaps ideologically, this description refers to SCAF's
militias and negates this description attached against rebellions.
The similar negation occurs in " ‫ ﺑ ﺲ ﺗ ﺮاب ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬،‫ﻣﺶ ﺑﻠﻄﺠﻲ وﻻ وش ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ‬
‫"ﯾ ﺴﺘﺎھﻞ‬/miš balṭajī walā wiš mašākil, bas turāb maṣr yistāhil/"I am
neither a thug nor a trouble-marker, it's here an Egyptian future
baker", or more literally " I am neither a thug nor a trouble-maker,
but Egypt's dust is worthy". The same happens in the choice of the
word "‫""ﺑﻠﻄﺠ ﻲ‬thug". Another reply to one of the accusations raised during
and after the revolution is the reply to the claims the revolutionists aew
adopting foreign agendas and are funded by foreign countries.
Another enthusiastic way used to frame slogans is describing the
victory that revolutionists achieved after the ousting of Mubarak in order
to raise the sense of self-esteem and pride is " ‫ ﻓﺮﺣ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ‬،‫ﻓﺮﺣ ﺔ ﻓﺮﺣ ﺔ ﺑﻌ ﺪ اﻟﻨ ﺼﺮ‬
‫"ﻛ ﻞ ﺷ ﻮارع ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬/farḥah farḥah baʻd ʼan-naṣr, farḥa fī kul šawāriʻ
maṣr/"Joy and happiness after the conquest, happiness all over
Egypt's districts". The lexical choice of the word "‫""ﻧ ﺼﺮ‬victory"
increases the revolutionists' feeling of self-esteem and pride of what they
have done. The choice of the word "‫""ﻓﺮﺣ ﺔ‬happiness" is one of the ways
of reaching into a psychologically merciful conclusion after the
destructive, tiring 18 days revolutionists spent in the Tahrir. The similar
lexical choice is clear in " ‫ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ ﺑﻨﺤ ﺮر ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬،‫"ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ أﺟ ﻮاء اﻟﻨ ﺼﺮ‬/fī
ʼat-taḥrīr
ʼajwāʼ
ʼan-naṣr,
fī
ʼat-taḥrīr
binḥarar
maṣr/"The
atmosphere of victory is being felt, in Tahrir we are freeing Egypt".
108
3.3.1.2. Negativity of Lexical Choices
In order to increase people's revolutionary spirit and provoke their
anger, such slogans are also invented as in" ‫ و إﻧ ﺖ ﻗﺎﻋ ﺪ‬،‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻧ ﺎس ﺑﺘﻤ ﻮت‬
‫"ﻓ ﻮق ﻣﺒ ﺴﻮط‬/ʼat-taḥrīr fī nās bitmūt, wa ʼinta ʼāʻid fūq mabsūṭ/"
Tahrir is full of people; dead and you're sting up so delighted?!". The
choice of the word "‫""ﻗﺎﻋ ﺪ‬sitting" shows the static state of Egyptians and
the way they seem to be passive towards the incidents. So, they have to
move and join revolutionists. Another way of creating the sense of
concern among Egyptians in order to urge them to move can be traced in
such a slogan "‫"ﯾﺎﻻ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺼﺮي ﻋ ﺪي اﻟ ﺴﻮر ﻗﺒ ﻞ ﻣ ﺎ ﯾﺠ ﻲ ﻋﻠﯿ ﻚ اﻟ ﺪور‬/yalā yā maṣrī
ʻadī ʼas-sūr ʼabl mā yījī ʻalīk ʼad-dūr/"O Egyptian cross the line, or
you'll pay a bloody fine" or more literally, "O Egyptian cross the
fence before it will be your turn". The call to dispel one's fear is used
repeatedly, and the lexical choice of "‫ "ﯾﺠ ﻲ ﻋﻠﯿ ﻚ اﻟ ﺪور‬raises the Egyptians'
concerns about their own destiny, so that they can make a move besides
revolutionists.
Negative lexical choices also appear in "‫ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ ﻣ ﺶ ﺗﻜﯿ ﺔ ﻟﻠﮭﻠﯿﺒ ﺔ و‬
‫"اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬/maṣr baladnā miš tekiyah lil-halībah wʼil-ḥaramyah/"Egypt
is not an asylum or a safeguard, for robbers protection and regard"
or more literally "Egypt, our homeland is not a hospice for villains
and thieves". In this slogan, protestors are aware of Mubarak's plan to
usurp Egypt; he and his family. They express that Egypt is their own. It is
not exclusive to one member or one party. Egypt is for all Egyptians, and
that is expressed by the lexical choices made by protestors. The central
theme of the slogan is "‫ "ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬or "Egypt, our country". "Egypt" is
attributed with "our country" in order to highlight the implicit meaning
conveyed by the slogan itself. The slogan ideologically focuses on the
truth believed by protestor that Egypt is for all Egyptians. The Arabic
109
slogan uses "‫"اﻟﺒ ﺪل‬/ʼal-badal/or "Appositive". They also choose " ‫ﺑ ﺪل‬
‫"اﻟﻤﻄ ﺎﺑﻖ‬/badal ʼal-muṭābiq/" in order to stress the fact that "‫ "ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬is the
same "‫"ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬. It is not the property of a handful of thieves and villains.
According to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟ ﻮﺟﯿﺰ‬/ʼal-muʻjam ʼal-wajīz/, the word "‫ "ﺗﻜﯿ ﺔ‬is defined
as "‫("ﻣﻜﺎن إﻗﺎﻣ ﺔ اﻟ ﺼﻮﻓﯿﺔ‬2003, p.76) /makān ʼiqāmit ʼaṣ-ṣūfya/" a place where
mystical practices are performed". The word ‫ ﺗﻜﯿ ﺔ‬is sometimes used to
refer to the property of someone. The slogan described the regime's men
as "‫"ھﻠﯿﺒ ﺔ و ﺣﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬. According to ‫( ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬2002), the
word ‫ ھﻠﯿﺒ ﺔ‬is equivalent to the word "‫"ﺷ ﺮﯾﺮ‬/širīr/"villain". Attributing the
Egyptian regime's men with such adjectives presents them in a negative
picture.
Table 14: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Encouraging Slogans
Lexicalization
Positivity
Negativity
"Egyptians"‫" اﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬coward"‫ﺟﺒﺎن‬
"victory"‫اﻟﻨﺼﺮ‬
"hospice"‫ﺗﻜﯿﺔ‬
"liberators"‫أﺣﺮار‬
"thieves"‫ﺣﺮاﻣﯿﺔ‬
"our people"‫"أھﺎﻟﯿﻨﺎ‬
"Egyptians"‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬
Power-based
"hoist up"‫ارﻓﻊ‬
"raise"‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬
"arrest me"‫اﻋﺘﻘﻠﻮﻧﻲ‬
"hoist up"‫ارﻓﻊ‬
3.3.1.4. Metaphors
Metaphors are employed in order to reflect both positive and
negatives feelings. In "‫إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﺷ ﺒﺎب ﺑﻨﺤ ﺮر ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬،‫""ارﻓ ﻊ ﻛ ﻞ راﯾ ﺎت اﻟﻨ ﺼﺮ‬raise all
victory banners, we are the youths who are freeing Egypt", Egypt is
described as a human being, been put in jails for many years and Egypt's
youth are the ones who are going to free her out of her prison. This
metaphor has a positive point of view dealing with the Egyptian
revolutionists. The equal positive feeling is clear in a metaphor like
"‫ اﻟﺤﺮﯾﺔ ﺗﻌ ﯿﺶ ﻣ ﻦ دوﻧ ﻲ‬،‫ اﻋﺘﻘﻠﻮﻧﻲ‬،‫"اﻋﺘﻘﻠﻮﻧﻲ‬/ʼiʻtaqilūnī, ʼiʻtaqilūnī, ʼal-ḥuryah tiʻīš
110
min dūnī/"arrest me arrest me. O long live freedom without me". The
personification of freedom depicts positive feelings towards liberty.
The revolution is personified too in a slogan like " ‫ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺼﺮي ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬
‫ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺜﻮرة ﻧﺒﻜﻲ ﻋﻠﯿﮫ‬،‫"إﯾﮫ‬/qūlī yā maṣrī bāʼī ʼīh, baʻd ʼaṯ-ṯawrah nibkī ʻalīh/ "O
Egyptian tell me quite honestly, what remains after revolution to cry
for?!". Revolution is being characterized as a sick or a dying person to
feel sympathy and cry for, in order to raise the sense of concern as well as
enthusiasm. The metaphor of "‫""إﯾﺪ واﺣﺪة‬one hand" is used to give an
enthusiastic influence. In " ‫ وﻻ أﺣﺰاب ﺑﺘﻘﺴﻢ‬،‫إﺣﻨﺎ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻻ ﺟﯿﺶ وﻻ ﺷﺮطﺔ‬
‫""ﺗﻮرﺗﺔ‬we are the Egyptian populace, not an army, a police nor parties
dividing the cake into pieces", Egypt or the Egyptian revolution is
described as a piece of cake in order to evoke a negative feeling towards
the miserable status that the country is undergoing.
In "‫ ﻛ ﺎﻧﻮا دﯾﺎﺑ ﮫ و ﻛﻨ ﺎ أﺳ ﻮد‬،‫"اﺷ ﮭﺪ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺤﻤ ﺪ ﻣﺤﻤ ﻮد‬/ʼišhad yā muḥamad
maḥmūd, kānū dyābah wa kunā ʼusūd/ "witness O Muhammad
Mahmoud, they were wolves and we were lions", the military as well as
police arms are described as wolves"‫ "دﯾﺎﺑ ﺔ‬in order to tarnish their image,
and revolutionists are described as lions "‫ "أﺳ ﻮد‬in order to whitewash their
image. In a slogan like "‫ اﻟﻤﯿ ﺪان ﺑﯿﺘ ﻲ وﻋﻨ ﻮاﻧﻲ‬،‫"أﻧ ﺎ ﻧ ﺎزل ﻣ ﺶ راﺟ ﻊ ﺗ ﺎﻧﻲ‬/ʼanā nāzil
miš rajiʻ tānī, ʼal-mydān bitī wa ʻinwānī/ "I am going out and will never
come back, the square is my home and address", Tahrir square is
described as the revolutionists' home and shielding in order to create an
encouraging description that reflects the revolutionists' long relations
with the square.
In "‫ إﺣﻨﺎ ﺣ ﺮاس اﻟﻘ ﻀﯿﺔ‬،‫""اﻟﺜﻮار ﻣﺶ ﺑﻠﻄﺠﯿﺔ‬revolutionists are not thugs, they
are
the
guards
of the
case",
revolutionists
are
described
as
"‫""ﺣ ﺮاس‬guards", and the revolution is described as "‫" "اﻟﻘ ﻀﯿﺔ‬the case".
Revolution; the case, is described as something precious that needs to be
111
protected from ruination. The similar metaphor can be traced in " ‫ﻣ ﺶ‬
‫ ﺑ ﺲ ﺗ ﺮاب ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﯾ ﺴﺘﺎھﻞ‬،‫""ﺑﻠﻄﺠ ﻲ وﻻ وش ﻣ ﺸﺎﻛﻞ‬I am neither a thug nor a trouble
maker, but Egypt's dust is worthy" in which "‫""ﺗ ﺮاب ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬Egypt dust" is
described as a valuable object that is worthy to sacrifice for in order to
give a positive influence. The same is obvious in " ‫ اﻟﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ‬،‫ ﯾ ﺎﺑﻦ اﻟﻌ ﻢ‬،‫ﯾﺎﺑﻦ اﻟﺨ ﺎل‬
‫ "ﺗﻤﻨﮭ ﺎ اﻟ ﺪم‬in which "‫" "اﻟﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ‬liberty" is defined as a valuable object that is
dearly paid for.
In "‫ ﻗﺒ ﻞ ﻣ ﺎ ﯾﺠ ﻲ ﻋﻠﯿ ﻚ اﻟ ﺪور‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎﻻ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺼﺮي ﻋ ﺪي اﻟ ﺴﻮر‬/yalā yā maṣry ʻadī
ʼas-sūr, ʼabl mā yijī ʻalīk ʼad-dūr/"O Egyptian cross the fence before it
will be your turn", Egyptian's fear is being described as a fence or barrier
set against his pursuit to liberty and it works negatively against one's fear.
In "‫ ﻧﮭﺒ ﻮا وﻻدك ﯾ ﻮم ورا ﯾ ﻮم‬،‫"اﺻﺤﻰ ﯾﺎ ﻣ ﺼﺮ و ﻓ ﻮﻗﻲ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﻨ ﻮم‬/ʼiṣḥī yā maṣr wa fūqī
min ʼan-nūm, nahabū wilādik yūm warā yūm/"Get up Egypt and wake up
from your sleep, they have been robbing you sons a day after another",
Egypt is being personified as a mother for all Egyptians, and Egyptians as
"‫""وﻻد‬sons" of Egypt in order to give a positive feeling, as well as to
stress upon the way Egyptians are deeply connected with their own
homeland.
The same happens in " ‫ دول‬،‫ دول ﻋﻠ ﺸﺎﻧﻚ ﺷ ﺎﻟﻮ اﻟﮭ ﻢ‬،‫ وﻻدك أھ ﻢ‬،‫ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﯾ ﺎ أم‬
‫"ﯾﻔ ﺪوﻛﻲ ﺑ ﺎﻟﺮوح و اﻟ ﺪم‬/maṣr yā ʼum, wilādik ʼahum, dūl ʻalašānik šālu ʼalham, dūl yifdūkī bilrūḥ wil-dam/"O Egypt O mother, here are your sons,
they, for you bore all worries , they sacrifice their souls and blood for
you" in which Egypt is described as "‫""أم‬mother" for all Egyptians,
"‫""وﻻد‬sons", in order to give a positive point of view. In " ،‫ﺷ ﺪي ﺣﯿﻠ ﻚ ﯾ ﺎ ﺑﻠ ﺪ‬
‫" اﻟﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ ﺑﺘﺘﻮﻟ ﺪ‬O country hold on and take your breath, freedom is being
born", Egypt is described as a woman during her delivery operation and
"‫""اﻟﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ‬liberty" is described as a newly born baby that is going to come
to the light after that hard deliverance. This metaphor bears a positive
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point of view and sheds light on the hardness and the obstacles that Egypt
has to undergo in order to gain its freedom, because is not an easy task.
In "‫""ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ ﻣ ﺶ ﺗﻜﯿ ﺔ ﻟﻠﮭﻠﯿﺒ ﺔ و اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿ ﺔ‬O Egypt our country is not a
hospice for villains and thieves", Egypt is described as "‫""ﺗﻜﯿ ﺔ‬hospice"
owned by the ruined Egyptian regime in order to give a negative point of
view to Egypt's status under Mubarak's reign. In " ‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬،‫اﻓ ﺘﺢ ﺻ ﺪرك ﻟﻠﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ‬
‫""ھﺎﺗﻔ ﻀﻞ ﻏﺎﻟﯿ ﺔ ﻋﻠﯿ ﺎ‬Open your chest to freedom, Egypt will always be dear
to me", the metaphor "‫""اﻓ ﺘﺢ ﺻ ﺪرك‬open your chest" gives a positive
feeling and reflects the sacrificial spirit of the revolutionists. In "‫ﻟ ﻮ ﺧﻄﻔﻮﻧ ﺎ‬
‫ ﺻ ﻮت اﻟﺜ ﻮرة ﻣ ﺶ ھ ﺎﯾﻤﻮت‬،‫"ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﯿﻮت‬/law ḵatafūna min ʼal-biyūt, ṣūt ʼaṯ-ṯawrah
miš haymūt/"if they kidnap us from our houses, the sound of revolution
will never die", the metaphor "‫""ﺻ ﻮت اﻟﺜ ﻮرة‬sound of revolution" is used
describing revolution as a war trumpet whose sound is heard all over the
world, and the theme of determinacy is being shadowed in " ‫ﻣ ﺶ‬
‫""ھﺎﯾﻤﻮت‬will never fade away". In "‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﻟﺒ ﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺑﮭ ﺎ اﻟﺘﻠ ﻲ‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﻋﯿﻮن اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ طﻠ ﻲ‬/yā
ʻiyūn ʼal-ʻalam ṭulī, maṣr libsit tūbha ʼal-tulī/"O world's eyes observe as
Egypt wore her bridal dress", Egypt is described as a bride wearing her
wedding dress and waiting for her wedding celebration in order to give a
positive feeling.
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Table 15: A Sample of Metaphors in Encouraging Slogans
Metaphors
Positive
Negative
‫ إﺣﻨﺎ ﺷﺒﺎب ﺑﻨﺤﺮر ﻣﺼﺮ‬،‫ارﻓﻊ ﻛﻞ راﯾﺎت اﻟﻨﺺ‬
‫ وﻻ أﺣﺰاب ﺑﺘﻘﺴﻢ ﺗﻮرﺗﺔ‬،‫إﺣﻨﺎ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻻ ﺟﯿﺶ وﻻ ﺷﺮطﺔ‬
"raise all victory banners, we are the
"we are the Egyptian populace, not an army, a
youths who are freeing Egypt"
police nor parties dividing the cake into pieces"
‫ دول‬،‫ دول ﻋﻠﺸﺎﻧﻚ ﺷﺎﻟﻮ اﻟﮭﻢ‬،‫ وﻻدك أھﻢ‬،‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﯾﺎ أم‬
""‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ ﻣﺶ ﺗﻜﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﮭﻠﯿﺒﺔ و اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿﺔ‬
‫ﯾﻔﺪوﻛﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺮوح و اﻟﺪم‬
"O Egypt O mother, here are your sons, "O Egypt our country is not a hospice for
they, for you bore all worries, they
villains and thieves"
sacrifice their souls and blood for you"
3.3.1.5. Generalization and Specification
Several generalized words are used like "‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬people", "‫""أھﺎﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬our
people", "‫""ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬Egypt", "‫""ﺑﻠ ﺪ‬country", "‫""ﻣ ﺼﺮي‬Egyptian" to refer to the
sense of inclusion of all sections of the society in order to give the
revolution a kind of public credibility. Generalization can operate
negatively as in words like "‫""ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎت‬groups", and "‫""أﺣﺰاب‬parties".
Specified words comes as a detailed description of the generalized
words as in "‫""ﺛ ﻮار‬revolutionists", "‫""ﺷ ﯿﺦ‬Sheikh", "‫""أﺑﻮﻧ ﺎ‬our priest" which
comes as example for the generalized word "‫""ﺷ ﻌﺐ‬people" and
"‫""ﻣ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬Egyptians". Another specified words that can operate
negatively are
"‫""إﺧ ﻮان‬Ikhwan",
"‫""ﺣﻜﻤ ﺎء‬wisemen",
"‫""ﺟ ﯿﺶ‬army",
"‫""ﺷ ﺮطﺔ‬police", and "‫""ﺑﺮدﻋ ﺎوي‬Baradian" as specified words derived from
the generalized words"‫""ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎت‬groups", and "‫""اﺣﺰاب‬parties".
3.3.1.6. Pronouns
Pronouns in these slogans stress the "us" vs. "them" ideological
square previously mentioned by Van Dijk. Most of the pronouns used to
refer to people, revolutionists, and protestors are positive and powerful as
in
"‫""إﺣﻨ ﺎ‬we", "‫""ﺷ ﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬our people", "‫"اﻋﺘﻘﻠ ﻮﻧﻲ‬arrest me", "‫""ھﺎﻧ ﺴﯿﺒﮭﺎ‬we'll
114
leave it", "‫""ﻧﺒﻜ ﻲ‬we cry", "‫""ﻧﺮﺟ ﻊ‬we go back", "‫""اﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا ﻓﯿﻨ ﺎ‬shot us",
"‫""ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬our country", "‫""ﻛﻨ ﺎ‬we were", "‫""ﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬for us", "‫""أﻧ ﺎ‬I am", "‫""ﺑﯿﺘ ﻲ‬my
homeland", "‫""ﻗﻮﻟﻨﺎھ ﺎ‬we said it", "‫""ﻣﺘﻌﺒﻨ ﺎش‬we are not done", "‫""ﻣﯿﻨﻔﻌﻨ ﺎش‬will
make no use for us", "‫""أﺑﻮﻧ ﺎ‬our Pope", "‫""ﯾﻔﺮﻗﻮﻧ ﺎ‬separate us", "‫""ھﺎﻧﻜﻤ ﻞ‬we'll
continue it", "‫""ﻧﺤ ﺮر‬we are freeing", "‫""ﻏﺎﻟﯿ ﺔ ﻋﻠﯿ ﺎ‬dear to me", "‫""ﻛﺮاﻣﺘﻨ ﺎ‬our
dignity", "‫""اﻧ ﻀﻤﻮا ﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬join us". Pronouns used to refer to the Egyptian
regime's men are negative as in "‫""ﻛ ﺎﻧﻮا‬they were", "‫""ھﻤ ﺎ‬they",
"‫""ﻧﮭﺒ ﻮا‬they robbed". Pronouns which are used to direct the calls to the
Egyptian people, or Egypt are seen in "‫""اﻧﺰﻟ ﻮا‬go out", "‫""ﯾﺠ ﻲ ﻋﻠﯿ ﻚ اﻟ ﺪور‬it
will be your turn", "‫""ﺻ ﻮﺗﻚ‬your voice", "‫""وﻻدك‬your sons", "‫""ﺻ ﺪرك‬your
chest", "‫""إﻧﺖ‬you", "‫"ھﻲ‬she", "‫""ﻋﻠﺸﺎﻧﻚ‬for you".
Table 16: A Sample of Pronouns in Encouraging Slogans
Pronouns
Us
""we"‫"إﺣﻨﺎ‬
""our people"‫" ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬
"arrest me"‫" اﻋﺘﻘﻠﻮﻧﻲ‬
""shot us"‫"اﺿﺮﺑﻮا ﻓﯿﻨﺎ‬
Them
""they robbed"‫"ﻧﮭﺒﻮا‬
""your chest"‫"ﺻﺪرك‬
""your voice‫"ﺻﻮﺗﻚ‬
3.3.2. Semantic Level
3.3.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Lexical Cohesion are evident in these slogans. Synonyms are
noticeable stressing negative and positive point of views as in " ،‫اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬
‫ أھﺎﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬،‫ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮي‬،‫ اﻟ ﺸﺒﺎب‬،‫ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬،‫ ﺷ ﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬،‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬،‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮي‬،‫""ﺷ ﺒﺎب ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬
Egyptians, Egypt's youth, Egyptian, Egyptians, our people, the people,
the youth, Egyptian people, our people" that reflect positive feelings. The
equal positive feeling is apparent in " ،‫ ﻗﻮﻟ ﻮا‬،‫ ﻓ ﻮﻗﻲ‬،‫ ﺛ ﻮري‬،‫ إﺻ ﺤﻰ‬،‫ ﻋﻠ ﻲ‬،‫ارﻓ ﻊ‬
‫"ردوا‬,"raise, arouse, wake up, revolt, get up, say, repeat" that express
positive enthusiastic feeling. Several synonyms are used to create
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negative reaction as in "‫ ﺟﻤﺎﻋ ﺎت‬،‫""أﺣ ﺰاب‬parties, groups", " ،‫اﻟﻈﻠ ﻢ‬
‫""اﻟﻘﮭﺮ‬injustice, oppression", and "‫ ﺟﺒﺎن‬،‫"" اﻷﻧﺪال‬scoundrel, coward".
Antonyms are also gathered to create negative as well as positive
influences as in "‫ ﯾﺨ ﺎف‬،‫""ﺣ ﺮ‬free, afraid" that holds positive feeling for the
former and negative one for the latter, as well as "‫ اﻋﺘﻘﻠ ﻮﻧﻲ‬،‫""ﺗﻌ ﯿﺶ‬long live,
arrest me", "‫ ﺧ ﺎﯾﻒ‬،‫""ﻋﻠ ﻲ‬raise", afraid", "‫ ﻓﻜ ﺮة‬،‫""اﻟ ﺴﺠﻦ‬jail, free thought",
"‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة‬،‫""اﻟﻘﮭﺮ‬oppression, tomorrow", "‫ ﯾﻘﻮﯾﻨ ﺎ‬،‫""اﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا‬shot us, strengthen us",
"‫ ﺣ ﺮاس‬،‫""ﺑﻠﻄﺠﯿ ﺔ‬thugs, guards", "‫ ﺟﺒ ﺎن‬،‫"ﯾﻤ ﻮت‬to die, coward", "‫ راﺟ ﻊ‬،‫"ﻧ ﺎزل‬go
down, come back", "‫ ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬،‫""ﻣ ﺴﺘﺒﺪ‬unjust, liberty", "‫ ﻣﺒ ﺴﻮط‬، ‫""ﯾﻤ ﻮت‬die,
delighted", "‫ ﺟﺒ ﺎن‬، ‫""ﻋﻠ ﻲ‬raise, coward". All these are antonyms which
carry contradictory meanings.
Hyponyms are also used as in " ،‫ ﻣ ﺪارس‬،‫ ﺷ ﻮارع‬،‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬،‫ ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬،‫ ﺑﻠ ﺪ‬،‫اﻟﻌ ﺎﻟﻢ‬
‫ ﺗ ﺮاب ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬،‫ ﻋﻨ ﻮاﻧﻲ‬، ‫ ﺑﯿﺘ ﻲ‬، ‫""ﻣ ﺼﺎﻧﻊ‬universe, country, homeland, Egypt,
streets, schools , factories, home, address, Egypt's dust" to refer to the fact
the revolution is widespread all over Egypt.
Table 17: Lexical Cohesion in Encouraging Slogans
Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Synonyms
Positive
‫ﺸﻌﺐ‬
‫ اﻟ‬،‫ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬
"Egyptians, people"
Antonyms
Negative
‫اﻟﻤ‬
"hoist up, raise" ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬،‫ارﻓﻊ‬
Hyponyms
Positive /Negative
‫ اﻟﻘﮭﺮ‬،‫اﻟﻈﻠﻢ‬
"injustice, oppression"
‫ﯾﺨﺎف‬،‫ﺣﺮ‬
"free, afraid"
،‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬،‫ ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬،‫ ﺑﻠ ﺪ‬،‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬
‫ ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻊ‬،‫ ﻣﺪارس‬،‫ﺷﻮارع‬
‫ ﺗ ﺮاب‬،‫ ﻋﻨ ﻮاﻧﻲ‬،‫ﺑﯿﺘ ﻲ‬،
‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬
‫ اﻷﻧﺪال‬،‫اﻟﺨﺎﯾﻨﯿﻦ‬
"traitors, scoundrels"
‫ ﺣﺮاس‬،‫ﺑﻠﻄﺠﯿﺔ‬
"thugs, guards"
"universe, country,
homeland, Egypt,
streets, schools ,
factories, home,
address, Egypt's
dust"
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3.3.3. Syntactic Level
3.3.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive Voice
In transitivity analysis, one can discover that there are choices that
a writer can make at the level of syntax that can evoke different responses
within the hearer. In relation to "Actor", "Patient" structures, several
slogans are framed in order to show ideologically the power and
dominance positions occupied by the revolutionists against the lessdominant, powerless Egyptian regime as well as stressing youth's role in
the revolution. The latter influence occurs in slogans like " ‫ارﻓ ﻊ ﻛ ﻞ راﯾ ﺎت‬
‫ إﺣﻨﺎ ﺷ ﺒﺎب ﺑﻨﺤ ﺮر ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬،‫""اﻟﻨﺼﺮ‬hoist up all victory banners, we are youths who
are freeing Egypt". Placing "‫""ﺷ ﺒﺎب‬youth" in the actor position and "‫ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬
"Egypt" in the patient position imposes the whole responsibility of
freeing Egypt on youth in order to give them their credit.
The same happens in "‫""ﺛ ﻮرة ﺛ ﻮرة ﺣﺘ ﻰ اﻟﻨ ﺼﺮ و اﻟ ﺴﺘﺎت ھ ﺎﺗﺤﺮر ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬A
revolution, a revolution till victory is captured and women are going to
free Egypt" in which "‫""اﻟ ﺴﺘﺎت‬women" are placed in the actor position as
"‫ ""ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬Egypt" in the patient position to give them their due. The same is
clear in "‫ إﺣﻨﺎ ﺷﺒﺎب ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﮭ ﺎ‬،‫""ﺛﻮرة ﻣﺼﺮ و ھﺎﻧﻜﻤﻠﮭﺎ‬It's Egypt's revolution
and we'll fulfill it, we are Egypt's youth who have made it", in which
Egypt youth""‫ "ﺷ ﺒﺎب ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬is placed in the actor position and the revolution
in the patient position in order to place Egypt's youth in high esteem and
transmit an optimistic reaction. In " ‫ وﻻ أﺣ ﺰاب‬،‫إﺣﻨ ﺎ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﻻ ﺟ ﯿﺶ وﻻ ﺷ ﺮطﺔ‬
‫""ﺑﺘﻘ ﺴﻢ ﺗﻮرﺗ ﺔ‬we are the people, not an army, police, nor parties dividing
the cake into pieces". The word "‫""أﺣ ﺰاب‬parties" is placed in the actor
position and "‫""ﺗﻮرﺗ ﺔ‬cake", in reference to Egypt, is placed in the patient
position in order to put the whole responsibility of dividing Egypt on
parties and to transmit a negative feeling against them.
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Sometimes the actor is missing in the sentence. This is perhaps
because the actor is unknown or the slogan writer is willing to hide it. In
"‫""ﯾﺎﻻ ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﯿﺦ ﻗ ﻮل ﻷﺑﻮﻧ ﺎ إوﻋ ﻮا ﻓ ﻲ ﯾ ﻮم ﯾﻔﺮﻗﻮﻧ ﺎ‬O Sheikh, tell our Priest, do not let
them set us apart". The actor of this slogan is missing in order to raise the
hearer's imagination to include all the expected actors that seem to
accomplish this act. The same happens in " ‫ ﺻ ﻮت اﻟﺜ ﻮرة‬،‫ﻟ ﻮ ﺧﻄﻔﻮﻧ ﺎ ﻣ ﻦ اﻟﺒﯿ ﻮت‬
"‫""ﻣ ﺶ ھ ﺎﯾﻤﻮت‬if they kidnap us from our houses, the sound of revolution
will never die", in a great reference to the Egyptian regime, Mubarak's
men, SCAF and police forces. The same occurs in " ‫اﺻﺤﻲ ﯾﺎ ﻣ ﺼﺮ و ﻓ ﻮﻗﻲ ﻣ ﻦ‬
‫""اﻟﻨﻮم ﻧﮭﺒﻮا وﻻدك ﯾ ﻮم ورا ﯾ ﻮم‬Get up Egypt and wake up from your sleep; they
have been robbing your sons a day after another". The actor is replaced
by a pronoun in order to free the hearer's imagination and prompt him/her
to think of all the expected actors.
Passive voice occurs in some slogans as " ‫ اﻟﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ‬،‫ﺷ ﺪي ﺣﯿﻠ ﻚ ﯾ ﺎ ﺑﻠ ﺪ‬
‫""ﺑﺘﺘﻮﻟ ﺪ‬O country hold on and take your breath; freedom is being delivered
from birth". The passive voice is usually used to distract the hearer's
attention from the real actor of the action. However, in this case the
passive voice is used to focus the hearer's attention on the process of
liberty's birth without distracting one's attention to other trivial details as
the actor of the delivery process. Perhaps, one reason of using the passive
voice is that there is no definite actor for the process of delivery.
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Table 18: A Sample of Transitivity in Encouraging Slogans
Transitivity
Revolutionists in Active
The actor is missing replaced by
position
‫واو اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‬
Passive voice
‫اﺣﻨﺎ‬،‫ ﺻﻮت اﻟﺜﻮرة ﻣﺶ ارﻓﻊ ﻛﻞ راﯾﺎت اﻟﻨﺼﺮ‬،‫ﻟﻮ ﺧﻄﻔﻮﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﯿﻮت‬
‫ اﻟﺤﺮﯾﺔ‬،‫ﺷﺪي ﺣﯿﻠﻚ ﯾﺎ ﺑﻠﺪ‬
‫ﺷﺒﺎب ﺑﻨﺤﺮر ﻣﺼﺮ‬
‫ھﺎﯾﻤﻮت‬
‫ﺑﺘﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬
"hoist up all victory "If they kidnap us from our "O country hold on and
banners, we are youths houses, the sound of revolution take your breath;
who are freeing Egypt"
will never die"
freedom is being
delivered from birth"
‫ﺛﻮرة ﺛﻮرة ﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﻨﺼﺮ و اﻟﺴﺘﺎت‬
‫اﺻﺤﻲ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ و ﻓﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻮم ﻧﮭﺒﻮا‬
‫ھﺎﺗﺤﺮر ﻣﺼﺮ‬
‫وﻻدك ﯾﻮم ورا ﯾﻮم‬
"A revolution, a
"Get up Egypt and wake up from
revolution till victory is
your sleep; they have been
captured and women are robbing your sons a day after
going to free Egypt"
another"
3.3.3.2. Nominalization
Nominalization is frequently applied in these slogans. This is clear
in
"‫""اﻟﺠﮭ ﺎد‬Jihad",
"‫""ﺛ ﻮرة‬revolution",
"‫"ﻓﺮﺣ ﺔ‬happiness",
" ‫أﺟ ﻮاء‬
‫"اﻟﻨ ﺼﺮ‬victory's atmosphere", "‫""ﻣﻠﯿﻮﻧﯿ ﺔ‬a million man march", "‫""اﻟﮭﺘ ﺎف‬the
chant", "‫""اﻟ ﺴﺠﻦ‬prison", "‫""اﻟﻘﮭ ﺮ‬oppression", "‫""اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾ ﺮ‬liberation", and
"‫""أﺟ ﻮاء‬atmosphere" that display nominalization which deletes the action
by avoiding the use of a verb and turning the event into a noun. This
removes any hint of agency and protects the speaker from being obliged
to name those responsible for any of these actions.
Table 19: A Sample on Nominalization in Encouraging Slogans
Nominalization
Positive
"prison" ‫اﻟﺴﺠﻦ‬
"oppression"‫اﻟﻘﮭﺮ‬
Negative
"revolution"‫ﺛﻮرة‬
"happiness"‫ﻓﺮﺣﺔ‬
"victory's ‫أﺟﻮاء اﻟﻨﺼﺮ‬
atmosphere"
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3.3.4. Rhetorical Level
3.3.4.1. Repetition
Rhetorically, repetition is clear in "‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻣ ﯿﻦ؟‬،‫"إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻣ ﯿﻦ‬who are we,
who are we?", "‫ ارﻓ ﻊ‬،‫""ارﻓﻊ‬raise, raise", "‫اﻋﺘﻘﻠ ﻮﻧﻲ‬، ‫""اﻋﺘﻘﻠ ﻮﻧﻲ‬arrest me, arrest
me","‫""ارﻓ ﻊ ارﻓ ﻊ‬hoist up hoist up", "‫""اﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا ﻓﯿﻨ ﺎ اﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا ﻓﯿﻨ ﺎ‬shot us shot
us""‫""ﺛ ﻮري ﺛ ﻮري‬revolt, revolt", "‫اﻟﺠﮭ ﺎد‬، ‫""اﻟﺠﮭ ﺎد‬O Jihad O Jihad", " ‫أھ ﻼ‬
‫""أھ ﻼ‬welcome, welcome", "‫ ﺛ ﻮرة‬،‫""ﺛ ﻮرة‬a revolution, a revolution", " ‫ط ﺎﻟﻊ‬
‫""ط ﺎﻟﻊ‬up and up", "‫ ﻣﺎﺗﻌﺒﻨ ﺎش‬،‫""ﻣﺎﺗﻌﺒﻨ ﺎش‬we're not done yet, we're not done
yet", "‫""ﻋﻠ ﻲ ﻋﻠ ﻲ‬raise raise", "‫ ﻓﺮﺣ ﺔ‬،‫""ﻓﺮﺣ ﺔ‬happiness, happiness", " ‫ﻣ ﺶ‬
‫""ھﺎﻧﻄ ﺎطﻲ ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﻧﻄ ﺎطﻲ‬we'll never submit, we'll never submit"," ،‫ﻣﻠﯿﻮﻧﯿ ﺔ‬
‫""ﻣﻠﯿﻮﻧﯿ ﺔ‬a million man march a million man march", "‫""ﯾ ﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ ﯾ ﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ‬o our
people, o our people". Repetition stresses a certain idea or concept; the
revolutionists' courage, drawing the attention of the reader and the hearer
as well as serving as a means of provoking the hearer's enthusiasm.
Table 20: A Sample of Repetitions in Encouraging Slogans
Repetition
Positive
Negative
"raise, raise"‫ ارﻓﻊ‬،‫ارﻓﻊ‬
‫ ﻣﻠﯿﻮﻧﯿﺔ‬،‫ﻣﻠﯿﻮﻧﯿﺔ‬
"a million man march a million man
march"
120
"shot us shot us"‫اﺿﺮﺑﻮا ﻓﯿﻨﺎ اﺿﺮﺑﻮا ﻓﯿﻨﺎ‬
"arrest me, arrest me"‫ اﻋﺘﻘﻠﻮﻧﻲ‬،‫اﻋﺘﻘﻠﻮﻧﻲ‬
3.4. Analysis of Martyrs' Rights based Slogans
3.4.1. Lexicalization
3.4.1.1. Power-based Lexical Choices
The choice of lexical items reflects the status, ideology, and the
purpose of creating slogans. The theme of revenge is apparent in slogans
like "‫ أﺧﺮﺗﮭ ﺎ اﻟﻜﻠ ﺐ ﺑﯿ ﻀﺮب ﻧ ﺎر‬،‫ اﻟﺘ ﺎر اﻟﺘ ﺎر‬،‫"اﻟ ﺪم اﻟ ﺪم‬/ʼad-dam ʼad-dam , ʼat-tār
ʼat-tār, ʼaḵritha ʼal-kalb byḍrab nār/"O Blood for blood, o revenge o
sire, the dog eventually is shooting fire", " ‫ ﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا إﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ‬،‫اﻟﻘﺼﺎص اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص‬
‫" ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺻ ﺎص‬/ʼal-qaṣāṣ ʼal-qaṣāṣ, ḍarabū ʼiḵwatna bilruṣāṣ/"life for life is
a holy retaliation, brothers were shot no conciliation", " ‫اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص‬
‫ "اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص ﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا وﻻدﻧ ﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺻ ﺎص‬/ʼal-qaṣāṣ ʼal-qaṣāṣ, ḍarabū wiladna
bilruṣāṣ/"life for life is a holy retaliation, sons were killed no
conciliation", "‫ دم اﻟ ﺸﮭﺪا ﻣ ﺶ ھ ﺎﯾﮭﻮن‬،‫ ﻣ ﺶ ھ ﺎﻧﺨﻮن‬،‫ "ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﻧ ﺴﺎﻣﺢ‬/miš
hansāmiḥ, miš hanḵūn, dam ʼaš-šuhada miš hayhūn/ "we'll not
pardon, we'll not betray", "‫ ﯾ ﻮم ﻣ ﺎ ﻧﻌ ﺪم ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬،‫ "ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ و ھﻨﺎﺧ ﺪ ﺗ ﺎرك‬/yā
šahīd w hanaḵud tārak, yūm mā niʻdim mubārak/ "martyr's,
Mubarak is now prosecuted, you' are avenged when he is executed",
"‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ھﺎﻧﻌ ﺪم اﻟ ﺴﻔﺎح‬،‫ "ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﻧ ﺎم و ارﺗ ﺎح‬/yā šahīd nām wa ʼirtāḥ, bukrah
haniʻdim ʼas-safāḥ/ "Martyr, rest in honor and dignity, we'll execute
the blood-guilty", and "‫ إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﺑﻨﻄﻠ ﺐ اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص‬،‫"اﻓ ﺘﺢ ﺻ ﺪرك ﻟﻠﺮﺻ ﺎص‬/ʼiftaḥ
ṣidrk lil-ruṣāṣ, ʼiḥna bniṭlub ʼal-qaṣaṣ/"stand bravely against
munitions, we ask for holy retaliation". Several lexical items are
ideologically used to depict the spirit of vengeance, as well as the
revolutionists' right to avenge the murdering of revolutionary martyrs.
This is exemplified in such words as "‫""اﻟ ﺪم‬blood" which is ideologically
used to refer to the brutality of the former Egyptian regime as well as
"‫ "اﻟﺘ ﺎر‬which is the colloquial equivalent of the standard Arabic word "‫"ﺛ ﺄر‬
/ṯaʼr/ "revenge" which is defined as "‫("أﺧ ﺬ ﺑﺪﻣ ﮫ‬1993, p.92)/ʼaḵaḏa bi121
damih/ "avenged for his blood", according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, as well as
"‫""اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص‬retaliation" which is defined according to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬, as "
‫ واﻟﺠ ﺮح ﺑ ﺎﻟﺠﺮح‬، ‫ اﻟ ﻨ ﱠﻔْﺲُ ﺑ ﺎﻟﻨ ﱠﻔْﺲ‬: ‫ َن ﯾُﻮﻗ ﱠ َﻊ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﺠ ﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜ ُﻞ ﻣ ﺎ ﺟَ ﻨ َ ﻰ‬:‫( "اﻟﻘ ِ ﺼَ ﺎصُ أ‬1993,
p.739) /ʼal-qiṣāṣ: ʼan ywakaʻ ʻala ʼal-jāny miṯl mā jana: ʼan-nafs bil-nafs.
wa ʼal-jarḥ bil-jarḥ/ "to punish the guilty for what he has done: the soul
for the soul, the wound for the wound", and "‫""ﻧﻌ ﺪم‬execute" which is
defined according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‬as " ‫ ﻧﻔ ﱠﺬ ﻓﯿﮫ ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻤ ﻮت‬: َ‫أﻋﺪم اﻟﻘﺎﺗﻞ‬
‫("ﻗ ِ ﺼﺎﺻًﺎ ﺟﺮﯾﻤ ﺔ ﺗ ﺴﺘﺤ ّﻖ اﻹﻋ ﺪام‬2008, p.1469) /ʼaʻdam ʼal-qātil: nafaَḏa fīh
ḥukm ʼal-mawt qِaṣāṣan jarīmah tastaḥiq ʼal-ʼiʻdām/ "execute the killer:
to obey the order of a legal judgment by killing someone as a retaliation:
a crime that deserves execution". Lexical choices are ideologically
employed to refer to the legal revenge against martyr's killers. The choice
of the words "‫ وﻻدﻧ ﺎ‬،‫""إﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ‬our brothers, our sons" is used to give a kind
of public credibility and support to the revolutionary demand.
Enthusiastic chants are also used addressing both the silent Egyptian
people and the brutal authority, as well as reflecting the revolutionists'
determinacy to get martyr's rights back. This is clear in slogans like
"‫ أﺑ ﺪا ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﻧﻨ ﺴﻰ اﻟﻘ ﻀﯿﺔ‬،‫ "اﺳﺘ ﺸﮭﺪ واﺣ ﺪ أو ﻣﯿ ﺔ‬/ʼistašhid wāḥid ʼaw miyah,
ʼabadan miš haninsa ʼal-qaḍyah/ "kill one, kill two or multitude, it is
, we swear, frank turpitude", "‫ﻛ ﻞ رﺻﺎﺻ ﺔ ﺑﺘﻘﻮﯾﻨ ﺎ‬،‫"اﻗﺘ ﻞ ﺧﺎﻟ ﺪ اﻗﺘ ﻞ ﻣﯿﻨ ﺎ‬/ʼiqtil
ḵālid ʼiqtil mīna, kul ruṣāṣah bitqawīna/"Get Khalid and Mina
killed, no bullet is being felt", " ‫ ﯾﺎ ﻧﻌﯿﺶ أﺣﺮار‬،‫ اﻟﺸﮭﺪا دول إﺧﻮاﺗﻨﺎ‬،‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪ دي ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ‬
‫ ﯾ ﺎ ﻧﻤ ﻮت ﺛ ﻮار ﯾ ﺎ إﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ‬،‫ "ﯾ ﺎ ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬/ʼal-balad dī baladna, ʼal-šuhada dūl
ʼiḵwātna, ya nʻīsh ʼaḥrār yā baladna, ya nimūt ṯwār yā ʼiḵwātna/
"this is our beloved country, martyrs are our own brothers, we'll live
free, O country, or die in revolts and do not bother", " ‫اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮي‬
‫ﺑﻌ ﺪ اﻟ ﺪم ھﺎﯾﺤ ﺼﻞ إﯾ ﮫ‬، ‫ "ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻟﯿ ﮫ‬/ʼaš- šaʻb ʼal-maṣry sākit līh, baʻd ʼad-dam
hayḥṣal īh/ "Egyptian people, do not be silent no way!, after
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bloodshed what else to stay", "‫ ﻟ ﺪﻣﺎء اﻟ ﺸﮭﺪاء‬،‫ "أوﻓﯿ ﺎء أوﻓﯿ ﺎء‬/ʼawfyāʼ
ʼawfyāʼ, li-dimāʼ ʼaš-šuhadāʼ/ "to martyrs we keep faith and fidelity,
till giving killers death penalty", " ‫ﺷ ﯿﺨﻨﺎ ﻣ ﺎت ﯾ ﺎﻟﻼ ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﻌﺐ‬،‫ ﻣﯿﻨﺎ ﻣﺎت‬،‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺎت‬
‫ "ﻛﻔﺎﯾ ﺔ ﺳ ﻜﺎت‬/ḵālid māt, mīna māt, šīḵnā māt yalla yā šaʻb kifāyah
sukāt/ "they killed Mina, Sheikh and Khalid before, passive citizens,
what are you waiting for?!", "‫ راح ﻧﻘ ﻮل ﻟﻠﻔﻠ ﻮل ﻷ‬،‫ "دم اﻟ ﺸﮭﯿﺪ ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ ﺣ ﻖ‬/dam
ʼaš-šahīd ʻalīna haʼ, rāh niqūl lil-filūl laʼ/ "Martyr's blood is our
obligation, to refuse the remnants' restoration", " ‫ﯾ ﺎ ﻧﺠﯿ ﺐ ﺣﻘﮭ ﻢ ﯾ ﺎ ﻧﻤ ﻮت‬
‫ "زﯾﮭ ﻢ‬/yā nijīb ḥaquhum yā nimūt zayuhum/ "Either to get their due
right back, or to delve into their honor track", " ‫ ﻣ ﯿﻦ‬،‫ﺳ ﺎﻣﻊ أم ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﺑﺘﻨ ﺎدي‬
‫ "ھﺎﯾﺠﯿ ﺐ ﺣ ﻖ وﻻدي‬/sāmiʻ ʼum šahīd bitnādy, mīn hayjīb ḥaq wilādy/ "I
hear martyr's mother crying in attack, who will get my sons' right
back", and "‫ ﻓ ﯿﻦ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ ﻓ ﯿﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﺿ ﻲ‬،‫ "ﺳ ﺎﻣﻊ أم ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﺑﺘﻨ ﺎدي‬/sāmiʻ ʼum šahīd
bitnādy, fīn ʼal-ʻaskar fīn ʼal-qāḍy/ "I hear a call from martyr's
mother, where is the judge, where is the soldier?!". The lexical
choices of "‫ رﺻﺎﺻ ﺔ‬،‫ ﻣ ﺎت‬،‫ دﻣ ﺎء‬،‫ اﻟ ﺪم‬،‫ ﻧﻤ ﻮت‬،‫""اﻗﺘ ﻞ‬kill, to die, blood, bloods,
died, bullet" are used to give a negative picture against the barbaric way
martyrs were killed by police and military hands. The word "‫"ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ‬
"martyr" is defined, according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻮﺳﯿﻂ‬, as "‫("ﻣﻦ ﯾﻘﺘ ﻞ ﻓ ﻲ ﺳ ﺒﯿﻞ ﷲ‬1993,
p.497) /man yuqtal fī sabīl ʼallāh/ "who is killed for God's sake", and is
used to give them a kind of religious holiness that supports the
ideological goal of the chants themselves. The word "‫""ﺣ ﻖ‬right" is drawn
upon in order to give a positive picture towards martyrs' rights. The word
"‫""ﺳ ﺎﻛﺖ‬silent" is an attack against passive silent citizens who are reluctant
facing the brutal way martyrs are killed. The lexical choices of words like
"‫ ﻧﻤ ﻮت‬،‫ ﻧﻌ ﯿﺶ‬،‫ ﻧﻘ ﻮل‬،‫ ﺗﻘﻮﯾﻨ ﺎ‬،‫""ﻧﻨ ﺴﻰ‬forget, strengthen us, say, live, die'" place
the revolutionists in the upper hand position against the inferiority of the
Egyptian regime's power. The word "‫"وﻓ ﻲ‬/wafy/"faithful", according to
‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻐﻨ ﻲ‬means "‫َص‬
ِ ‫اﻹﺧْ ﻼ‬
ِ َ‫ ْﻣُﻠﺘ َ ِﺰ ٌم ﺑ ِﺎﻟﻮَ ﻓ َ ﺎءِ و‬، ٌ‫("ﻣُﺨْ ﻠ ِ ﺺ‬1993)/ muḵliṣ, multaziِm
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bِil-wafَāʼ wa ʼal-ʼiِḵlāṣ/ "faithful; abided by faithfulness and sincerity".
The lexical choice of this word attributes all the meanings of sublimity to
the revolutionists.
3.4.1.2. Negativity of Lexical Choices
Several slogans also focus on the way revolutionists were murdered
as well as placing the responsibility on a certain group of people as in
"‫ ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا اﻟﻄﺎﻟ ﺐ ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا اﻟ ﺸﯿﺦ‬،‫ "اﺷ ﮭﺪ اﺷ ﮭﺪ ﯾ ﺎ ﺗ ﺎرﯾﺦ‬/ʼišhad ʼišhad yā tārīḵ, qatalu
ʼaṭ-ṭālib qatalū ʼaš-šīḵ/ "innocent age witness and behold, sheikh and
student have been killed", "‫ اﻟ ﺸﺮطﺔ ﺑﺘﺤ ﺮق ﺑﻠ ﺪي‬،‫ "اﻟ ﺸﺮطﺔ ﺑﺘﻘﺘ ﻞ وﻟ ﺪي‬/ʼaššurtah btiqtil waladī, ʼaš-šurtah btiḥraq baladī/ "my son is being
killed by police hand, and they keep on burning my homeland", " ‫ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا‬
‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ھ ﺎﯾﯿﺠﻲ ﻋﻠﯿ ﻚ اﻟ ﺪور‬،‫"اﻟ ﺸﯿﺦ ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا اﻟ ﺪﻛﺘﻮر‬/qatalū ʼal-šīḵ qatalu ʼal-duktūr,
bukra hayījī ʻalīk ʼad-dūr/ "both doctor and sheikh were shot, and
tomorrow is your imminent spot", " ‫ﻣﯿﻨ ﺎ داﻧﯿ ﺎل ﻣ ﺎت ﻣﻘﺘ ﻮل و اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ ھ ﻮ‬
‫ "اﻟﻤ ﺴﺌﻮل‬/mīna danyāl māt maqtūl w ʼal-majlis hwa ʼal-masʼūl/ "Mina
Daniel jas been killed, the council's liability is being held", " ‫اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﺧ ﺎﯾﻒ‬
‫ ﻓﺎﺿ ﻞ إﯾ ﮫ‬،‫ ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا إﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ‬،‫ "ﺧ ﺎﯾﻒ ﻟﯿ ﮫ‬/ʼilly ḵāyf ḵāyf līh, qatalū ʼiḵwatna, fāḍil
īh/ "why is your fear, O man, they killed your brother, what else to
remain", "‫ اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿ ﺔ ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا وﻻدي‬،‫ "ﺳ ﺎﻣﻊ أم ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﺑﺘﻨ ﺎدي‬/sāmiʻ ʼum šahīd
bitnādī, ʼad-daḵlya qatalū wilādī/ "Martyr's mothers yell for help,
sons were by dirty guns, summed up", and " ‫ ﺣ ﻖ ﺑﻨﺎﺗﻨ ﺎ راح‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ ﯾﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬
‫"ﻓ ﯿﻦ‬/yā mušīr yā mušīr, ḥaq banatna rāḥ fīn/"O Marshal we have
emergent quests, where are our daughters' rights". The lexical choice
of the word "‫""ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا‬murdered" ideologically refers to the barbaric way in
which martyrs were killed. The variation of the identities of martyr's or
victims shows that the whole populace were murdered by the authority
hands as in "‫ أم‬،‫ إﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ‬،‫ وﻟ ﺪي‬،‫ ﺑﻨﺎﺗﻨ ﺎ‬،‫ اﻟﻄﺎﻟ ﺐ‬،‫ اﻟ ﺪﻛﺘﻮر‬،‫"اﻟ ﺸﯿﺦ‬Sheikh, doctor,
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student, our daughters, my son, our brothers, mother" in order to add
public credibility to the revolutionary chants.
3.4.1.3. Positivity of Lexical Choices
Several slogans are picturing martyrs as if they are alive. They are
evident in slogans like "‫ "ﺧﺎﻟ ﺪ ﺳ ﻌﯿﺪ ﯾ ﺎ ﺑﻄ ﻞ دﻣ ﻚ ﺑﯿﺤ ﺮر وط ﻦ‬/ḵālid saʻīd yā
baṭal damak byḥarar waṭan/ "Khalid Said, you do lead, and your
country will be freed", "‫ وإﺣﻨﺎ ﻧﻜﻤﻞ اﻟﻜﻔﺎح‬،‫ "ﯾﺎ ﺷﮭﯿﺪ ﻧﺎم و ارﺗﺎح‬/yā šahīd nām
wirtāḥ, wiḥna nikamil ʼal-kifāḥ/ "O martyrs rest in peace, fight and
struggle will not cease", "‫ و اﺳ ﺘﻨﺎﻧﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺑ ﺎب اﻟﺠﻨ ﺔ‬،‫ "ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﻧ ﺎم و اﺗﮭﻨ ﺎ‬/yā
šahīd nām w ʼithana, w ʼistanana ʻala bāb ʼal-janah/"O martyr rest
in peace, and bliss is yours, for us be waiting on heaven's doors", " ‫ﯾ ﺎ‬
‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ﯾﻄﻠ ﻊ ﻓﺠ ﺮ ﺟﺪﯾ ﺪ‬،‫ "ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ‬/yā šahīd yā šahīd, bukrah yitlaʻ fajr
jadīd/ "O martyrs be so convenient, the new dawn is so imminent",
"‫ اﻟﻨﮭ ﺎردة ﯾﻮﻣ ﻚ ﻋﯿ ﺪ‬،‫ "أﻟ ﻒ ﻣﺒ ﺮوك ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ‬/ʼalf mabrūk yā šahīd, ʼil-naharda
yūmak ʻīd/ "O martyr, congratulations, today is your celebration",
"‫ ﻟ ﺴﺔ اﻟﺜ ﻮرة ﻣﺨﻠ ﺼﺘﺶ‬،‫ "ﯾﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﻣﺘ ﺰﻋﻠﺶ‬/yā šahīd matizʻalš, lisah ʼaṯ- ṯawra
maḵilsitš/ "O martyr do not ever be mad, revolution is still on the
track", and "‫ دﻣ ﻚ ﻣ ﺶ ھ ﺎﯾﺮوح اﻛﯿ ﺪ‬،‫ "ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ‬/yā šahīd yā šahīd,
damak miš hayrūḥ ʼakīd/ "O martyrs we will not get rest until, your
bloodshed will not be futile". Addressing martyrs as if they are alive,
revolutionists stress the holy way they consider their martyrs. They are
still alive inside their hearts coping with the Qur'anic verse " ‫وﻻ ﺗﺤ ﺴﺒﻦ اﻟ ﺬﯾﻦ‬
‫("ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا ﻓ ﻲ ﺳ ﺒﯿﻞ ﷲ اﻣ ﻮات ﺑ ﻞ أﺣﯿ ﺎء ﻋﻨ ﺪ رﺑﮭ ﻢ ﯾﺮزﻗ ﻮن‬2: 196) /walā taḥsabana ʼallaḏīn qutilū fī sabīl ʼallāh ʼamwāt bal aḥyāʼ ʻinda rabihim yurzaqūn/
"Think not of those who are slain in Allah's way as dead. Nay they live
finding their sustenance in the presence of their Lord"(Yusuf Ali).
Lexical choices are selected carefully to describe martyrs as "‫ "ﺑﻄ ﻞ‬/baṭal/
hero" which is defined according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿ ﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻ ﺮة‬as " ،‫اﻟ ﺸﺠﺎع‬
‫("اﻟﻤﻘ ﺪام‬2008, p.219)/ʼašl-šujāʻ, ʼal-miqdām/"the courageous and reckless",
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in order to give Khalid Said; as one of martyrs, a kind of sublimity as
opposed to the Egyptian regime's authority. The similar sublimity is
apparent in the lexical choice "‫"اﻟﻜﻔ ﺎح‬, "struggle" which is defined
according to ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻐﻨﻲ‬, as "‫("اﻟﻨﻀﺎل‬1993)/ʼan-niḍāl/"struggle".
Some slogans are created to add the sense of holiness to martyrs by
connecting them with the name of God. This is apparent in " ‫ و‬،‫ﻻ إﻟ ﮫ إﻻ ﷲ‬
‫"اﻟ ﺸﮭﯿﺪ ﺣﺒﯿ ﺐ ﷲ‬/lā ʼilāh ʼilā ʼallāh, wʼaš-šahīd ḥabīb ʼallāh/"we say,
Allah is the only true God, Martyrs, He said, the most beloved", as
well as in "‫ ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﻧ ﺴﯿﺐ ﺣ ﻖ اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﻣ ﺎت‬،‫"اﺷ ﮭﺪ ﯾ ﺎ رب اﻟﻌﺒ ﺎد‬/ʼišhad yā rab ʼalʻibād, miš hansīb ḥaʼ ʼillī māt/"O Allah, for those who has been
killed, we will not let theirs to be dispelled". The choice of " ‫ رب‬،‫ﷲ‬
‫""اﻟﻌﺒ ﺎد‬Allah, the God of worshippers" gives a holy spirit and grandeur to
the revolutionary martyrs, in particular, and martyrdom in general.
Table 21: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Martyrs' Rights based Slogans
Lexicalization
Positivity
"hero"‫ﺑﻄﻞ‬
"martyr"‫ﺷﮭﯿﺪ‬
"Lover"‫ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬
Negativity
"killed"‫ﻗﺘﻠﻮا‬
"died"‫ﻣﺎت‬
"fearful"‫ﺧﺎﯾﻒ‬
Power-based
"Revenge"‫اﻟﺘﺎر‬
"strengthen us"‫ﺗﻘﻮﯾﻨﺎ‬
"their rights"‫ﺣﻘﮭﻢ‬
3.4.1.4. Overlexicalization
Overlexicalization is frequently made in framing martyrs' slogans.
One can find a variety of lexical items which are used to refer to the same
concept. Overlexicalization is always used to stress a certain concept or
an idea as in "‫ دم‬،‫ ﻣﻘﺘ ﻮل‬،‫ اﺳﺘ ﺸﮭﺪ‬،‫ ﻣ ﺎت‬،‫""ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا‬killed, die, martyred, killed,
blood", in order to give a negative point of view against the barbaric
Egyptian regime, "‫ ﺗ ﺎر‬،‫""اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص‬retaliation, revenge" to refer positively to
the revolutionists' determinacy to get martyrs' rights back, " ،‫ اﻟﻜﻔ ﺎح‬،‫اﻟﻘ ﻀﯿﺔ‬
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‫""ﺣ ﻖ‬the case, struggle, right" to refer positively to martyrs' sublime
right", and "‫ ارﺗ ﺎح‬،‫ ﻧ ﺎم‬،‫ اﻟﺠﻨ ﺔ‬،‫ ﻋﯿ ﺪ‬،‫"ﻓﺠ ﺮ‬dawn, feast, paradise, rest in peace,
get rest" to refer positively to martyr's glamorous holy destiny, and
"‫ ﻧﻨ ﺴﻰ‬،‫ ﯾﮭ ﻮن‬،‫ ﯾ ﺮوح‬،‫ ﻧﺨ ﻮن‬،‫"ﻧ ﺴﺎﻣﺢ‬forgive, betray, waste away, die, forget" to
refer to the revolutionists; determinacy to get martyrs' rights back.
3.4.1.5. Metaphors
Metaphorical pictures highlight both black and white feelings
concerning a variety of issues an ideologies. In " ‫ أﺧﺮﺗﮭ ﺎ‬،‫ اﻟﺘ ﺎر اﻟﺘ ﺎر‬،‫اﻟ ﺪم اﻟ ﺪم‬
‫""اﻟﻜﻠ ﺐ ﺑﯿ ﻀﺮب ﻧ ﺎر‬Blood, blood, revenge, revenge, the dog is eventually
shooting us with gun fire", the Marshal is described as "‫""اﻟﻜﻠ ﺐ‬the dog" in
order to give a humiliating picture for the marshal and his brutal barbaric
policies. In"‫ ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا اﻟﻄﺎﻟ ﺐ ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا اﻟ ﺸﯿﺦ‬،‫""اﺷﮭﺪ اﺷﮭﺪ ﯾﺎ ﺗ ﺎرﯾﺦ‬O behold and witness O
age, they killed the student and the sheikh", history is personified in order
to refer negatively to the monstrosity of the action. In " ،‫اﻓﺘﺢ ﺻﺪرك ﻟﻠﺮﺻ ﺎص‬
‫""إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﺑﻨﻄﻠ ﺐ اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص‬open your chest to bullets, we are demanding
execution", the metaphorical expression"‫" "اﻓ ﺘﺢ ﺻ ﺪرك‬open your chest"
refers to all the meanings of courage and determinacy which are
attributed to the heart of revolutionists. The same occurs in " ،‫اﺿ ﺮب ﺧﺎﻟ ﺪ‬
‫ ﻛ ﻞ رﺻﺎﺻ ﺔ ﺑﺘﻘﻮﯾﻨ ﺎ‬،‫""اﺿ ﺮب ﻣﯿﻨ ﺎ‬Kill Khalid and Mina, every bullets
strengthen us" in which "‫""ﻛ ﻞ رﺻﺎﺻ ﺔ ﺑﺘﻘﻮﯾﻨ ﺎ‬is metaphorically used to
bolster Egyptian's courage and determinacy. In " ‫ دﻣ ﻚ ﺑﯿﺤ ﺮر‬،‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳ ﻌﯿﺪ ﯾ ﺎ ﺑﻄ ﻞ‬
‫""ﺑﻄ ﻞ‬Khalid Sa'id you hero, your blood is freeing Egypt", "‫""دم‬blood" is
personified as the cause of freeing Egypt in order to elevate the value of
martyrs. In "‫ راح ﻧﻘ ﻮل ﻟﻠﻔﻠ ﻮل ﻷ‬،‫""دم اﻟ ﺸﮭﯿﺪ ﻋﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ ﺣ ﻖ‬blood is our obligation,
we'll say no to remnants", "‫""دم اﻟ ﺸﮭﯿﺪ‬martyr's blood" is described as an
"‫" ﺣﻖ‬obligation" or a law to be abided by. In " ‫ و اﺳ ﺘﻨﺎﻧﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ‬،‫ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﻧ ﺎم و اﺗﮭﻨ ﺎ‬
‫" "ﺑ ﺎب اﻟﺠﻨ ﺔ‬O martyr rest in peace and be waiting for us on Heaven's door",
the metaphorical choice of "‫""ﺑ ﺎب اﻟﺠﻨ ﺔ‬heaven's door" is used to refer
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positively to martyrs', as well as revolutionists' glorified destiny. In " ‫ﯾ ﺎ‬
‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ﯾﻄﻠ ﻊ ﻓﺠ ﺮ ﺟﺪﯾ ﺪ‬،‫"ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ‬O martyr O martyr , tomorrow a new dawn
will come", freedom is described as "‫""ﻓﺠ ﺮ‬dawn" in order to give a bright
picture of what martyrs have done for Egypt. In " ‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة‬، ‫ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﻧ ﺎم و ارﺗ ﺎح‬
‫""ﻧﻌ ﺪم اﻟ ﺴﻔﺎح‬martyr rest in peace, we'll soon execute the slaughterer",
Mubarak is described as "‫""ﺳ ﻔﺎح‬slaughterer" in order to stultify his
picture.
Table 22: A Sample of Metaphors in Martyrs' Rights based Slogans
Metaphors
Positive
Negative
‫ دﻣﻚ ﺑﯿﺤﺮر ﺑﻄﻞ‬،‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﯿﺪ ﯾﺎ ﺑﻄﻞ‬
‫ "ﺑﻜﺮة ﻧﻌﺪم اﻟﺴﻔﺎح‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﺷﮭﯿﺪ ﻧﺎم و ارﺗﺎح‬
"Khalid Sa'id you hero, your blood is "O martyr rest in peace, we'll soon
freeing Egypt"
execute the slaughterer"
‫ و اﺳﺘﻨﺎﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎب اﻟﺠﻨﺔ‬،‫ أﺧﺮﺗﮭﺎ اﻟﻜﻠﺐ ﺑﯿﻀﺮب ﻧﺎر ﯾﺎ ﺷﮭﯿﺪ ﻧﺎم و اﺗﮭﻨﺎ‬،‫ اﻟﺘﺎر اﻟﺘﺎر‬،‫اﻟﺪم اﻟﺪم‬
"O martyr rest in peace and be waiting for
"Blood, blood, revenge, revenge,
us on Heaven's door "
the dog is eventually shooting us
with gun fire"
3.4.1.6. Generalization and Specification
The choices of such words as "‫ وﻻدي‬،‫ أم‬،‫ اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬،‫ ﺑﻼدﻧ ﺎ‬،‫""إﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ‬our
brothers, our country, people, mother, my sons", give a kind of public
credibility and intimacy with all sections of the society. Another
generalized word is "‫""ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ‬martyr" to refer generally to all the victims
who were killed during the incidents of the revolution on the part of the
revolutionists. Several specified words are used like: "‫""اﻟ ﺪﻛﺘﻮر‬doctor",
"‫""اﻟ ﺸﯿﺦ‬Sheikh", "‫""اﻟﻄﺎﻟ ﺐ‬student", "‫""ﺧﺎﻟ ﺪ‬Khalid" ,and " ‫""ﻣﯿﻨ ﺎ‬Mina " to
give a detailed description of the identity of the generalized word
"‫""ﺷﮭﯿﺪ‬martyr".
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3.4.1.7. Pronouns
Pronouns focus on the "us" vs. "them" phenomenon previously
mentioned by Van Dijk. Most pronouns used to refer positively to
revolutionists and protestors are"‫"ن‬as in "‫""ﻧﻨ ﺴﻰ‬we forget, "‫""ﻧ ﺴﯿﺐ‬we let",
"‫""ﺗﻘﻮﯾﻨ ﺎ‬strengthen us", "‫""ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬our country","‫"اﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ‬our brothers ",
"‫""وﻻدﻧ ﺎ‬our sons", "‫""وﻻدي‬my sons", "‫""ﻧ ﺴﺎﻣﺢ‬we forgive", "‫""ﻧﺨ ﻮن‬we
betray", "‫""ﻧﻌ ﺪم‬we execute", and "‫""ﻧﺎﺧ ﺪ‬we take", "‫""ﺑﻨﺎﺗﻨ ﺎ‬our daughters",
"‫""إﺣﻨﺎ‬we"
Pronouns used to refer negatively to the Egyptian regime's men are
seen in "‫ "واو اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋ ﺔ‬as in "‫""ﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا‬they hit", and "‫""ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا‬they killed". While
addressing martyrs and Egyptian people such pronouns are also used as
"‫ "ك‬in "‫""دﻣﻚ‬your blood", "‫""ﻋﻠﯿﻚ‬on you", and "‫""ﺗﺎرك‬your avenge".
Table 23: A Sample of Pronouns in Martyrs' Rights based Slogans
Pronouns
Us
"we forget"‫ﻧﻨﺴﻰ‬
"we let"‫ﻧﺴﯿﺐ‬
"strengthen us"‫ﺗﻘﻮﯾﻨﺎ‬
"our country"‫ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ‬
Them
"they hit"‫ﺿﺮﺑﻮا‬
"they killed".‫ﻗﺘﻠﻮا‬
3.4.2. Semantic Level
3.4.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Lexical Cohesion is evident in these slogans. Synonyms are
noticeable stressing negative and positive feelings as in " ،‫ اﺳﺘ ﺸﮭﺪ‬،‫ ﻣ ﺎت‬،‫ﻗﺘﻠﻮا‬
‫ دم‬،‫""ﻣﻘﺘ ﻮل‬killed, die, martyred , killed, blood" in order to give a negative
point of view, "‫ ﺗ ﺎر‬،‫""اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص‬retaliation, revenge" to focus on the theme of
revenge, "‫ اﻟﻜﻔ ﺎح‬،‫"" اﻟﻘ ﻀﯿﺔ‬the case, struggle " to give a bright picture of the
revolutionary mission", and "‫ اﻟﺠﻨ ﺔ‬،‫ ﻋﯿ ﺪ‬،‫""ﻓﺠ ﺮ‬dawn, feast, paradise", to
129
shed light on the bright picture of the revolutionary future, "‫ ﯾﮭ ﻮن‬،‫"ﻧﺨ ﻮن‬
"forgive, betray" to add a dark influence.
Antonyms are also gathered to create negative as well as positive
influences as in "‫ ﺗﻘﻮﯾﻨ ﺎ‬،‫""اﻗﺘ ﻞ‬kill, strengthen", "‫ ﯾﺨ ﻮن‬،‫""أوﻓﯿ ﺎء‬faithful,
betray", "‫ اﻟﻜﻔ ﺎح‬،‫""ارﺗ ﺎح‬rest in peace, struggle", and "‫ ﺳ ﻔﺎح‬،‫ ""ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ‬martyr,
slaughterer", that show both the bright side, on behalf of revolutionists,
and the dark side on behalf of all other opposing powers.
Hyponyms are also used as in " ،‫ اﻟ ﺸﯿﺦ‬،‫ ﺑﻨﺎﺗﻨ ﺎ‬،‫ وﻻدﻧ ﺎ‬،‫ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻤﺼﺮي‬،‫ﺑﻠﺪي‬
‫ اﻟ ﺪﻛﺘﻮر‬،‫""اﻟﻄﺎﻟ ﺐ‬homeland, Egyptian people, boys, girls, Sheikh, student,
doctor" to refer to the fact the revolution is widely spread all over Egypt.
Table 24: Lexical Cohesion in Martyrs' Rights based Slogans
Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Synonyms
Positive
Antonyms
Negative
Hyponyms
Positive /
Negative
‫ اﻟﺠﻨﺔ‬،‫ ﻋﯿﺪ‬،‫ﻓﺠﺮ‬
"dawn, feast,
paradise"
،‫ ﻣﻘﺘ ﻮل‬،‫ اﺳﺘ ﺸﮭﺪ‬،‫ ﻣﺎت‬،‫ﻗﺘﻠﻮا‬
‫دم‬
"killed, die, martyred,
killed, blood"
،‫اﻟﻘﺼﺎص‬
""retaliation, ‫ﺗﺎر‬
revenge"
‫ ﺳﻔﺎح‬،‫ﺷﮭﯿﺪ‬
"martyr,
slaughterer"
،‫أوﻓﯿﺎء‬
"faithful, ‫ﯾﺨﻮن‬
betray"
،‫ وﻻدﻧ ﺎ‬،‫اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮي‬،‫ﺑﻠ ﺪي‬
‫ اﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮر‬،‫ اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬،‫ اﻟﺸﯿﺦ‬،‫ﺑﻨﺎﺗﻨﺎ‬
"homeland, Egyptian
people, boys, girls,
Sheikh, student, doctor"
3.4.3. Syntactic Level
3.4.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive voice
In transitivity analysis, we can discover that there is a range of
choices that a writer can make to serve a particural ideology. In relation
to "Actor", "Patient" structures, several slogans are framed in order to
show ideologically the power and dominance positions occupied by the
revolutionists against the less-dominant, powerless Egyptian regime as
130
well as highlighting the authorities' responsibility for killing martyrs. In
"‫ أﺧﺮﺗﮭ ﺎ اﻟﻜﻠ ﺐ ﺑﯿ ﻀﺮب ﻧ ﺎر‬،‫"اﻟﺪم اﻟﺪم اﻟﺘﺎر اﻟﺘﺎر‬blood, blood, revenge , revenge, the
dog is eventually shooting us with fire" the marshal's "‫""اﻟﻜﻠ ﺐ‬the dog"
responsibility is being held by placing him in the actor position who is
responsible for performing the action. The same happens in " ‫اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص‬
‫""اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص ﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا إﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺻ ﺎص‬execution execution, they shot our brothers
with gun fire" as well as "‫""اﻟﻘﺼﺎص اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص ﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا وﻻدﻧ ﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺻ ﺎص‬Execution,
execution, they killed our sons with gun fire", in which the pronoun of
"‫ "واو اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋ ﺔ‬is used to refer indirectly to military and police forces which
hold the actor position and "‫ إﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ‬،‫""وﻻدﻧ ﺎ‬our sons, our brothers" are
placed in the victim patient position in order to place all the responsibility
on them. The same is clear in " ‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ھ ﺎﯾﺠﻲ ﻋﻠﯿ ﻚ‬،‫ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا اﻟ ﺸﯿﺦ ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا اﻟ ﺪﻛﺘﻮر‬
‫""اﻟ ﺪور‬they killed the Sheikh and the doctor, tomorrow it will be your
turn", in which "‫ "واو اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋ ﺔ‬is used to refer indirectly to police and
military authority which are placed in the actor position and " ،‫اﻟ ﺸﯿﺦ‬
‫""اﻟ ﺪﻛﺘﻮر‬sheikh, doctor" are placed in the patient victim position to accuse
them of bearing the responsibility of killing martyrs. This occurs also in
"‫ اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿ ﺔ ﻗﺘﻠ ﻮا وﻻدي‬،‫""ﺳ ﺎﻣﻊ أم ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﺑﺘﻨ ﺎدي‬I hear martyr's mother calling,
interior ministry killed my sons" in which the interior ministry
responsibility is being held by placing it in the actor position and
"‫""وﻻدي‬my sons" in the passive victim position. In " ،‫و ﻗ ﺎﻟﻮا ﺟﯿ ﺸﻨﺎ اﻟﻠ ﻲ ﺑﯿﺤﻤﯿﻨ ﺎ‬
‫""ﻗﺘ ﻞ ﻋ ﻼء و ﻗﺘ ﻞ ﻣﯿﻨ ﺎ‬the proclaiming protecting army, Alas, killed Mina's
soul and also Alaa's " or more literally and they claimed that our army is
the one that protects us, it killed Alaa and Mina", the Egyptian army
"‫""ﺟﯿ ﺸﻨﺎ‬our army" is placed in the actor position and "‫ ﻋ ﻼء‬،‫""ﻣﯿﻨ ﺎ‬Mina,
Alaa" are placed in the patient victim position to place the whole
responsibility on the army.
In "‫ دﻣ ﻚ ﺑﯿﺤ ﺮر وط ﻦ‬،‫""ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﯿﺪ ﯾﺎ ﺑﻄﻞ‬Khalid Sa'id o you hero, your blood
is freeing homeland", the "‫" "دم‬blood" of Khalid Sa'id is placed in the
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actor position and "‫""وط ﻦ‬homeland" is placed in the patient position in
order to give him the power , sublimity and dominance over all powers on
land. In "‫""ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﻧ ﺎم و ارﺗ ﺎح و إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻧﻜﻤ ﻞ اﻟﻜﻔ ﺎح‬O martyr rest in peace and get
rest, and we'll continue struggle", revolutionists are placed in the actor
position and "‫""اﻟﻜﻔ ﺎح‬struggle" in the patient position in order to give them
all the meanings of power and dominance. The same happens in " ‫ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ و‬
‫ ﯾ ﻮم ﻣ ﺎ ﻧﻌ ﺪم ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬،‫ ""ھﻨﺎﺧ ﺪ ﺗ ﺎرك‬O martyr we'll take your revenge when we
execute Mubarak", revolutionists are placed in the actor position and
Mubarak in the patient position in order to give them all the meanings of
dominance and power. The same occurs in " ‫ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﻧ ﺎم و ارﺗ ﺎح و إﺣﻨ ﺎ ﻧﻌ ﺪم‬
‫""اﻟﺴﻔﺎح‬O martyr rest in peace and we'll soon execute the slaughterer".
Passive voice is sometimes used to focus on the process or the action
itself without any regard to the actors as in " ‫ﻣﯿﻨﺎ داﻧﯿﺎل ﻣ ﺎت ﻣﻘﺘ ﻮل و اﻟﻤﺠﻠ ﺲ ھ ﻮ‬
‫""اﻟﻤ ﺴﺌﻮل‬Mina Daniel was killed and the SCAF is responsible for that", in
which the focus on the patient as well as the action of killing itself is used
to draw the reader's attention to the hideousness of the action made by
military hands.
Table 25: A Sample of Transitivity in Martyrs' Rights based Slogans
Transitivity
Revolutionists in Active
Egyptian regime in the Actor
position
position
‫ دﻣﻚ ﺑﯿﺤﺮر‬،‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﯿﺪ ﯾﺎ ﺑﻄﻞ‬
‫وطﻦ‬
"Khalid Sa'id o you hero,
your blood is freeing
homeland
‫ﯾﺎ ﺷﮭﯿﺪ ﻧﺎم و ارﺗﺎح و اﺣﻨﺎ ﻧﻜﻤﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻜﻔﺎح‬
"O martyr rest in peace
and get rest, and we'll
continue struggle"
‫ أﺧﺮﺗﮭﺎ اﻟﻜﻠﺐ ﺑﯿﻀﺮب‬،‫اﻟﺪم اﻟﺪم اﻟﺘﺎر اﻟﺘﺎر‬
‫ﻧﺎر‬
"blood, blood, revenge , revenge,
the dog is eventually shooting us
with fire"
‫ ﺑﻜﺮة ھﺎﯾﺠﻲ‬،‫ﻗﺘﻠﻮا اﻟﺸﯿﺦ ﻗﺘﻠﻮا اﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮر‬
‫ﻋﻠﯿﻚ اﻟﺪور‬
"they killed the Sheikh and the
doctor, tomorrow it will be your
turn"
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Passive voice
‫ﻣﯿﻨﺎ داﻧﯿﺎل ﻣﺎت ﻣﻘﺘﻮل و اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬
‫ھﻮ اﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮل‬
"Mina Daniel was killed
and the SCAF is
responsible for that".
‫ﻣﯿﻨﺎ داﻧﯿﺎل ﻣﺎت ﻣﻘﺘﻮل و اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬
‫ھﻮ اﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮل‬
"Mina Daniel was killed
and the SCAF is
responsible for that".
3.4.3.2. Nominalization
Nominalization is used frequently in some slogans that deal with
martyrdom as in "‫""اﻟﻘ ﻀﯿﺔ‬the case", "‫""اﻟﺘ ﺎر‬revenge", "‫"اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص‬retaliation",
"‫""ﺳ ﻜﺎت‬silence", "‫" "ﻛﻔ ﺎح‬struggle". One reason for using nominalization is
to focus on the action itself or the process without any regard to the
participants involved.
3.4.4. Rhetorical Level
3.4.4.1. Repetition
Rhetorical repetition is clear in "‫ اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص‬،‫""اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص‬retaliation,
retaliation","‫ اﻗﺘ ﻞ‬،‫""اﻗﺘ ﻞ‬kill,
kill",
"‫ اﻟ ﺪم‬،‫"اﻟ ﺪم‬blood,
blood",
"‫اﻟﺘ ﺎر‬
‫""اﻟﺘ ﺎر‬revenge, revenge", "‫ أوﻓﯿ ﺎء‬،‫""أوﻓﯿ ﺎء‬faithful, faithful", "‫""ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ‬O
martyr, o martyr", and "‫""ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ ﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ﺸﯿﺮ‬O marshal o marshal". Repetition
occurs to emphasize a certain idea or concept, drawing the attention of
the reader and the hearer and serving as a means to address the hearer.
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3.5. Analysis of Social and Political Demands
3.5.1. Lexicalization
3.5.1.1. Power-based Lexical Choices
Lexical Items' choices reflect the ideology of revolutionists, when
we tackle such slogans as"‫ اﻟ ﺮﯾﺲ ﻗﺒ ﻞ اﻟﺪﺳ ﺘﻮر‬،‫ "اﺳ ﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﻣ ﺎرس ﺑﯿﻘ ﻮل‬/ʼistiftāʼ
māris byʼūl, ʼar-rayis ʼabl ʼad-dustūr/ "March's referendum
declaration, presidency is before constitution". This slogan was
created after SCAF's decision to frame the constitution before starting the
presidency elections. The lexical choice of the word "‫""ﺑﯿﻘ ﻮل‬admits"
appears as a kind of obligation to be applied. The same happens in " ‫اﻟ ﺮﯾﺲ‬
‫ ﺷ ﮭﻮر‬6 ‫ ﻣ ﺶ ھﺎﺳ ﺘﻨﻲ‬،‫ "ﻗﺒ ﻞ اﻟﺪﺳ ﺘﻮر‬/ʼar-rayis ʼabl ʼad-dustūr, miš hastana 6
šuhūr/, presidency elections before constitution, I'll not endure 6
months of ultimate caution". The choice of the affirmative sentence
puts the revolutionists in the highest dominant position as the controlling
power on land and that puts the demand as an obligation which must be
achieved.
In "‫ﺿ ﺪ اﻟﻔﻘ ﺮ و ﺿ ﺪ اﻟﺠ ﻮع‬، ‫"اﻹﺿ ﺮاب ﻣ ﺸﺮوع ﻣ ﺸﺮوع‬/ʼal-ʼiḍrāb mašrūʻ
mašrūʻ ḍid ʼal-faqr wa ḍid ʼal-gūʻ/"strike is admitted by legislation,
against
poverty
and
starvation",
the
choice
of
the
word
"‫""ﻣ ﺸﺮوع‬legitimate" which is defined according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻐﻨ ﻲ‬as " ‫اﺳ ﺘﺨﺪام‬
‫("أﺳ ﺎﻟﯿﺐ ﺷ ﺮﻋﯿﺔ‬1993)/ʼistiḵdām ʼasālīb šarʻyah/"used legitimate ways", is an
enthusiastic support to the revolutionists' demands especially when
followed by the justification for making strike; in order to revolt against
"‫""اﻟﻔﻘ ﺮ‬poverty" and "‫""اﻟﺠ ﻮع‬hunger" which reflect the miserable
conditions that Egypt and Egyptians undergo under the reign of Husni
Mubarak. The similar lexical choices can be traced in " ‫اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ ﻣ ﺸﺮوع‬
‫ ﺿ ﺪ اﻟﻔﻘ ﺮ و ﺿ ﺪ اﻟﺠ ﻮع‬،‫"ﻣ ﺸﺮوع‬/ʼat-taġyīr mašrūʻ mašrūʻ ḍid ʼal-faqr wa
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ḍid al-gūʻ/"it is legitimate to submit to alternation, against poverty
and starvation".
As a reaction against the parliamentary elections, several slogans are
framed. One of them is " ‫ ﺑ ﺲ ﻧﺤ ﺲ ﺑﻔ ﺮق ﯾ ﺎ‬،‫اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑ ﺎت ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻌ ﯿﻦ و ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟ ﺮاس‬
‫"ﻧ ﺎس‬/ʼal-ʼintiḵābāt
ʻala
ʼal-ʻīn
wil-rās,
bas
niḥis
bifraʼ
yā
nās/"elections, for us are so welcomed, if some differences can be
thumbed". The lexical choice of the calling "‫""ﯾ ﺎ ﻧ ﺎس‬O people" is
exploited
to
provoke
people's
sympathy
and
intimacy towards
revolutionists. The use of the word "‫""ﻧﺤ ﺲ‬sense" puts the revolutionists
in the highest dominant status as opposed to other powers on land that
enables them to sense everything concerning their homeland. In " ‫اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬
‫ "ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ ﺗﻄﮭﯿ ﺮ اﻟﻘ ﻀﺎء‬/ʼaš-šaʻb yurīd taṭhīr ʼal-qaḍāʼ/ "people's main
requirement,
is
judiciary
refinement",
the
lexical
choice
of
"‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬people" is also used to give a kind of public credibility to the
Egyptian revolution, as well as the revolutionary demands. The use of the
word "‫""ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ‬want" puts the revolutionists in the highest dominant
powerful position above all other powers on land. The corruption of the
former Egyptian regime is evident in the lexical choice of the word
"‫""ﺗﻄﮭﯿ ﺮ‬purification" which is defined according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as "‫إزاﻟ ﺔ‬
‫("اﻟﻔ ﺴﺎد ﺑﺈزاﻟ ﺔ أﺳ ﺒﺎﺑﮫ و رﺟﺎﻟ ﮫ‬1993, p.568)/ʼizālit ʼal-fasād bi ʼizālit ʼasbābahu
wa rijālahu/ "removing corruption by removing it is causes " which was
created following the century trial which was set against Hosni Mubarak,
the former Egyptian president.
Another social demand raised by revolutionists is " ‫اﺳ ﻤﻊ ﻣﻨ ﺎ ﯾ ﺎ دﻛﺘ ﻮر‬
‫ ﺣ ﻖ وﻻدﻧ ﺎ ﻗﺒ ﻞ اﻟﻜﺮﺳ ﻲ‬،‫ "ﻣﺮﺳ ﻲ‬/ʼismaʻ mina yā duktur mursī, ḥaq ʼiḵwatna
ʼabl ʼal-kursī/ "O Dr. Morsi hear us now for God's sake, you should
get our brothers' due right back, before you dwell into the presidency
track" in which the choice of the imperative sentence exemplified in the
word "‫""اﺳ ﻤﻊ‬listen up" places the revolutionists in the highest position
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that has the grand upper hand and power to order the newly elected
president. The choice of the word "‫ "وﻻدﻧ ﺎ‬adds to all the meanings of
intimacy with the entire Egyptian populace. The choice of the word
"‫"أوﻻد‬/ʼawlād/"sons" is much closer than the choice of "‫"أﺑﻨ ﺎء‬/ʼabnāʼ/which
is a more generalized word. The word "‫"اﺑ ﻦ‬/ʼibn/"son" is originally
derived from the verb "‫"ﺗﺒﻨ ﻰ‬/tabana/"adopt" which can bear the possibility
of both the legitimate son and the adopted one. By choosing the specified
word "‫"وﻟ ﺪ‬/walad/"son", the slogan shows their closeness with the
Egyptian populace.
One of the most outstanding social demands that was expressed
during the 25th of January demonstrations is " ‫ ﻋﺪاﻟ ﺔ‬،‫ ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬،‫ﻋ ﯿﺶ‬
‫"اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯿ ﺔ‬/ʻīš ḥuryah ʻadālah ʼijtimāʻyah/" bread, freedom and social
equality",
"‫ ﻋﺪاﻟ ﺔ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯿ ﺔ‬،‫ ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬،‫"ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬/taġyīr,
ḥuryah,
ʻadālah
ʼijtimāʻyah/"change, freedom, social equality", and " ‫ ﻛﺮاﻣ ﺔ‬، ‫ ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬،‫ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬
‫ "إﻧ ﺴﺎﻧﯿﺔ‬/taġyīr, ḥuryah, karamah ʼinsānyah/ "Hey we want
changeability, freedom and human dignity". Lexical choices reflect
both the miserable conditions of Egypt, and the sublimity of the
revolutionists' thoughts and demands. The word "‫ "ﻋ ﯿﺶ‬is defined
according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬as "‫"ﻋ ﯿﺶ ﻟﻠﺨﺒ ﺰ‬/ʻīš lil ḵubz/"it
means bread" which reflects the miserable status that Egypt was
undergoing under the reign of Hosni Mubarak. The word "‫ "ﻋ ﯿﺶ‬is also
defined as "‫( "ﺣﯿ ﺎة اﻹﻧ ﺴﺎن اﻟﺨﺎﺻ ﺔ‬2002, p.452) /ḥayāt ʼal-ʼinsān ʼal- ḵāṣah/
"man's personal life" which indicates the terrible life lived by Egyptians
during Mubarak's reign. The word "‫""ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬freedom" is also used to reflect
the brutal and oppressive Egyptian former regime. The same occurs in the
lexical choices of "‫ "ﻋﺪاﻟ ﺔ اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯿ ﺔ‬which is defined as" ‫وﺿ ﻊ اﺟﺘﻤ ﺎﻋﻲ ﯾﺘ ﺴﺎوى‬
‫ﻓﯿﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق واﻟﻤﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻛﻞ اﻷﻓﺮاد واﻟﻔﺌﺎت دون ﻣﺮاﻋﺎة اﻟﻌﺮق أو اﻟﺠﻨﺲ أو أي ﻋﺎﻣﻞ آﺧ ﺮ ﻣ ﻦ‬
‫"اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆدي إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﻈﻠ ﻢ واﻹﺟﺤ ﺎف‬/waḍʻ ʼijtimāʻī yastawī fīh fī ʼal-ḥuqūq wa
ʼal-muʻāmalah kul ʼal-ʼafrād wal fiʼāt dūn murāʻāt ʼal-ʻirq ʼaw ʼal-jins
136
ʼaw ʼay ʻāmil ʼāḵar min ʼal-ʻwāmil ʼal-latī tuʼadī ʼila ʼaẓ-ẓulm walʼijḥāf/"a social status in which all sections and individuals of society are
equal in rights and the way of dealing regardless of race, sex or any other
factors that might lead to injustice", according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﻋﺮﺑ ﻲ ﻋﺎﻣ ﺔ‬/muʻjam
ʻarabī ʻāmah/, as well as "‫""ﻛﺮاﻣ ﺔ‬dignity" which is defined as " ‫ﺷ ﺮﻓﮫ و ﻋ ﺰة‬
‫( "ﻧﻔ ﺴﮫ‬2011) /šarafahu w ʻizit nafsahu/"one's honor and self-pride " which
stress the sublimity of revolutionists' demands. The same is clear in ‫اﻟﻌﺪاﻟ ﺔ‬
‫ "و اﻟﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ ﻣﻄﻠ ﺐ ﻛ ﻞ" اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮاوﯾﺔ‬/ʼal-ʻadālah wal-ḥuryah maṭlab kul ʼalmaṣrāwyah/ "Dignity, sublimity and Liberation, are the demands of the
Egyptian", in which the lexical choice "‫""ﻛ ﻞ اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮاوﯾﺔ‬all the Egyptians" is
used to give a kind of public credibility to the revolutionary demands.
3.5.1.2.Negativity of Lexical Choices
One of the most outstanding slogans that is deeply connected to
judiciary refinement is "‫ اﻟﺒ ﺮاءة ﺗﻤﻨﮭ ﺎ ﻛ ﺎم‬،‫"ﯾ ﺎ ﺳ ﯿﺎدة اﻟﻨﺎﺋ ﺐ اﻟﻌ ﺎم‬/yā syādit ʼannāʼib ʼal-ʻām, ʼal-barāʼah tamanhā kām/"Mr. attorney general of
nonsense, what is your pricelist of innocence??". The interrogative
sentence "‫""اﻟﺒ ﺮاءة ﺗﻤﻨﮭ ﺎ ﻛ ﺎم؟؟‬what is the price of innocence??" is used as an
accusation against the ways trials are conducted. The word "‫""ﺗﻤ ﻦ‬price" is
the Egyptian slang word for "‫ "ﺛﻤ ﻦ‬/ṯaman/ "price" which is defined as
"ُ ‫ اﻟﻘ ِﯿﻤَ ﺔ‬،‫ اﻟ ﱢﺴ ْﻌ ُﺮ‬،‫("ﻋِ ﻮَ ضُ ﻣَ ﺒ ِﯿﻌِﮭ ﺎ‬1993)/ʻiwaḍ mabīʻaha, ʼal-siʻr, ʼal-qīma/"its
purchase price or value ", according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻐﻨ ﻲ‬. The lexical choice of
"‫""ﺗﻤ ﻦ‬price" provides a negative reflection against the Egyptian attorney
general.
In "‫"اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ اﻟﻌ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ ﻟ ﺴﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻤ ﺔ‬/ʼal-muḥākmah ʼal-muḥākmah
ʼal ʻiṣābah lisa ḥakmah/ "the court trial and nothing more, the gang
is still ruling the floor", the word "‫ "ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤ ﺔ‬is employed. It is defined
according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻮﺳ ﯿﻂ‬as "‫( ا ِ" ْﺳ ﺘ ِﺠْ ﻮَ اﺑُﮫُ ﻓ ِﯿﻤَ ﺎ ﺟَ ﻨ َ ﺎه ُ ﻣِ ﻦَ أ َﻋْﻤَ ﺎلٍ إ ِﺟْ ﺮَ اﻣِ ﯿﱠ ٍﺔ‬1993,
p.190)" /ʼistijwābahu fīma janāh min ʼaʻmāl ʼijrāmyah/ "to question the
criminal about what he has done". The choice of this lexical item along
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with another lexical choice which is "‫""ﺛﻮرﯾ ﺔ‬revolutionary" put the
revolutionists in the highest and powerful position against all the ruling
powers.
In "‫ ﻓ ﯿﻦ وظ ﺎﯾﻒ اﻟ ﺸﺒﺎب‬،‫ "ﯾ ﺎ ﻋ ﺼﺎم ﯾ ﺎ ﻛ ﺬاب‬/yā ʻiṣām yā kaḏāb, fīn
waẓāyf ʼaš-šabāb/ "O Essam O you hypocrite, where is youths'
appointment?", the focus on the lexical choice of "‫""ﺷ ﺒﺎب‬youth" is
employed to reflect the carelessness practiced by the Egyptian
government considering the Egyptian youth. When one is described as
"‫"ﻛ ﺬاب‬, it means "‫ "ﻛﺜﯿ ﺮ اﻟﻜ ﺬب‬/kaṯīr ʼal-kaḏib/"the one who usually lies ".
Perhaps, the slogan is used to depict the attitude of the post-revolutionary
government towards the Egyptian demands in general and the Egyptian
youth's demands in particular.
In certain slogans as "‫"ﺑ ﺎﻋﻮا دﻣﺎﻧ ﺎ و ﺑ ﺎﻋﻮ ﻛﻼوﯾﻨ ﺎ و ﺑﻨ ﺸﺤﺖ إﺣﻨ ﺎ و أھﺎﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬
/bāʻū dimāna wi bāʻū kalawīna wi binišḥat ʻiḥna wi ʻahālīna/"they
took one's blood and kidneys , letting one for his alms, and his
family", and "‫"اﻟ ﺴﺮطﺎن ﻓ ﻲ ﻛ ﻞ ﻣﻜ ﺎن و اﻟﻐ ﺎز ﻣﺘﺒ ﺎع ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺠ ﺎن‬/ʼas-sarṭān fī kul
makān wil-ġāz mitbāʻ bil-majān/"Cancer is nationally widespread,
and our national gas for free, sold ", lexical choices are designed to
show the miserable conditions that Egyptians undergo under the reign of
Mubarak exemplified in the words "‫""ﺑ ﺎﻋﻮا‬sold" followed by the lexical
choices of "‫""دﻣﺎﻧ ﺎ‬bloods", and "‫""ﻛﻼوﯾﻨ ﺎ‬our kidneys", and "‫""ﺳ ﺮطﺎن‬cancer"
to refer to the deteriorations in the Egyptians' health under the reign of
Mubarak. The word "‫""ﻧ ﺸﺤﺖ‬beg" is defined according to ‫ﻣﻌﺠ ﻢ ﺗﯿﻤ ﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿ ﺮ‬
‫ ﻓ ﻲ اﻷﻟﻔ ﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿ ﺔ‬as "‫("ﻣ ﻦ ﺷ ﺤﺬ ﺑﻤﻌﻨ ﻰ ﺳ ﺄل‬2002, p.179)/man šaḥḏa bimaʻna
saʼala/ "taken from /šaḥḏa/ and it means to beg and ask for something",
and it is used to refer directly to the miserable conditions of the Egyptians
under the reign of Mubarak. The lexical choice of the word "‫""أھﺎﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬our
people" is used to add a kind of public support as well as intimacy with
the revolutionists.
138
3.5.1.3.Positivity of Lexical Choices
The positive spirit is obvious in a slogan like " ‫ ھ ﻲ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤ ﺔ اﻟﺜﻮرﯾ ﺔ‬
‫ "طﺮﯾﻘﻨ ﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ‬/ʼal-muḥākamah ʼaṯ- ṯawryah, hya ṭarīqna lil- ḥuryah/
"revolutionary trial is, our way to independence". This is also
apparent in slogans like "‫ اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ ﯾ ﺎ ﺣﻘﯿ ﺮ‬،‫"اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬/ʼat-taġyīr ʼattaġyīr ʼirḥal ʼirḥal yā ḥaqīr/ "we demand change; grand and huge,
Departing , O villains, is your refuge", " ‫اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ ﻣ ﺸﺮوع ﻣ ﺸﺮوع ﺿ ﺪ اﻟﻔﻘ ﺮ و‬
‫ "ﺿ ﺪ اﻟﺠ ﻮع‬/ʼat-taġyīr mašrūʻ mašrūʻ ḍid ʼal-faqr wa ḍid al-jūʻ/change
is submitted to legitimation, against injustice and starvation", " ‫اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬
‫ "ﻣ ﺸﺮوع ﻣ ﺸﺮوع ﺿ ﺪ اﻟﻈﻠ ﻢ و ﺿ ﺪ اﻟﺠ ﻮع‬/ʼat-taġyīr mašrūʻ mašrūʻ ḍid ʼalẓulm wa ḍid al-jūʻ/ "change is submitted to legitimation, against
injustice and starvation" exemplified in the words "‫""ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬freedom",
"‫""اﻟﺜﻮرﯾ ﺔ‬revolutionary", and "‫""ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬change". According to "‫"اﻟﻤﻌﺠ ﻢ اﻟﻐﻨ ﻲ‬,
the word "‫ "ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬is defined as "‫"ﺗﺒ ﺪﯾﻞ اﻟﻤﻮاﻗ ﻒ‬/tabdīl ʼal-mawāqif/"changing
one's attitudes". The word "‫"ﻏﯿﺮ‬/ġayara/" changed" means " ‫ ﺣﻮﻟ ﮫ‬:‫ﻏﯿﺮ اﻟﺸﻲء‬
‫( "وﺑ ﺪل أﺣﻮاﻟ ﮫ وﺟﻌﻠ ﮫ ﻏﯿ ﺮ ﻣ ﺎ ﻛ ﺎن‬1993) /ġayara ʼal- šayʼ: ḥawalahu w ʼabdala
ʼaḥwālahu w jaʻalahu ġayra mā kān/ "to change something: to transfer it
and its shape and status into something else". The stress on the word
"‫""ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬change" reflects the Egyptians' dissatisfaction with the current
political situation.
Table 26: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Social and Political Slogans
Lexicalization
Positivity
Negativity
Power-based
"freedom"‫ﺣﺮﯾﺔ‬
"revolutionary"‫ﺛﻮرﯾﺔ‬
"legalized"‫ﻣﺸﺮوع‬
"price"‫ﺗﻤﻦ‬
"gang"‫اﻟﻌﺼﺎﺑﺔ‬
"liar"‫ﻛﺬاب‬
"cancer"‫اﻟﺴﺮطﺎن‬
"orders"‫ﺑﯿﻘﻮل‬
"strike"‫اﻹﺿﺮاب‬
"wants"‫ﯾﺮﯾﺪ‬
139
3.5.1.4. Overlexicalization
Overlexicalization is made in framing social and political demands.
We can find a variety of lexical items which are used to refer to the same
concept. Overlexicalization is always used to stress a certain concept or
idea as in "‫ اﻟﻈﻠ ﻢ‬،‫ اﻟﺠ ﻮع‬،‫""اﻟﻔﻘ ﺮ‬poverty, hunger, injustice" to refer to the
deterioration of life under the reign of the Egyptian regime, "،‫اﻟﻨﺎﺋ ﺐ اﻟﻌ ﺎم‬
‫""اﻟﻘ ﻀﺎء‬judgment, attorney general" to refer to the corruption that
prevailed
the
whole
judiciary
organizations,
" ،‫ ﻋﺪاﻟ ﺔ‬،‫ ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬،‫ﻋ ﯿﺶ‬
‫""ﻛﺮاﻣ ﺔ‬living, freedom, justice, dignity" in which they direct the whole
attention to the minimum degrees of human rights, and " ،‫ دﻣﺎﻧ ﺎ‬،‫اﻟ ﺴﺮطﺎن‬
‫""ﻛﻼوﯾﻨ ﺎ‬cancer, blood, kidneys" to refer to the deteriorations in the
Egyptians' health under the reign of Mubarak.
3.5.1.5. Metaphors
Metaphors are employed in order to reflect both bright and dark
images underlying different ideologies. In " ‫ اﻟ ﺮﯾﺲ ﻗﺒ ﻞ‬،‫اﺳ ﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﻣ ﺎرس ﺑﯿﻘ ﻮل‬
‫"اﻟﺪﺳ ﺘﻮر‬march's
referendum says,
president
should
come
before
constitution", march's referendum is given the characteristics of human
being to "‫""ﯾﻘ ﻮل‬say" which serves as an obligation to be achieved and
abided by. In "‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ ﺗﻄﮭﯿ ﺮ اﻟﻘ ﻀﺎء‬People want the purification of
judiciary institution", judiciary institutions are depicted as an injury or
something polluted that need to be purified from things that caused this
kind of pollution, and this subsequently works negatively against the
corruption in judiciary institutions as well as a positive picture about the
demands of revolutionists. In "‫ اﻟﺒ ﺮاءة ﺗﻤﻨﮭ ﺎ ﻛ ﺎم‬،‫""ﯾ ﺎ ﺳ ﯿﺎدة اﻟﻨﺎﺋ ﺐ اﻟﻌ ﺎم‬Mr.
attorney general, what is the price of innocence", "‫""اﻟﺒ ﺮاءة‬innocence" is
depicted as a product which has a price; the matter that adds a negative
picture against the judiciary system as well as questioning the integrity of
the attorney general.
140
In "‫ھ ﻲ طﺮﯾﻘﻨ ﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ‬،‫""اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤ ﺔ اﻟﺜﻮرﯾ ﺔ‬revolutionary trial is our way to
freedom", "‫""اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤ ﺔ اﻟﺜﻮرﯾ ﺔ‬revolutionary trial" is described as a road and a
a way that leads to democracy; the picture that bears a positive point of
view. In "‫""اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ اﻟﻌ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ ﻟ ﺴﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻤ ﺔ‬the court trial the court trial, the
gang is still ruling the country", SCAF is described as "‫ ""ﻋ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ‬gang" that
is employed negatively against it. In "‫"ﺣ ﺪ أدﻧ ﻰ ﻟﻸﺟ ﻮر ﻟﺠ ﻞ ﺷ ﺒﺎﺑﻨﺎ ﯾ ﺸﻮف اﻟﻨ ﻮر‬
/ḥad ʼadna lil ʼujūr lajl šababna yišūf ʼan-nūr/ "a minimum wage limit is
demanded, till light, for youth, can be sighted" or more literally
"minimum wage rate, till our youths can see the light", freedom and life
opportunities are being described as "‫""ﻧ ﻮر‬light" to be sighted by youths
and that reflects a bright picture for the revolutionary demand. In " ‫ﺑ ﺎﻋﻮا‬
‫ و ﺑﻨ ﺸﺤﺖ إﺣﻨ ﺎ و أھﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ‬،‫ ""دﻣﺎﻧ ﺎ و ﺑ ﺎﻋﻮا ﻛﻼوﯾﻨ ﺎ‬they sold our bloods and kidneys
and we beg with our families", blood and kidneys are described as objects
and products to be sold in order to negatively point to the miserable
conditions lived by Egyptians under the reign of Mubarak.
Table 27: A Sample of Metaphors in Political and Social Slogans
Metaphors
Positive
Negative
‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾﺪ ﺗﻄﮭﯿﺮ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء‬
"People want the purification of judiciary
institution"
"‫ﺣﺪ أدﻧﻰ ﻟﻸﺟﻮر ﻟﺠﻞ ﺷﺒﺎﺑﻨﺎ ﯾﺸﻮف اﻟﻨﻮر‬
"minimum wage limit is demanded, till
light, for youth, can be sighted"
‫ اﻟﺒﺮاءة ﺗﻤﻨﮭﺎ ﻛﺎم‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﺳﯿﺎدة اﻟﻨﺎﺋﺐ اﻟﻌﺎم‬
"Mr. attorney general, what is the
price of innocence"
‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺼﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﺴﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ‬
"the court trial the court trial, the
gang is still ruling the country"
141
3.5.1.6. Generalization
In "‫"ﻣ ﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ ﻣ ﻊ ﻣ ﺴﯿﺤﯿﯿﻦ ﻛﻠﻨ ﺎ ط ﺎﻟﺒﯿﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬/muslimīn maʻa misīḥyīn
kulina ṭalbīn ʼat- taġyīr/"Muslims along with Christians, changefully
demand alternations", the choice of
the generalized words
"‫""ﻣ ﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ‬Muslims" along with "‫""ﻣ ﺴﯿﺤﯿﯿﻦ‬Christians" gives public and
religious supports to the revolutionary demand. Generalization also
appears in the choices of certain words like "‫""اﻟﻔﻘ ﺮ‬poverty" and
"‫""اﻟﺠ ﻮع‬starvation" as a means of inclusion to refer to the miserable
conditions of the Egyptian society.
3.5.1.7. Pronouns
Most of the the pronouns used to refer to people, revolutionists, and
protestors are used positively as "‫ "ن‬in "‫""ﻧﺤ ﺲ‬we feel", "‫""طﺮﯾﻘﻨ ﺎ‬our way",
"‫""دﻣﺎﻧ ﺎ‬our
blood",
"‫""ﻛﻼوﯾﻨ ﺎ‬our
kidneys",
"‫""ﻧ ﺸﺤﺖ‬we
beg",
"‫""اﺣﻨ ﺎ‬us","‫""اھﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ‬our people", "‫""ﺷ ﺒﺎﺑﻨﺎ‬our youth","‫""ﻛﻠﻨ ﺎ‬all of us",
"‫""وﻻدﻧ ﺎ‬our sons". The Pronouns which are used to refer to the Egyptian
regime's men are negatively employed as "‫ "وا‬in "‫""ﺑﺎﻋﻮ‬they sold".
Table 28: A Sample of Pronouns in Political and Social Slogans
Pronouns
Us
Our youth‫ﺷﺒﺎﺑﻨﺎ‬
We ‫إﺣﻨﺎ‬
Them
They sold ‫ﺑﺎﻋﻮا‬
142
3.5.2. Semantic Level
3.5.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Synonyms stress negative and positive feelings as in "‫ اﻟﺠ ﻮع‬،‫اﻟﻔﻘ ﺮ‬
"poverty, hunger", "‫ اﻟﻘ ﻀﺎء‬، ‫""اﻟﻨﺎﺋ ﺐ اﻟﻌ ﺎم‬judgment, attorney general", " ،‫ﻋ ﯿﺶ‬
‫ ﻛﺮاﻣ ﺔ‬،‫ ﻋﺪاﻟ ﺔ‬،‫""ﺣﺮﯾ ﺔ‬living, freedom, justice, dignity", "‫ ﻓ ﺮق‬،‫""ﺗﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬change,
difference".
Antonyms are also gathered to create negative as well as positive
influences as in "‫ ظﻠ ﻢ‬،‫""ﻣ ﺸﺮوع‬legitimate, injustice" that holds positive
feeling for the former and a negative one for the latter, as well as " ،‫ﺑ ﺎﻋﻮا‬
‫""ﺑﻨ ﺸﺤﺖ‬sold, begging" to refer to the controversial practices adopted by
the Egyptian regime facing the miserable conditions of the Egyptian life.
Hyponyms are also used as in " ،‫ ﻣ ﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ‬،‫ وﻻدﻧ ﺎ‬،‫ أھﺎﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬،‫اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮاوﯾﺔ‬
‫ﻣ ﺴﯿﺤﯿﯿﻦ‬,"Egyptians, people, sons, Muslims, Christians" to refer to the fact
the revolution is widely spread all over Egypt.
Table 29: Lexical Cohesion in Political and Social Slogans
Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Synonyms
Antonyms
Positive
Negative
Positive /Negative
‫ ﻛﺮاﻣﺔ‬،‫ ﻋﺪاﻟﺔ‬،‫ ﺣﺮﯾﺔ‬،‫ﻋﯿﺶ‬
‫ اﻟﻈﻠﻢ‬،‫اﻟﺠﻮع‬
‫ ﺑﻨﺸﺤﺖ‬،‫ﺑﺎﻋﻮا‬
"living, freedom,
justice, dignity"
"poverty, hunger, injustice"
"sold, begging"
‫ ﻓﺮق‬،‫ﺗﻐﯿﯿﺮ‬
"change, difference"
‫ ﻛﻼوﯾﻨﺎ‬،‫ دﻣﺎﻧﺎ‬،‫اﻟﺴﺮطﺎن‬
"cancer, blood, kidneys"
‫ ظﻠﻢ‬،‫ﻣﺸﺮوع‬
"legitimate,
injustice"
143
Hyponyms
،‫ أھﺎﻟﯿﻨﺎ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮاوﯾﺔ‬
،‫ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ‬،‫وﻻدﻧﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺴﯿﺤﯿﯿﻦ‬,
"Egyptians,
people, sons,
Muslims,
Christians"
3.5.3. Syntactic Level
3.5.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive Voice
In relation to "Actor", "Patient" structures several slogans were
framed in order to show ideologically the power and dominance positions
occupied by the revolutionists against the less-dominant, powerless
Egyptian regime as well as stressing the former Egyptian regime's
responsibility for the miserable conditions that Egypt experienced. In
"‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ ﺗﻄﮭﯿ ﺮ اﻟﻘ ﻀﺎء‬people want the purification of judiciary system",
the word "‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬people" is placed in the actor position and
"‫""اﻟﻘ ﻀﺎء‬judiciary" is placed in the patient position in order to give the
Egyptian people the grand upper, dominant and powerful hand as
opposed to all powers on land. The equal influence can be traced in " ‫ﺣ ﺪ‬
‫ ""أدﻧ ﻰ ﻟﻸﺟ ﻮر ﻟﺠ ﻞ ﺷ ﺒﺎﺑﻨﺎ ﯾ ﺸﻮف اﻟﻨ ﻮر‬a minimum wage limit, till our youth can
see the light" in which "‫""ﺷ ﺒﺎﺑﻨﺎ‬our youth" are placed in the Actor position
and "‫""اﻟﻨﻮر‬light" in the patient position. In " ‫ و ﺑﻨ ﺸﺤﺖ‬، ‫ﺑﺎﻋﻮ دﻣﺎﻧﺎ و ﺑﺎﻋﻮ ﻛﻼوﯾﻨﺎ‬
‫""إﺣﻨ ﺎ و أھﺎﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬they sold our blood and our kidneys and we beg with our
families". The Egyptian regime's men are placed in the actor position
exemplified in the pronoun "‫ "وا‬and the Egyptians are placed in the
patient position exemplified in "‫ "ﻧ ﺎ‬as in "‫ ﻛﻼوﯾﻨ ﺎ‬،‫""دﻣﺎﻧ ﺎ‬our blood, our
kidneys" in order to show the brutality of the former Egyptian regime as
well as placing the whole responsibility upon them.
144
Table 30: A Sample of Transitivity in Social and Political Slogans
Transitivity
Revolutionists in Active
Egyptian regime in the
position
Active position
“‫”اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾﺪ ﺗﻄﮭﯿﺮ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء‬
‫ و‬،‫ﺑﺎﻋﻮ دﻣﺎﻧﺎ و ﺑﺎﻋﻮ ﻛﻼوﯾﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺸﺤﺖ إﺣﻨﺎ و أھﺎﻟﯿﻨﺎ‬
"they sold our blood and
our kidneys and we beg
with our families".
"people want the purification
of judiciary system".
Passive voice
None
3.5.3.2. Nominalization
Nominalization appears in "‫""ﻣ ﺸﺮوع‬legitimate", "‫""اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿ ﺮ‬change",
"‫""اﻹﺿ ﺮاب‬strike",
"‫""ﺗﻄﮭﯿ ﺮ‬purification",
"‫""اﻟﺒ ﺮاءة‬innocence",
"‫""اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤ ﺔ‬trial"; which deletes the action by avoiding the use of a verb
and turning the event into a noun. Nominalization is used here to direct
the attention to the process without any regard to the participants
involved in the process or action.
3.5.4. Rhetorical Level
3.5.4.1. Repetition
Repetition is rhetorically clear in "‫ ﻣ ﺸﺮوع‬،‫""ﻣ ﺸﺮوع‬legitimate,
legitimate", "‫ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ‬،‫" اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ‬trial, trial", " ‫ ﺿ ﺪ‬،‫ ﺿ ﺪ اﻟﻔﻘ ﺮ‬،‫ ﺿ ﺪ اﻟﺠ ﻮع‬،‫ﺿﺪ اﻟﻔﻘﺮ‬
‫""اﻟﺠ ﻮع‬against poverty and against hunger, against poverty and against
hunger. Repetition occurs to stress a certain idea or concept; the
revolutionists' courage, to draw the attention of the reader and the hearer,
and to enthuse the hearer.
145
3.6. Analysis of Anti-Police Slogans
3.6.1. Lexicalization
3.6.1.1. Positivity and Power-based Slogans
In "‫ ﻣﮭﻤﺎ ﺗﻀﺮب ﻣﺶ ھﺎﻧﺴﯿﺐ‬،‫"اﺿﺮب اﺿﺮب ﯾﺎ ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬/ʼiḍrab ʼiḍrab yā
ḥabīb, mahma tiḍrab miš hansīb/"Hit, kick or murder you
commander, we will not, whatsoever, surrender", or more literally
"Hit us hit us O Habib, however you hit us we'll not surrender",
lexical choices are ideologically used to show both the brutality of police
forces, the courage of the Egyptian revolutionists, as well as their
determinacy. This is apparent in the word "‫""اﺿﺮب‬hit" which is defined
as "‫("أﺻﺎﺑﮫ و ﺻﺪﻣﮫ‬1993, p.537)/ʼaṣābahu wa ṣadamahu/"to hurt and hit
someone" in order to show the way policemen were treating
revolutionists. The lexical choice of the word "‫" "ﯾﺴﯿﺐ‬leave" is applied to
give a picture of revolutionists' courage. The word "‫""ﯾﺴﯿﺐ‬leave" is the
Egyptian slang word for "‫"ﯾﺘﺮك‬/yatruk/"leave" which is defined according
to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻮﺳﯿﻂ‬as "‫("ﺗﺮﻛﮫ و ﺧﻼه‬1993, p.84)/tarakahu wa ḵalāh/"leave it and
give it up". The negation of such a lexical item stresses the strength,
power and determinacy of the Egyptian revolutionists. The word
"‫"ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬/ḥabīb/refers to Habib Al 'Adly, the Egyptian's interior minister
during the days of Mubarak, who is responsible for all torture cases in the
Egyptian jails. The proper noun "‫ "ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬is used without any reference to
his authority or official nickname "‫"وزﯾﺮ‬/wazīr/"minister" in order to add
a sense of humiliation to his character as well as placing revolutionists in
the highest dominant position and the former regime's men in the lowest,
less dominant position.
In "‫"اﻟﮭﻼل و ﯾﺎ اﻟﺼﻠﯿﺐ ﺑﯿﻘﻮﻟﻮا ﻷ ﯾﺎ ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬/ʼal-hilāl waya ʼaṣ-ṣalīb byqulu
laʼ yā ḥabīb/"the Crescent and the cross yell badly, millions No's for
Habib Al 'Adly", and "‫ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻘﺘﻞ و اﻟﺘﻌﺬﯾﺐ‬،‫"اﻟﮭﻼل و ﯾﺎ اﻟﺼﻠﯿﺐ‬/ʼal-hilāl waya
146
ʼaṣ-ṣalīb ḍid ʼal-qatl wal-taʻḏīb/"let the cross embrace the crescent,
against murder and torment", the lexical choices of "‫""اﻟﮭﻼل‬the
crescent" and "‫""اﻟﺼﻠﯿﺐ‬the cross" as religious symbols give the chant a
kind of public, and religious support as well as credibility against the
brutality of Habib Al 'Adly men. The words "‫" "ﻷ‬No" and "‫""ﺿﺪ‬agaist"
are employed to refer to the dominance, power and determinacy of
revolutionists against police brutality which is exemplified using such
lexical choices as "‫" "اﻟﻘﺘﻞ‬Murder", and ""‫" اﻟﺘﻌﺬﯾﺐ‬torture". The word
"‫""ﺗﻌﺬﯾﺐ‬torture" is defined according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‬as " ‫إﻟﺤﺎق اﻟﻀﺮر‬
‫("اﻟﺠﺴﺪي ﻋﻤﺪا‬2011)/ʼilḥāq ʼaḍ-ḍarar ʼal-jasdī ʻamadan/"to deliberately hurt
someone physically" and it is used to place all the responsibility on the
interior ministry.
The slogan "‫ ھﺎﻧﻘﻀﯿﮭﺎ ﻟﺠﺎن ﺷﻌﺒﯿﺔ‬،‫"ﻣﺶ ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ أم اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ‬/miš ʻayzīn ʼum
ʼad-daḵlyah, hanqaḍīha lijān šaʻbyah/"A farewell to the Interior
greed, public committees are better indeed" or more literally "we do
not want the damned interior ministry, we'll depend on public
committees" was used after police officers' retreat and disappearance
following the incidents of the 28th of January, 2011. Egyptians had to
make public committees in order to protect themselves and protect their
own country. The lexical choice of the word "‫"أم‬mother" gives the Interior
Ministry a sense of insult and humiliation. This word is used in the
Egyptian slang as an insult against someone or something. The use of
insulting words, gives the revolutionists all the meanings of power and
dominance against the powerless and less-dominant police officers. The
word "‫"ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ‬want" is the slang equivalent of the word "‫""ﯾﺮﯾﺪ‬want".
According to ‫ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺗﯿﻤﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬, the word is defined as " ‫ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ‬
‫ أي ﯾﺮﯾﺪ ﻛﺬا‬:‫("اﻹرادة‬2002, p.449) /bimaʻna ʼal-ʼirādah: ʼay yurīd kaḏa/ "it
means to be willing to do something: to want something". The choice of
this word shows the power and dominantion of the revolutionists.
147
3.6.1.2.Negativity of Lexical Choices
In "‫ اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ ﺑﺘﻌﺎدﯾﻨﺎ‬،‫ "ﯾﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨﺎ ﯾﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨﺎ‬/yā ʼahalīna yā ʼahalīna, ʼaddaḵlyah bitʻadīna/ "O our people, O our people, recognize, the
interior cops against us, antagonize", the lexical choice used the term
"‫"أھﺎﻟﯿﻨﺎ‬our people"; not "‫"ﯾﺎ ﻧﺎس‬/yā nās/"O people" or "‫"ﯾﺎ ﺷﻌﺐ‬/yā šaʻb/"O
citizens", in order to show a kind of cordiality and intimacy while
addressing Egyptian people. The word "‫"أھﻞ‬/ʼahl/"people" is defined,
according to ‫( ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺗﯿﻤﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬2002), as " ‫اﻟﺰوج أو‬
‫("اﻟﺰوﺟﺔ‬2002, p.98)/ʼaz-zawj ʼaw ʼaz-zawjah/the husband or wife". So,
such a lexical choice is ideologically used in order to get close to the rest
of the Egyptian populace. The word "‫ "ﯾﻌﺎدي‬is defined according to ‫ﻣﻌﺠﻢ‬
‫ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‬as" ‫("ﯾﺨﺎﺻﻤﮫ و ﯾﺼﯿﺮ ﻟﮫ ﻋﺪو‬2008, p.1471)/yuḵāṣimahu wa
yaṣīr lahu ʻadw/"to be the opponent and contender of someone " and it is
used to refer negatively to the brutality of the Interior minister during the
reign of Hosni Mubarak. In "‫ اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ ﺑﯿﻨﺎ و ﺑﯿﻨﻚ‬،‫ "ﯾﺎ ﺣﺮﯾﺔ ﻓﯿﻨﻚ ﻓﯿﻨﻚ‬/yā ḥuryah
fīnik fīnik, ʼad-daḵlyah bīna wa bīnik/ "O liberty why aren't you
convening, is Interior ministry intervening?!" and " ‫ أﻣﻦ‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﺣﺮﯾﺔ ﻓﯿﻨﻚ ﻓﯿﻨﻚ‬
‫ "اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺑﯿﻨﺎ و ﺑﯿﻨﻚ‬/yā ḥuryah fīnik fīnik, ʼamn ʼad-dawlah bīna wa bīnik/
" O liberty why aren't you convening, is the State's security
intervening?!", the choice of the word "‫""ﺣﺮﯾﺔ‬liberation" reflects
Egyptians' expectations and hopes after the revolution. They have always
been oppressed by the repressive, brutal regime. According to
‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ‬
‫اﻟﻮﺳﯿﻂ‬, the word ‫" ﺣﺮﯾﺔ‬liberty" means " ‫ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬.‫اﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﻮاﺋﺐ و اﻟﻘﯿﻮد‬
‫("ﺑﺎﻹرادة‬1993, p.165)/ʼat-taḵaluṣ min ʼaš- šawāʼib wal-qiyūd. ʼal-ʻamal
bil-ʼirādah/"getting rid of obstacles and constrains and to work willingly".
During the days of Mubarak, Egyptians were forced to live their political
and social life against their free will. The mention of "‫""اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ‬the Interior
ministry" and "‫""أﻣﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬State's security" is used to place the whole
responsibility on them. In "‫ ﻓﯿﻦ اﻷﻣﻦ و ﻓﯿﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﯾﺎ أﻣﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬/yā
148
mabāḥiṯ yā ʼamn ʼad-dawlah, fīn ʼal-ʼamn wa fīn ʼad-dawlah/"O
supposed security of the state, where is security and state fate?!", the
use of "‫" "أﻣﻦ‬security", and "‫""دوﻟﺔ‬state" in an exclamation style reflects
the revolutionists' condemnation against the State's security forces and
their heinous practices.
Overlexicalization is frequently made in framing Anti-police
slogans. One can find a variety of lexical items which are used to refer to
the same concept as in "‫ أﻣﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬،‫""اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ‬Interior, State's security" .
Table 31: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Anti-police Slogans
Lexicalization
Positivity
"freedom"‫ﺣﺮﯾﺔ‬
"our people"‫أھﺎﻟﯿﻨﺎ‬
Negativity
Power-based
‫ﺑﺘﻌﺎدﯾﻨﺎ‬
"antagonizes us"
‫ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬
"hit"‫اﺿﺮب‬
"let go"‫ﯾﺴﯿﺐ‬
"No"‫ﻷ‬
"Habib El-Adly"
"want"‫ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ‬
"hit"‫اﺿﺮب‬
3.6.1.3. Metaphors
In "‫ إﻧﺘﻮا ﺑﻘﯿﺘﻮا ﻛﻼب اﻟﻘﺼﺮ‬،‫"ﺷﺮطﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ ﯾﺎ ﺷﺮطﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ‬/šurtit maṣr yā
šurtit maṣr, intu baqītu kilāb ʼal-qaṣr/"Egyptian police you're done,
as dogs' castle you now stun", or more literally" O police of Egypt O
police of Egypt you have become the dogs of the castle", Egyptian
policemen are described as "‫""ﻛﻼب‬dogs" in order to foreshadow their
own inhumane practices and attitudes. During the reign of Mubarak,
police system was set in the service of the Egyptian ruling regime and
against civilian Egyptians. That is why they are described as " ‫ﻛﻼب‬
‫"اﻟﻘﺼﺮ‬dogs of the palace". "‫""اﻟﻘﺼﺮ‬palace" here refers to the Egyptian
ruling regime. So, this metaphor is employed to refer negatively to the
interior ministry's attitude. Another metaphor is " ‫ ﺟﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﯿﻦ‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﻋﺪﻟﻲ ﯾﺎ ﺟﺰار‬
149
‫"ﻛﺎم ﻣﻠﯿﺎر‬/yā ʻadly yā jazār, jibt minīn kām milyār/"O Adly you're a
brutal slaughterer, how could you be a billionaire?!" or more literally
"O Adly, you butcher, how did you get a billion and so?!". In this
metaphor, Habib Al 'Adly, the former interior minister, during the days of
Mubarak is described as "‫""ﺟﺰار‬butcher" in order to reflect the brutal
ways, policies, and practices he used to adopt against Egyptians in favor
of the former Egyptian regime.
Table 32: A Sample of Metaphors in Anti-police Slogans
Metaphors
Positive
Negative
‫ اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ ﺑﯿﻨﺎ و ﺑﯿﻨﻚ‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﺣﺮﯾﺔ ﻓﯿﻨﻚ ﻓﯿﻨﻚ‬
‫ اﻧﺘ ﻮا ﺑﻘﯿﺘ ﻮا ﻛ ﻼب‬،‫ﺷ ﺮطﺔ ﻣ ﺼﺮ ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﺮطﺔ ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺼﺮ‬
"O police of Egypt O police of Egypt
you have become the dogs of the castle"
‫ ﺟﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﯿﻦ ﻛﺎم ﻣﻠﯿﺎر‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﻋﺪﻟﻲ ﯾﺎ ﺟﺰار‬
"O liberty why aren't you convening, is Interior
ministry intervening?!"
"O Adly, you butcher, how did you get a
your billions?!".
3.6.1.4. Pronouns
Pronouns in these slogans stress the "us" V.S. "them" phenomenon
previously mentioned by Van Dijk. Most of positive pronouns used to
refer to people, revolutionists, and protestors are "‫ "ن‬as in "‫"ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ‬we
want", "‫"ھﻨﻘﻀﯿﮭﺎ‬we'll spend", "‫"ﺑﺘﻌﺎدﯾﻨﺎ‬antagonizing us", "‫" "ﺑﯿﻨﺎ‬between us",
and "‫" "أھﺎﻟﯿﻨﺎ‬our people". However, most of negative pronouns used to
refer to police are "‫ "ه‬as in "‫" ﻗﺘﻠﮫ‬his murder" and "‫""إﻧﺘﻮا‬you". Freedom is
also addressed by the pronoun "‫ "ك‬as in "‫""ﺑﯿﻨﻚ‬between you".
Table 33: A Sample of Pronouns in Political and Social Slogans
Pronouns
Us
"antagonizing us"‫ﺑﺘﻌﺎدﯾﻨﺎ‬
"our people".‫اھﺎﻟﯿﻨﺎ‬
Them
"you"‫إﻧﺘﻮا‬
"his murder"‫ﻗﺘﻠﮫ‬
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3.6.2. Semantic Level
3.6.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Lexical Cohesion are evident in these slogans. Synonyms are clear
reflecting dark sides of Mubarak's regime as in "‫ اﻟﺘﻌﺬﯾﺐ‬،‫"اﻟﻘﺘﻞ‬murder,
torture" to refer to the interior cops' practices. Anonyms are used to refer
to both positive and negative feelings as in "‫ اﻟﺼﻠﯿﺐ‬،‫""اﻟﮭﻼل‬the crescent,
the cross" to give a positive feeling concerning the religious holiness of
the revolutionists' demands, and "‫ ﻧﺴﯿﺐ‬،‫""ﺗﻀﺮب‬hit, surrender" to give a
negative feeling against police officers, and a positive feeling for the
revolutionists.
3.6.3. Syntactic Level
3.6.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive Voice
In transitivity analysis, we can discover that there is a range of
choices that a writer can make at the level of syntax that can evoke
different responses in the hearer. In relation to "Actor", "Patient"
structures, several slogans are framed in order to place the responsibility
on the interior ministry policemen as in "‫ اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ ﺑﺘﻌﺎدﯾﻨﺎ‬،‫ ﯾﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨﺎ‬،‫""ﯾﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨﺎ‬O
our people, o our people, interior minister is antagonizing us". Here
"‫""اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ‬interior ministry" is placed in the actor position and
revolutionists" ‫""ﻧﺎ‬us" is placed in the patient position in order to place the
whole responsibility on police officers and to picture revolutionists as
victims of police practices. The same is obvious in " ‫اﺿﺮب اﺿﺮب ﯾﺎ ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬
‫" "ﻣﮭﻤﺎ ﺗﻀﺮب ﻣﺶ ھﺎﻧﺴﯿﺐ‬hit us shot us O Habib, no matter what you shot,
we'll never let go", in which the responsibility of "‫" "ﺿﺮب‬shooting" is
placed on "‫" "ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬Habib".
151
Table 34: A Sample of Transitivity in Social and Political Slogans
Transitivity
Revolutionists in Active
Police Force in the Active
position
position
Passive voice
‫ اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ ﺑﺘﻌﺎدﯾﻨﺎ‬،‫ﯾﺎ أھﺎﻟﯿﻨﺎ‬،‫ﯾﺎ أھﺎﻟﯿﻨﺎ‬
‫" اﺿ ﺮب اﺿ ﺮب ﯾ ﺎ ﺣﺒﯿ ﺐ ﻣﮭﻤ ﺎ ﺗ ﻀﺮب‬O our people, o our people,
‫ﻣﺶ ھﺎﻧﺴﯿﺐ‬
interior minister is antagonizing
us"
"hit us shot us O Habib, no
‫اﺿﺮب اﺿﺮب ﯾﺎ ﺣﺒﯿﺐ ﻣﮭﻤﺎ ﺗﻀﺮب ﻣ ﺶ‬
matter what you shot, we'll
‫ھﺎﻧﺴﯿﺐ‬
never let go"
"hit us shot us O Habib, no
matter what you shot, we'll never
let go"
None
3.6.3.2. Nominalization
Nominalization is commonly used in some slogans. This occurs in
"‫" "ﻗﺘﻠﮫ‬his murder" in "‫ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﻗﺘﻠﮫ ﻗﺮﯾﺐ‬،‫""ﯾﺎ ﺣﺒﯿﺐ ﯾﺎ ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬O Habib, do not
hastily
prosecute,
Mubarak
will
come
to
be
executed".
The
nominalization of the word "‫""ﻗﺘﻞ‬murder" is used to wipe the
responsibility away from the revolutionists that is why the actor is
missing. Several other nominalized nouns are used as "‫""اﻟﺘﻌﺬﯾﺐ‬torture" in
order to focus the hearer's attention on the heinousness on the action
without any reference to the participants in the action.
152
3.6.4. Rhetorical Level
3.6.4.1. Repetition
At the rhetorical level, repetition occurs in most of slogans as in
"‫ اﺿﺮب‬،‫""اﺿﺮب‬shot, shot", "‫ ﯾﺎ ﺷﺮطﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ‬،‫"ﺷﺮطﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ‬police of Egypt, O
Police of Egypt", "‫ ﯾﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨﺎ‬،‫""ﯾﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨﺎ‬O our people, O our people", " ‫ ﯾﺎ‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬
‫""ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬O Habib, O Habib", and" ‫ ﻓﯿﻨﻚ‬،‫"" ﻓﯿﻨﻚ‬where are you?, where are
you?!". Repetition takes place to stress a certain idea or concept as well
as drawing the attention of the reader, the hearer and the addressee.
153
3.7. Anti-Muslim Brethren Slogans
3.7.1. Lexicalization
3.7.1.1.Negativity of Lexical Choices
The dominant theme apparent in these slogans is the theme of
betrayal committed by Muslim-brotherhood group. This can be traced
in"‫ اﻟﺜﻮرة ﯾﺎ ﺑﺪﯾﻊ‬،‫"ﺑﯿﻊ ﺑﯿﻊ ﺑﯿﻊ‬/bīʻ bīʻ bīʻ, ʼaṯ-ṯawrah yā badīʻ/"O Badei, sell
out revolution, you're the cause of delusion". The word "‫""ﺑﯿﻊ‬sell" is
usually used in the Egyptian Slang to mean "‫"ﯾﺨﻮن‬/yaḵūn/"betray". The
choice of the proper noun "‫" "ﺑﺪﯾﻊ‬Badie" to refer to the guide of Muslim
brotherhood group is used as a kind of generalization to refer to all
members of that group in order to give a dark picture against them. In
"!‫"اﻟﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻟﯿﮫ؟ ﺑﻌﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻚ وﻻ اﯾﮫ؟‬/ʼillī sākit sakit līh?, biʻt ʻarḍak
wala ʼīh?!/"O you unspoken , why are you so silent, have you sold
your honor or what?!", the lexical choice of "‫" "ﺳﺎﻛﺖ‬silent", as well as
"‫""ﺑﻌﺖ‬bought" shows the state of passivity and treason on the part of
parties and Muslim brethrens against the path of revolution.
The same spirit is apparent in "‫ ﺧﺪت ﺣﻘﻚ وﻻ إﯾﮫ‬،‫"اﻟﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻟﯿﮫ‬/illī
sākit sākit līh?, ḵat ḥaʼak wala ʼīh/"those who are silent, tell us for
what??have you got you right or what?!" as well as in " ‫اﻟﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ‬
‫"ﻟﯿﮫ ﺧﺪت اﻟﻜﺮﺳﻲ وﻻ إﯾﮫ‬/ʼillī sākit sākit līh ?, ḵadt ʼal-kursy wala
ʼaih/"why have you really satisfied? Power chairs are now fortified?!
exemplified in the words "‫""ﺳﺎﻛﺖ‬silent" which bears all the meanings of
passivity and treason.
The hideousness of Muslim brotherhood groups is obvious in a
slogan like"‫ إﺧﻮاﺗﻨﺎ ﻟﺴﺔ ﺑﺘﻨﺪﻓﻦ‬،‫"ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﻧﺎزل ﺗﺤﺘﻔﻞ‬/yallī nāzil tiḥtifil, ʼiḵwātna
lisa bitindifin/"for those who came to celebrate, do martyrs need not
to cerebrate?!" which depicts the way Muslim-Brotherhood group
154
members tended to ruin martyr's memorial during their 25th of January,
2012's celebration. The word "‫""اﺣﺘﻔﻞ‬celebrate" is defined according to
‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‬, as "‫("اﺣﺘﺸﺪ و ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻔﻠﺔ‬2008, p.536)/ʼiḥtašada wa
tajamaʻa fī ḥaflah/"gathered and crowded in a party" which is unsuitable
for "‫"دﻓﻦ‬/dafn/"burying" ceremony which is defined according to ‫ﻣﻌﺠﻢ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎت اﻟﻔﻘﮭﯿﺔ‬/muʻjam ʼal-muṣṭalaḥāt ʼal-fiqhyah/ as " ‫وﺿﻌﮫ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺒﺮه و أھﺎل‬
‫("ﻋﻠﯿﮫ اﻟﺘﺮاب‬2002)/waḍaʻahu fī qabrahu wa ʼahāla ʻalayh ʼat-turāb/"placing
the body in the grave and sweep the dust on him", and this is set in order
to stress the harshness of their attitudes.
Another attacking slogan against the nature of Muslim brethrens is
apparent in "‫ اﻹﺧﻮان ﻣﺎﻟﮭﻤﺶ أﻣﺎن‬،‫"ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﮭﺎ زﻣﺎن‬/ʻabdil nāṣir qalha
zamān, ʼal-ʼiḵwān malhumš ʼamān/Nasser's state was so boisterous,
these Brethrens are so treacherous". The political connection between
Jamal Abdel Nasser and Muslim brotherhood group is ideologically
chosen in order to show the Egyptians' hatred for them. The word
"‫"اﻣﺎن‬safe" is used in Egyptian Arabic slang to mean "‫""ﺛﻘﺔ‬trust". The
negation of that lexical item shows ideologically that revolutionists are
against Muslim brethrens' policies which are set against revolution in
favor of the Group.
3.7.1.2. Positivity and Power-based Lexical Choices
One of the most powerful slogans against the rule of Muslim
brotherhood group and that shows the power of the revolutionists is " ‫ﯾﺴﻘﻂ‬
‫"ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻤﺮﺷﺪ‬/yasquṭ yasquṭ ḥukm ʼal-muršid/"down with down
with the Guide's rule" in which the whole Muslim brethrens group is
being reduced into the character of their Supreme Guide "‫"اﻟﻤﺮﺷﺪ‬. The
meanings of power is exemplified by the choice of the previously
analyzed word "‫""ﯾﺴﻘﻂ‬down with".
The same happens in "‫ وﻻ واﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﯾﻦ ﯾﺘﺎﺟﺮ‬،‫"ﻣﺶ ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ ﯾﺤﻜﻤﻨﺎ ﻋﺴﺎﻛﺮ‬/miš
ʻayzīn yuḥkumna ʻasākir, wala wāḥid bil-dīn yitājir/"We neither
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want military rulers, nor those religion buyers", in which the same
theme of betrayal is stressed upon by the lexical choice " ‫ﯾﺘﺎﺟﺮ‬
‫"ﺑﺎﻟﺪﯾﻦ‬trading with his religion"; the thing that strips religion out of its
holiness and sublimity and that gives a dark picture of Muslim brethrens
practices. Power is exemplified in the lexical choice "‫""ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ‬want", the
slang equivalent for "‫""ﯾﺮﯾﺪ‬want", which is previously analyzed.
Overlexicalization is being made frequently in framing anti-Muslim
brotherhood slogans. One can find a variety of lexical items which are
used to refer to the same concept. Overlexicalization is always used to
focus a certain concept or idea as in "‫ ﺑﺪﯾﻊ‬،‫ اﻟﻤﺮﺷﺪ‬،‫""اﻹﺧﻮان‬Muslim
brotherhood, the guide, Badei'" to refer negatively to the whole Muslim
brotherhood group.
The generalized word "‫""إﺧﻮاﺗﻨﺎ‬our brothers" adds a kind of public
credibility to the slogan and the demand itself. The generalized word
"‫""اﻟﻤﺮﺷﺪ‬the guide" is used to refer to the whole Muslim brethrens group
including all its members.
Table 35: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in Anti-Muslim Brethren Slogans
Lexicalization
Positivity
"our brothers"‫إﺧﻮاﺗﻨﺎ‬
Negativity
Power-based
"betray"‫ﺑﯿﻊ‬
"downwith"‫ﯾﺴﻘﻂ‬
"silent"‫ﺳﺎﻛﺖ‬
"want"‫ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ‬
"get buried"‫ﺗﻨﺪﻓﻦ‬
3.7.1.3. Metaphors
Metaphors are comprised in order reflect both dark and bright
feelings. In "‫ ﺧﺪت اﻟﻜﺮﺳﻲ وﻻ إﯾﮫ‬،‫"ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻟﯿﮫ‬those who are silent, why
is your silence?? Have you got the chair or what?!", the reign is described
as"‫""ﻛﺮﺳﻲ‬chair" which gives a dark picture against Muslim brotherhood's
suspicious aims and goals especially after the parliamentary elections.
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The same takes place in "‫ ﺑﻌﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻚ وﻻ إﯾﮫ‬،‫" "ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻟﯿﮫ‬O you
unspoken why are you silent?? Have you sold your honor or what?!", in
which "‫"ﻋﺮض‬/ʻarḍ/"honor" is described as a humiliated cheap product to
be sold in order to give an attacking influence against Muslim
brotherhood group. The same happens in " ‫ وﻻ واﺣﺪ‬،‫ﻣﺶ ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ ﯾﺤﻜﻤﻨﺎ ﻋﺴﺎﻛﺮ‬
‫""ﺑﺎﻟﺪﯾﻦ ﯾﺘﺎﺟﺮ‬we do not want to be governed by neither militias nor
someone trading with his own religion" in which religion is being
humiliatingly depicted as a product to be bought and sold, as well as in
"‫ اﻟﺜﻮرة ﯾﺎ ﺑﺪﯾﻊ‬،‫""ﺑﯿﻊ ﺑﯿﻊ ﺑﯿﻊ‬sell sell sell the revolution, O Badei" in which the
revolution is being described as a cheap product or property to be sold to
give a dark picture against them.
Table 36: A Sample of Metaphors in Anti-Muslim Brethren Slogans
Metaphors
Positive
Negative
‫ﺧﺪت اﻟﻜﺮﺳﻲ وﻻ إﯾﮫ‬،‫"ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻟﯿﮫ‬
"those who are silent, why is your silence??
Have you got the chair or what?!"
‫وﻻ واﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﯾﻦ ﯾﺘﺎﺟﺮ‬،‫ﻣﺶ ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ ﯾﺤﻜﻤﻨﺎ ﻋﺴﺎﻛﺮ‬
"we do not want to be governed by neither militias
nor someone trading with his own religion"
"‫اﻟﺜﻮرة ﯾﺎ ﺑﺪﯾﻊ‬،‫"ﺑﯿﻊ ﺑﯿﻊ ﺑﯿﻊ‬
Sell sell sell the Revolution, O Badei
3.7.1.4. Pronouns
Pronouns in these slogans highlight the "us" vs. "them" phenomenon
previously mentioned by Van Dijk. Most of pronouns used to refer to
revolutionists and protestors are "‫"ن‬as in "‫""ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ‬we want", and
"‫""إﺧﻮاﺗﻨﺎ‬our brothers".
Pronouns used to refer to Muslim Brethrens are seen in "‫ "ك‬as in
"‫""ﺣﻘﻚ‬your right", and "‫""ﻋﺮﺿﻚ‬your honor".
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3.7.2. Semantic Level
3.7.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Lexical Cohesion are evident in these slogans. Synonyms stress dark
images as in "‫ ﻋﺮﺿﻚ‬،‫ ""ﺣﻘﻚ‬your right, your honor", as well as in ،‫ﺑﻌﺖ‬
"‫""ﯾﺘﺎﺟﺮ‬bought, trading" to refer to Muslim brethrens' attitudes.
Antonyms are employed to create pessimistic as well as optimistic
influences as in "‫ ﺗﺪﻓﻦ‬،‫""ﺗﺤﺘﻔﻞ‬celebrate, bury" to focus on the heinousness
of Muslim brotherhood group's attitude. Hyponyms are also used as
in"‫ ﺑﺪﯾﻊ‬،‫ اﻟﻤﺮﺷﺪ‬،‫"اﻹﺧﻮان‬Ikhwan, the guide, Badei" to refer to the whole of
Muslim brotherhood group's members.
3.7.3. Syntactic Level
3.7.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive Voice
In relation to "Actor", "Patient" structures several slogans are
framed in order to ideologically shed light on Muslim Brotherhood's
responsibility for committing all the heinous actions. In ‫اﻟﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻟﯿﮫ‬
"‫""ﺧﺪت ﺣﻘﻚ وﻻ إﯾﮫ‬that who are silent, why is your silence, have you got
your rights or what??", "‫""ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻟﯿﮫ؟؟ ﺧﺪت اﻟﻜﺮﺳﻲ وﻻ إﯾﮫ‬that who
are silent, why is your silence ? have you got the chair or what??", and
"‫ ﺑﻌﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻚ وﻻ إﯾﮫ‬،‫""ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻟﯿﮫ؟؟‬that who are silent, why is your
silence?! Have you sold you’re your honor or what?!", Muslim
Brotherhood (MB) members are placed in the actor position in order to
place the whole responsibility on them. The same occurs in " ‫ﻣﺶ ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ‬
‫وﻻ واﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﯾﻦ ﺑﯿﺘﺎﺟﺮ‬،‫""ﯾﺤﻜﻤﻨﺎ ﻋﺴﺎﻛﺮ‬we do not want to be governed by neither
militias nor someone who trades with his religion" in which Brethrens are
placed in the actor position exemplified in the word "‫"واﺣﺪ‬/waḥd/
"someone" in order to bear the whole responsibility for that action. The
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same happens in "‫ إﺧﻮاﺗﻨﺎ ﻟﺴﺔ ﺑﺘﻨﺪﻓﻦ‬،‫ ""ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﻧﺎزل ﺗﺤﺘﻔﻞ‬for those who came to
commemorate, our bothers' bodies are still buried".
Table 37: A Sample of Transitivity in Anti-Muslim Brethren Slogans
Transitivity
Revolutionists in Active
Muslim Brethren in the
position
Active position
‫ﻣﺶ ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ ﯾﺤﻜﻤﻨﺎ ﻋﺴﺎﻛﺮ‬
‫وﻻ واﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﯾﻦ ﺑﯿﺘﺎﺟﺮ‬
"we do not want to be
governed by neither
militias nor someone who
trades with his religion
‫ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻟﯿﮫ؟؟‬
‫ﺑﻌﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻚ وﻻ إﯾﮫ‬
"that who are silent, why is
your silence?! Have you sold
you’re your honor or what?!"
Passive voice
‫ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﻧﺎزل ﺗﺤﺘﻔﻞ‬
‫إﺧﻮاﺗﻨﺎ ﻟﺴﺔ ﺑﺘﻨﺪﻓﻦ‬
" for those who came to
commemorate, our bothers'
bodies are still buried".
3.7.3.2. Nominalization
Nominalization appears in several selections as in "‫""ﺣﻜﻢ‬rule" and
"‫""أﻣﺎن‬trust" in order to direct the attention of the hearer to the state itself
without paying any attention to the participants.
3.7.4. Rhetorical Level
3.7.4.1. Repetition
Repetition is clear in "‫ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ‬،‫""ﯾﺴﻘﻂ‬down with, down with", and
"‫ ﺑﯿﻊ‬،‫""ﺑﯿﻊ‬sell, sell". Repetition occurs to emphasize a certain idea or
concept, drawing the attention of the reader and the hearer as well as
serving as a means to address the hearer.
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3.8. Analysis of Miscellaneous Slogans
3.8.1. Lexicalization
3.8.1.1.Power-based Lexical Choices
In "‫ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﻔﻠﻮل‬،‫"اھﺘﻒ ﻗﻮل‬/ʼihtif qūl, yasquṭ ʼal-filūl/"say it with all
your tenets , Down with all remnants", lexical choices reflect all the
meanings of determinacy and power. The word "‫""اھﺘﻒ‬yell", according to
‫ﻣﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‬, is defined as "‫("ﻣﺎدا ﺻﻮﺗﮫ‬2008, p.2322)/mādan
ṣawṭahu/"raising his voice"; which shows a great sense of power on
behalf of the revolutionists. The word "‫"ﻓﻞ‬/fil/"is defined in "‫"ﻟﺴﺎن اﻟﻌﺮب‬
/lisān ʼal-ʻarb/ as "‫ و اﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻠﻮل‬،‫ ﻣﻨﮭﺰﻣﻮن‬،‫( "ﻗﻮم ﻓﻞ‬2003, Online) /qaumun
fَilun: munhazimūn, wal-jamʻ filūl/ "retreated people and the plural
is/filūl/". Lexical choices reflect people's power and dominance over the
remnants of the former Egyptian regime. Several other slogans are set
against the remnants who were elected in the Egyptian presidency
elections, especially Ahmed Shafiq.
In "‫ ﺷﺮف اﻟﺒﻨﺖ ﻣﺶ ھﺰار‬،‫"ﻣﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﯿﻦ اﻹﻋﺘﺬار‬/miš qablīn ʼal-iʻtiḏār,
šaraf ʼal-bint miš hizār/"we can not accept an apology, Girl's honor
is not a comedy", the use of the word "‫""ﺷﺮف‬honor" which is defined
according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻮﺳﯿﻂ‬as "‫("اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬1993, p.479) /ʼal-mawḍiʻ ʼalʻālī/ "the high position" shows ideologically the sublimity of the girl in
the revolutionists' eyes. This slogan was used following the incidents of
dragging Tahrir girl when she was stripped naked by military soldiers.
The lexical choice of "‫""اﻻﻋﺘﺬار‬apology" shows the revolutionists' power
and dominance over SCAF powers. The word "‫""اﻋﺘﺬر‬apologized"
according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‬is defined as "‫("ﻋﺒﺮ ﻋﻦ أﺳﻔﮫ‬2008,
p.1474) /ʻabbara ʻan ʼasafahu/ "expressed one's sorry", and it is used to
show the revolutionists' power that enables them to refuse the SCAF's
apologies. In "‫ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﻣﺶ ھﺎﯾﻌﯿﺶ‬،‫ ﺧﻠﯿﻚ ﺑﺮة و إوﻋﻰ ﺗﻄﯿﺶ‬،‫"ﻷ ﻷ ﻷ ﯾﺎ ﺟﯿﺶ‬
160
/laʼ laʼ laʼ yā jīš, ḵalīk barah w ʼiwʻa tiṭīš, ḥusnī mubārak miš hayʻīš/
"O military forces be so rational, Mubarak's lifetime is durational",
the lexical choice of the words "‫""ﻷ‬No" and "‫""إوﻋﻰ‬do not", shows the
power and dominance that revolutionists hold over all other powers on
land. Revolutionists are worried about the new power on land, the army,
and this is reflected by the lexical choice "‫" "ﺗﻄﯿﺶ‬be reckless". The slogan
was created right after Mubarak called the army to widespread within the
civilian streets during the 25th of January, 2011 revolution. According to
‫( اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﺮاﺋﺪ‬2003) /ʼal-muʻjam ʼar-rāʼid/, the word "‫" "طﯿﺶ‬be reckless"
means "‫ ﺟﮭﻞ‬،‫("أﺧﻄﺄ‬2003, p.516)/aḵṭaʼa, jahila/"made mistake and be
ignorant of", and it is used to show the revolutionists' ignorance and fear
from the new power on land which is the army.
In "‫ ﺟﻮة ﺳﺠﻮﻧﮭﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻠﯿﻦ‬،‫"اﻟﺤﺮﯾﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺳﺠﯿﻦ‬/ʼal-ḥuryah li-kul sajīd, jwah
sijunhum muʻtaqalīn/"Every prisoner and internee, inside your jails
should be free", the call for freedom is exemplified in the lexical choice
"‫""ﺣﺮﯾﺔ‬freedom". The word "‫"ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻞ‬/muʻtaqal/is defined as " ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎن ﻓﻲ‬
‫"اﻟﻤﺤﺒﺲ‬/man kān fī ʼal-maḥbas/"who is captured in jail" according to ‫ﻣﻌﺠﻢ‬
‫( اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‬2008), which is used to refer to the miserable
conditions revolutionists underwent after revolution under the reign of the
SCAF. In "‫ دي ﻣﺆاﻣﺮة دﻧﯿﺌﺔ‬،‫"ﺑﻮرﺳﻌﯿﺪ ﺑﺮﯾﺌﺔ‬/būrsaʻīd barīʼah, dī muʼamrah
danīʼah/"Port Said citizens are not guilty, it is a conspiracy and a
cruel barbarity", lexical choices are used to reflect the innocence of Port
Said. The word "‫""ﻣﺆاﻣﺮة‬conspiracy" is defined according to ‫ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬
‫ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‬/muʻjam ʻarabī ʻāmah/ as "‫("ﺗﺨﻄﯿﻂ ﻷﻏﺮاض ﻏﯿﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﯿﺔ‬2011,
Online)/taḵṭīṭ li-aġrāḍ ġayr šarʻyah/ "a plan framed for illegal objectives"
to refer to the heinousness of SCAF's intentions against Ultras groups in
Egypt who participated in the Egyptian revolution and anti-SCAF
demonstrations. This slogan was framed following the incidents of Port
Said's match which killed about 75 of the Ultras members. Such
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heinousness is exemplified in the lexical choice "‫""دﻧﯿﺌﺔ‬villainous" which
is defined according to ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﺮاﺋﺪ‬/ʼal-muʻjam ʼar-rāʼid/ as " ،‫اﻟﻌﯿﺐ‬
‫("اﻟﻨﻘﯿﺼﺔ‬2003, p.366) /ʼal-ʻayb, ʼal-naqīṣa/"the taboo or infirmity" .
3.8.1.2. Negativity of Lexical Choices
This is apparent in "‫ ﯾﻘﺘﻞ أﺧﻮﯾﺎ و ﯾﺒﻘﻰ رﺋﯿﺲ‬،‫"ﯾﺎ ﻧﮭﺎر إﺳﻮد ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﮭﯿﯿﺲ‬/yā
nahār ʼiswid ʻala ʼat-tahyīs, yiqtil ʼaḵūya w yibqa raʼīys/"what the
hell is this, it's insane! my brother's murder is the president, and his
blood went in vain". The word "‫ "ﺗﮭﯿﯿﺲ‬is a newly coined Egyptian slang
word for "‫"ھﻠﻮﺳﺔ‬/halwasah/"hallucination" or " stoned" which is defined
as" ‫ ﯾﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﺐ أو اﻟﺨﺮوج ﻋﻦ اﻟﻮﻋﻲ‬،‫" ﻗﻮل أو ﻓﻌﻞ ﻻ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ أو ﻟﯿﺲ ﻟﮫ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ‬
(2011)/qawl ʼaw fiʻl lā ʻaqlāny ʼaw laysa lahu maʻna, yantuj ʻan ʼat-taʻab
ʼaw ʼal- ḵurūj ʻan ʼal-waʻy/ "a saying or an action that has no meaning
that results from exhausting our being out of consciousness" according to
‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻤﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬,which is used to describe the controversial
political conditions in Egypt. The same happens in " ،‫ﺳﺎﻣﻊ أم ﺷﻔﯿﻖ ﺑﺘﻨﺎدي‬
‫"أﺣﻤﺪ إﺑﻨﻲ ﻓﻠﻮل ﯾﺎ وﻻدي‬/sāmiʻ ʼum šafīq bitnādy, ʼaḥmad ʼibnī filūl yā
wilādy/"I hear Shafiq's mother yelling loudly, my son, Ahmed is
remnant so badly" exemplified in the word "‫ "ﻓﻠﻮل‬previously mentioned
above.
In " ‫ﻋﺎﯾﺰ ﻛﺎم ﺳﯿﺪ ﺑﻼل ﻋﺎﯾﺰ ﻛﺎم ﻣﯿﻨﺎ‬،‫ ﻋﺎوزﯾﻦ ﻛﺎم ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﯿﺪ‬،‫ظﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬
‫"داﻧﯿﺎل‬/ẓulm tāny min jidīd, ʻāwzīn kām ḵālid saʻīd, ʻāyīz kām sayid
bilāl ʻayīz kām mina danyāl/"a new phase of oppression again?! How
many do you want of Khalid Sa'id?! How many do you want of Sayed
Belal, and also of our Mina Daniel?!", the lexical choice of
"‫""ظﻠﻢ‬injustice" is negatively used to show the way revolutionists are
treated after the revolution by the hands on the Military council. The use
of the word "‫""ﻛﺎم‬how much" refers to the countless number of martyrs
who are killed by the hands of SCAF men.
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In "‫ "اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿﺔ ﺑﺮاءة ﻟﯿﮫ؟ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻨﺎ ﺿﺎﻋﺖ وﻻ إﯾﮫ؟‬/ʼal-ḥarāmyah brāʼa līh,?
ḥuqūqna ḍāʻit wala ʼīh/"innocence for thieves?! Why?! Are our
rights a kind of a lie?!", the word "‫"ﺿﺎﻋﺖ‬lost" is used. It is defined,
according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‬, as "‫( "ﺗﺒﺪد‬2008, p.1376) /tabadada/
"waste away in order to give the impression that the Egyptian revolution
is in a great danger. The word "‫""ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻨﺎ‬our rights" puts the revolutionists
in
the
highest,
powerful,
legitimate
position
as
opposed
to
"‫""اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿﺔ‬thieves".
In "‫ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﻣﺶ ﻋﯿﺎن‬،‫"ﺑﻄﻠﻮا ﺷﻐﻞ اﻟﻨﺴﻮان‬/baṭalu šuġl ʼan-niswān,
ḥusnī mubārak miš ʻayān/"stop it enough of women's manner,
Mubarak is not an exhausted comer", the word "‫" "ﺑﻄﻞ‬stop it" which is
defined according to ‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺗﯿﻤﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬as "‫("اﻋﺘﺰل‬2002, p.152)
"gave up", is used to refer to the state of power revolutionists hold.
In "‫ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻠﯿﻔﺰﯾﻮن اﻟﻤﺼﺮي‬،‫"ﺷﻮﻓﻮا اﻟﻜﺬب اﻟﺤﺼﺮي‬/šūfū ʼal-kiḏb ʼal-haṣrī,
ʻala ʼat-tilifzyūn ʼal-maṣrī/"watch the exclusive fabrication, on the
Egyptian television", the word ""‫" ﻛﺬب‬lie" is negatively used to describe
the nature of the Egyptian Official Television following the incidents on
the 25th of January, 2011 revolution till today. The way the slogan is
framed take the hearer back to the Egyptian's television slogan " ‫ﺷﻮﻓﻮا‬
‫ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻠﯿﻔﺰﯾﻮن اﻟﻤﺼﺮي‬،‫"ﺣﺼﺮي‬/šūfu haṣry, ʻala ʼat-tilifzyūn ʼal-maṣry/ "see
exclusively on the Egyptian television", in order to evoke the hearer's
mind and thought to the way Egyptian television tends to falsify facts.
The imperative word "‫" "ﺷﻮﻓﻮا‬watch" is used to show the revolutionists'
power over all the powers on land.
In "!َ‫ ﻗﻮﻟﻠﻲ اﻟﺜﻮرة ﻋﻤﻠﺖ إﯾﮫ؟‬،‫"ﻋﺪت ﺳﻨﺔ أھﻲ ﯾﺎ ﺑﯿﮫ‬/ʻadit sanah ʼahi yā bīh,
ʼully ʼaṯ- ṯawrah ʻamalit ʼīh/"a year has left o you elegant one, tell me
what revolutions has really done?!", the word "‫""ﺑﯿﮫ‬Beih" is ironically
used to refer to SCAF members. It is defined, according to ‫ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺗﯿﻤﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ‬
‫ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬, as "‫( "ﻟﻘﺐ ﯾﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﺔ اﻟﺪھﺮ‬2002, pp. 89- 90- 135)/laqab
163
yuṭlaq ʻala nuḵbat ʼad-ahr/"a nickname for the age's elites", which is
usually used to glorify someone", but in that slogan it is ironically
employed to insult SCAF's policies and members. The exclamatory
sentence which is used reflects the revolutionists' power and determinacy
to achieve the goals of their revolution.
In "‫ ﻣﺼﺮ أﺗﻌﺮت ﺑﺮة و ﺟﻮة‬،‫"داري وﺷﻚ إﻧﺖ و ھﻮ‬/dārī wišak ʼinta wa hwa,
maṣr ʼitʻarit bara wi jwah/"hide your shameful face you and he,
Egypt got naked here and overseas", the word "‫""داري وﺷﻚ‬hide your
face" is used to express the shame and humiliation revolutionists feel
towards the passive Egyptians. According to ‫ﻣﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‬
/muʻjam ʼal-luġah ʼal-ʻarabyah ʼal-muʻāṣirah/, the word "‫ "دارى‬is defined
as "‫("ﻏﻄﺎه و ﺳﺘﺮه‬2008, p.784)/ġaṭāh wa satarahu/"hided and covered it"
which highlights the feeling of shame.
3.8.1.3. Positivity of Lexical Choices
In "‫ ﻣﺶ ﻟﺤﺎزم وﻻ ﺳﻮاه‬، ‫ھﻲ‬
‫"ھﻲ‬/hya lilāh hya lilāh, miš li-ḥāzim
walā siwāh/"it's for God's sake, we confirm this, not for Hazem nor
anybody else", the choice of the Holy name "‫"ﷲ‬/allāh/"Allah" adds a
sense of religious support and holiness to the chant. This slogan was
created by Hazim Salah Abu Ismael's supporters during demonstrations
following his withdrawal from the presidency elections and their doubts
against the constitutional court's judgment after the claims that his mother
obtained the American nationality; the matter that illegalized his
candidacy for the presidential elections. The same call for religious
support is obvious in "‫ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺘﻘﻮل أه‬، ‫"ﯾﺎ ﷲ ﯾﺎ ﷲ‬/yā allāh yā allāh , kul
maṣr bitʼūl āh/"O Allah O Allah, All Egypt says Ah" to express the
miserable situation and the feeling of agony the Egyptians felt
exemplified in the word "‫"اه‬Oh".
164
Overlexicalization is employed in framing martyrs issue's slogans.
One can find a variety of lexical items which are used to refer to the same
concept. Overlexicalization is always used to focus on certain concept or
idea as in ‫ دوﻣﺔ‬،‫ ﺳﯿﺪ ﺑﻼل‬،‫ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﯿﺪ‬،‫"ﻣﯿﻨﺎ داﻧﯿﺎل‬Mina Daniel, Khalid Sa'id,
Sayed Belal, and Duma". All these characters are the victims of the
former regime as well as SCAF rule and they are used to emphasize the
brutality of such regimes.
The use of the generalized word "‫""اﻟﻔﻠﻮل‬Remnants" includes all the
Mubarakian men who helped Mubarak in the ruination of Egypt.
Table 38: A Sample Analysis of Lexical Items in the Miscellaneous slogans
Lexicalization
Positivity
Negativity
Power-based
"honor"‫ﺷﺮف‬
"freedom"‫اﻟﺤﺮﯾﺔ‬
"for God sake"
"remnants"‫ﻓﻠﻮل‬
"conspiracy"‫ﻣﺆاﻣﺮة‬
"hallucination"‫ﺗﮭﯿﯿﺲ‬
"call"‫اھﺘﻒ‬
"say"‫ﻗﻮل‬
"down with"‫ﯾﺴﻘﻂ‬
3.8.1.4. Metaphors
Metaphors mirrors both bright and dark images concerning different
ideological iddues. In "‫ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﻣﺶ ﻋﯿﺎن‬،‫ "ﺑﻄﻠﻮا ﺷﻐﻞ اﻟﻨﺴﻮان‬/baṭalu šuġl
ʼan-niswān, ḥusny mubārak miš ʻayān/ "stop it enough of women's
manner, Mubarak is not an exhausted comer", the slogan uses the
metaphor "‫""ﺷﻐﻞ اﻟﻨﺴﻮان‬which describes the ruling authority's policies as
women's manners. According to
‫( اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻮﺳﯿﻂ‬1993), the word
"‫""ﻧﺴﻮان‬women" means "‫""اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‬women". By describing SCAF members
as women, the slogan insults their policies and the way they act. In
"‫ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻨﺎ ﺿﺎﻋﺖ وﻻ إﯾﮫ‬،‫""اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿﺔ ﺑﺮاءة ﻟﯿﮫ‬why thieves receive innocence
verdicts, have our rights been lost or what?", and in " ‫ھﺎﺗﻮا ﻓﻠﻮﺳﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ ﻣﺼﺮ ھﺎﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻣﯿﺔ ﻣﯿﺔ‬،‫""اﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿﺔ‬Bring our money back from the thieves,
Egypt will be 100% ok, who believes!", the former Egyptian regime's
165
men are described as being "‫""ﺣﺮاﻣﯿﺔ‬thieves" in order to add a humiliating
picture to the former Egyptian regime's men.
In "‫ ﻣﺼﺮ إﺗﻌﺮت ﺑﺮة و ﺟﻮة‬،‫""داري وﺷﻚ إﻧﺖ و ھﻮ‬Hide your face you and
he, Egypt got naked indoor and abroad", "‫""ﻣﺼﺮ‬Egypt" is described as
an innocent girl who was stripped by army hands following an analogy
between Egypt and "‫""ﻓﺘﺎة اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‬Tahrir's girl" stripped by MP men to
present a shocking picture of MP men's heinous actions. In " ‫ﺳﯿﺒﻮا اﻟﻮرد‬
‫ أﺣﻤﺪ دوﻣﺔ ﻣﺶ ھﺎﻧﺴﯿﺒﮫ‬،‫"ﯾﻔﺘﺢ ﺳﯿﺒﻮا‬/sībū ʼal-ward yifataḥ sībū, aḥmad
dūma miš hansībū/"let the rose open its closed leaves, as for Doma,
we're not going to leave", Ahmed Doma, an Egyptian activist which was
captured by military men in order to be tried for an online blog he
created, is described as "‫""وردة‬a rose" that opens its leaves as he tries to
express his innocent thoughts to give a bright image about him. In
"‫ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ و اﻟﻌﺼﺎﺑﺔ ھﻲ ھﻲ‬،‫"ﻣﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ‬/masraḥyah masraḥyah, w ʼal-ʻiṣāba
hya hya/"it's a play, it's a game, and the gang is the same", SCAF
members along with Mubarak's men are described as "‫""ﻋﺼﺎﺑﺔ‬gang"
which was set to rob Egypt in order to blacken their picture. Another
metaphor, here, is "‫""ﻣﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ‬a play" which is set to describe SCAF
policies and their road map including, the referendum and parliamentary
as well as presidency elections in order to give a negative point of view.
Table 39: A Sample of Metaphors in Miscellaneous Slogans
Metaphors
Positive
Negative
‫ أﺣﻤﺪ دوﻣﺔ ﻣﺶ ھﺎﻧﺴﯿﺒﮫ‬، ‫ﺳﯿﺒﻮا اﻟﻮرد ﯾﻔﺘﺢ ﺳﯿﺒﻮا‬
"let the rose open its closed leaves,
As for Doma, we're not going to leave"
‫ ﻣﺼﺮ إﺗﻌﺮت ﺑﺮة و ﺟﻮة‬،‫داري وﺷﻚ إﻧﺖ و ھﻮ‬
Hide your face you and he,
Egypt got naked indoor and abroad"
‫ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ و اﻟﻌﺼﺎﺑﺔ ھﻲ ھﻲ‬،‫ﻣﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ‬
"it's a play, it's a game,
and the gang is the same"
166
3.8.1.5. Pronouns
Pronouns emphasize the "us" vs. "them" ideological square
mentioned by Van Dijk. Most of the pronouns used to refer to,
revolutionists, and protestors are "‫ "ﻧﺎ‬as in ‫""ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻨﺎ‬our rights", "‫""ﻓﻠﻮﺳﻨﺎ‬our
money", "‫""ﻗﺎﺑﻠﯿﻦ‬we accept", as well as "‫"ﯾﺎ‬as in "‫""أﺧﻮﯾﺎ‬my brother".
Pronouns used to refer to the Egyptian regime's men, SCAF and the rest
of the Egyptian populace are seen in "‫"إﻧﺖ‬you", "‫ "ھﻮ‬he", and "‫" "ھﻢ‬them".
3.8.2. Semantic Level
3.8.2.1. Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Synonyms are noticeable stressing negative and positive feelings as
in
"‫ ﻗﻮل‬،‫" "اھﺘﻒ‬chant, say " to give a positive feeling, and " ،‫ﺳﺠﯿﻦ‬
‫""ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻠﯿﻦ‬prisoner, internee" to give a negative point of view. Antonyms are
employed to create negative as well as positive influences as in " ،‫ﺣﺮﯾﺔ‬
‫""ﺳﺠﯿﻦ‬freedom, prisoner", "‫ اﺗﻌﺮت‬،‫ ""داري‬cover, got naked", " ،‫ﺑﺮة‬
‫""ﺟﻮة‬inside, outside", and "‫ ﺑﺮاءة‬،‫""ﺣﺮاﻣﯿﺔ‬thieves, innocence", that give
both positive as well as negative feelings.
3.8.3. Syntactic Level
3.8.3.1. Transitivity including Active and Passive Voice
In relation to "Actor", "Patient" structures several slogans are framed
in order to show ideologically the power and dominance positions
occupied by the revolutionists against the less-dominant, powerless
Egyptian regime and to focus on authorities' responsibility for the killing
and the destruction.
167
In ‫ أﺣﻤﺪ دوﻣﺔ ﻣﺶ ھﺎﻧﺴﯿﺒﮫ‬،‫""ﺳﯿﺒﻮا اﻟﻮرد ﯾﻔﺘﺢ ﺳﯿﺒﻮا‬let the rose open its
closed leaves, as for Duma, we're not going to leave", revolutionists are
placed in the actor position in order to reflect their power and
determinacy to free Ahmed Duma.
In "‫ ﯾﻘﺘﻞ أﺧﻮﯾﺎ و ﯾﺒﻘﻰ رﺋﯿﺲ‬،‫""ﯾﺎ ﻧﮭﺎر إﺳﻮد ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﮭﯿﯿﺲ‬what the hell is this,
it's insane! He kills my brother and is now a president?!", Ahmed Shafiq
is placed in the actor position. The actor is not directly mentioned but it
can be traced from the hidden meaning of the slogan. By placing him in
the actor position and "‫"أﺧﻮﯾﺎ‬my brother" in the passive victim position,
the slogan places the whole responsibility of killing revolutionists on him.
Passive voice is sometimes used to focus on the process or the
action itself without any regard to the actors as in " ‫ ﻣﺼﺮ‬،‫داري وﺷﻚ إﻧﺖ و ھﻮ‬
‫""إﺗﻌﺮت ﺑﺮة و ﺟﻮة‬hide you face you and he, Egypt got naked inside and
abroad" where the actor is intentionally missing in order to focus the
hearer's attention on the heinousness of the action without paying any
attention to the actor.
3.8.3.2. Nominalization
Nominalization is frequently used in some slogans that dealt with
martyrdom as in "‫""ظﻠﻢ‬injustice", "‫""اﻋﺘﺬار‬apology", "‫" اﻟﺤﺮﯾﺔ‬freedom",
"‫""ﺗﮭﯿﯿﺲ‬hallucination" and, "‫""ﻣﺆاﻣﺮة‬conspiracy". It is used to focus the
attention to the process itself without any regard to the participants
168
3.8.4. Rhetorical Level
3.8.4.1. Repetition
Repetition is clear in "‫ ﻷ‬،‫ ﻷ‬،‫""ﻷ‬No, No, No", "‫ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ‬،‫""ﻣﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ‬a
play, a play", "‫ ھﻲ‬،‫""ھﻲ‬the same, the same", " ‫ ھﻲ‬، ‫""ھﻲ‬for God's sake,
for God's sake". Repetition occurs to emphasize a certain idea or concept,
drawing the attention of the reader and the hearer as well as serving as a
means to address the hearer.
169
Chapter 4
Discussion
In this study, the researcher elaborates on the function of language
as a social practice by analyzing political slogans that appeared in the
Egyptian revolution. The study concentrates on the transitivity system
within which process types and representation of participants as social
actors are scrutinized to reveal how they are used to construct events
ideologically. Material processes occupy the greatest percentage of all
other processes included in the data, that's why the researcher focuses on
all the material processes contained in the data. Transitivity analysis
discloses that there are patterns of mystification of agency of the actor of
the processes by using some strategies like "passivization", and
"nominalization", in order to serve a particular ideology; which is the
revolutionists' in this case and undermine others' ideology; which is the
opposing powers.
Transitivity analysis shows that:
1-
Ideology is reflected upon by highlighting certain actors in the
sentence and undermining other actors. Highlighted actors can be traced
in such a slogan "‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﻤ ﺼﺮي ﻗ ﺮر إﺳ ﻘﺎط ﺣﻜ ﻢ اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬The Egyptian
citizens decided to downfall the military rule", ‫" اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ إﺳ ﻘﺎط اﻟﻨﻈ ﺎم‬
"people wants the downfall of the regime", in which the Egyptian
revolutionists and masses occupy the actor position; the thing that
elevates their power and reflects their own dominant position (See table
40).
170
2-
Power and dominance are reflected by manipulating the "Actor"
and "patient" positions in the sentence. Revolutionists are granted the
powerful and dominant position in slogans like in ‫ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ ارﺣ ﻞ ﻏ ﻮر ﻛ ﻞ‬
‫"" اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﯿﻚ ھ ﺎﯾﺜﻮر‬set out, set out, get off the stage, the entire populace
flares with rage", or " leave leave leave go away, all population
against you will revolt". The same appears in " ‫ ﯾ ﻮم ﻣ ﺎ‬،‫ﯾﺎ ﺷﮭﯿﺪ و ھﻨﺎﺧ ﺪ ﺗ ﺎرك‬
‫ ""ﻧﻌ ﺪم ﻣﺒ ﺎرك‬O martyr we'll take your revenge when we execute
Mubarak", in which revolutionists are placed in the actor position and
Mubarak in the patient position. Revolutionists occupy about 38% of the
actor positions in the Egyptian revolutionary slogans in order to grant
them all the meanings of dominance and power. About 30% of the patient
positions are occupied by the Former Egyptian regime in order to give the
hearer the impression of the inferiority of the former Egyptian regime.
(See table 40).
3-
Responsibility is highlighted against the former Egyptian regime
by using the active voice as well as, using the "Actor", "Patient"
positions. This can be traced in ‫ اﻟ ﺸﺮطﺔ ﺑﺘﺤ ﺮق ﺑﻠ ﺪي‬،‫"اﻟ ﺸﺮطﺔ ﺑﺘﻘﺘ ﻞ وﻟ ﺪي‬/ʼalšurta btiqtil walady, ʼal-šurta btiḥraq balady/my son is being killed
by police hand, and they keep on burning me homeland", in which
police is placed in the "Actor" position to place the whole responsibility
upon them, while the Egyptian revolutionists seem to occupy the
"Patient" position in order to ideologically picture them as the helpless
victims. The same appears in ‫ اﻧﺰﻟ ﻮا ﻣ ﻦ‬،‫ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي ﻗﺘ ﻞ وﻻدﻛ ﻮا‬،‫"اﻧﺰﻟﻮا ﻣ ﻦ ﺑﯿﻮﺗﻜ ﻮا‬
‫ طﻨﻄ ﺎوي ﻋ ﺮا ﺑﻨ ﺎﺗﻜﻮا‬،‫""ﺑﯿﻮﺗﻜ ﻮا‬come here, face the mighty killer, Tantawi
has got children killed, breast the licentious procurer, Tantawi has
got you daughters naked", in which Tantawy is placed in the "Actor"
position to impose the whole responsibility upon him, while the "Patient"
171
victimized position is occupied by revolutionists and their sons and
daughters. About 47% of actor positions are occupied by the former
Egyptian regime, military rule, Policemen as well as the former Egyptian
regime's men in order to place the whole responsibility of committing all
heinous actions upon their own shoulders. About 50% of patient positions
are occupied by revolutionists and the Egyptian citizens in order to give
them a victimized (See table 40).
4-
The passive voice is always used to shove all the responsibility off
a certain actor which is always the revolutionists, to distract the attention
away from the participants to focus on the action itself, or to express the
feeling of uncertainty about the real actors of the action. This can be
traced in "‫" "ﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك ارﺣ ﻞ ﻏ ﻮر أﺣ ﺴﻦ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ﺗﻤ ﻮت ﻣﻘﺘ ﻮل‬O Mubarak go away
and leave, or you'll be eventually dead", "‫""ﻗﻮل إﺗﻜﻠ ﻢ اﻟ ﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻻزم ﺗﺘ ﺴﻠﻢ‬say
and speak quite loudly, authority must be handed over"," ‫ﺷ ﺪي ﺣﯿﻠ ﻚ ﯾ ﺎ‬
‫ اﻟﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ ﺑﺘﺘﻮﻟ ﺪ‬،‫""ﺑﻠ ﺪ‬O country hold on and take your breath; freedom is
being delivered from birth", and " ‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮ إﺗﻌ ﺮت ﺑ ﺮة و‬، ‫داري وﺷ ﻚ إﻧ ﺖ و ھ ﻮ‬
‫""ﺟ ﻮة‬hide you face you and he, Egypt got naked inside and abroad".
About 66% of passive positions are attributed to the revolutionists to
show the state of uncertainty about the actor of the action itself. About
16% of passive positions are occupied by the former Egyptian regime, the
military rule and policemen in order to move the responsibility away
from the revolutionists (See table 40).
5-
Nominalized nouns are always used to switch the hearer's attention
away from the participants to the process or the action itself. This is clear
in "‫ ""اﻋﺘ ﺼﺎم اﻋﺘ ﺼﺎم ﺣﺘ ﻰ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﻨﻈ ﺎم‬a sit in a sit in calls, till regime
downfalls", and "‫""اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤ ﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤ ﺔ اﻟﻌ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ ﻟ ﺴﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻤ ﺔ‬the court trial and
nothing more, the gang is still ruling the floor". About 62.5% of
nominalized nouns are used positively to refer to the demands raised by
172
revolutionists and about 37.5% are used to refer negatively to the
brutality of the former Egyptian regimes as well as all opposing powers
(See table 40).
Table 40: Transitivity Analysis among Slogans.
Transitivity
Revolutionists
Opposing power ratio
Others
Ratio
Actor
38%
47%
13%
Patient
50%
30%
19%
Passive
66%
16%
16%
Note. Others' category includes all actors and patients other than revolutionists and
their opposing powers.
Lexical choices have a great influence on reflecting, producing as
well as reproducing particular ideologies. Lexicalization analysis shows
that:
1-
Lexical choices reflect the ideological point of view of the
revolutionists as opposed to the Former Egyptian regime as well as the
currently ruling one. This is clear in "‫ ﺣ ﺮاس‬،‫ أﺣ ﺮار‬،‫""اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬people,
liberators, guards" as opposed to "‫ أﻧ ﺪال‬،‫ ﺧﻮﻧ ﺔ‬،‫""ﻋﻤﯿ ﻞ‬collaborator, traitors,
scoundrel". About 9% of lexical choices are directed towards highlighting
positive characteristics of revolutionists and about 38% of lexical choices
are directed towards underlining negative characteristics of the Former
Egyptian regime and all other opposing powers (See table 41).
2-
Lexical choices reflect the state of power and dominance occupied
by the Egyptian revolutionists, against the former Egyptian regime,
SCAF, the Egyptian police, and Muslim Brethrens. This is clear in ،‫"ﯾﺮﯾ ﺪ‬
"‫ ﻏ ﻮر‬،‫ ارﺣ ﻞ‬،‫"ﻗ ﺮر‬want , decided , go away, leave". About 36% of lexical
173
choices are directed towards highlighting the powerful and dominant
status revolutionists occupy. About 11% of lexical items are selected in
order to picture the brutal negative power of the former Egyptian regime
as well as the anti-revolutionary powers (See table 41).
Table 41: Lexical- Items Analysis among Slogans.
Lexical- Items Analysis
Revolutionists
Egyptian regime ratio
Others
0%
38%
11%
0.7%
4%
0%
Ratio
Positive
Negative
Power
3-
9%
3%
36%
Overlexicalization is always used to refer to the same concept using
a variety of lexical choices. This occurred in some slogans:
 As a means of generalization as in "‫ ﺑ ﺪﯾﻊ‬،‫ اﻟﻤﺮﺷ ﺪ‬،‫""اﻹﺧ ﻮان‬Muslim
brotherhood, "the guide, Badei".
 To stress a certain idea or feeling using various lexical choices.
4-
The discursive analysis shows that there is a tendency to polarize
between Us (good, righteous, peaceful, etc.) and Them (evil, violent, etc.)
Most of slogans highlighted the "Us" versus "Them" equation
exemplified in the choices of pronouns that refer positively to the
Egyptian revolutionists as opposed to pronouns used to refer negatively to
other opposing powers on stage. About 56% of pronouns are selected
positively to describe revolutionists and about 38% of pronouns are
chosen negatively to picture the former Egyptian regime as well as all
other anti-revolutionary forces. The other 6% of pronouns refer
negatively to the passive Egyptian people (See table 42).
174
Table 42: Ideological Square between Pronouns.
Ideological Square between Pronouns
Revolutionists
Egyptian regime ratio
others
56%
0%
0%
0%
38%
6%
Ratio
Us, I, me, we, our, my
Them, you, your, he,
she, his, her
5-
Metaphors are always used to create positive as well as negative
influences on the reader or hearer. Metaphoric language shows that:
 Positive feelings are always directed towards the reflection of the
Egyptian revolutionists using positive metaphors. This is clear in
Egyptian "‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮ ھﺎﺗﻔ ﻀﻞ ﻏﺎﻟﯿ ﺔ ﻋﻠﯿ ﺎ‬،‫"اﻓﺘﺢ ﺻ ﺪرك ﻟﻠﺤﺮﯾ ﺔ‬Open your chest
to freedom, Egypt will always be dear to me", and " ‫ﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ ﯾ ﺎ‬
‫ ﺑﻜ ﺮة ﯾﻄﻠ ﻊ ﻓﺠ ﺮ ﺟﺪﯾ ﺪ‬،‫"ﺷ ﮭﯿﺪ‬O martyr O martyr , tomorrow a new
dawn will come". About 23,5% of metaphors are used positively
to describe revolutionists (See table 43).
 Dark images are always directed against the former Egyptian
regime, SCAF, and Muslim Brethrens using negative metaphors.
This is clear in ‫ دة ﻓﺮﻋ ﻮن و دة ھﺎﻣ ﺎن‬..‫" "ﻻ ﻣﺒ ﺎرك وﻻ ﺳ ﻠﯿﻤﺎن‬Neither
Mubarak nor Soliman, those are the Pharaoh and his Haman"
and "‫ إﻧﺘﻮا ﺑﻘﯿﺘ ﻮا ﻛ ﻼب اﻟﻘ ﺼﺮ‬،‫""ﺷﺮطﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ ﯾﺎ ﺷﺮطﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ‬Egyptian police
you're done, as dogs' castle you now stun" ,or more literally" O
police of Egypt O police of Egypt you have become the dogs of
the castle". About 40% of metaphors are framed in order to refer
negatively to anti-revolutionary forces as well as the former
Egyptian regime (See table 43).
175
 About 24% of metaphors are employed positively to refer to Egypt,
Egyptian people, martyrs, and the Egyptian revolution itself and
about 11,5% of metaphors are applied negatively to refer to passive
Egyptian citizens and anti-revolutionary spirit (See table 43).
Table 43: Metaphorical Images within Slogans
Metaphorical Images within Slogans
Revolutionists
Egyptian regime
Ratio
ratio
Positive
23.5%
0%
24%
Negative
0%
40%
11.5%
6-
Others
Generalization is used in some slogans for a variety of reasons:
 To give the revolution a kind of public credibility in order to give
the impression that the whole society supports the revolutionary
demands raised by revolutionists as in "‫" "اﻟ ﺸﻌﺐ‬people", "‫" "ﺷ ﻌﺒﻨﺎ‬our
people", "‫"" "ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ‬our homeland " and "‫""ﻣﺼﺮ‬Egypt".
 As a means of inclusion which works both negatively as in
"‫""اﻟﻔﻠ ﻮل‬Remnants" to include all the Mubarakian men who helped
Mubarak in the ruination of Egypt, and positively as in the
crescent", and "‫""اﻟ ﺼﻠﯿﺐ‬the cross" which give the sense of inclusion
of all the sections of the society.
7-
Specification is always used to give a detailed information about
generalized words and it can work negatively as in"‫""ﺑ ﺪﯾﻊ‬Badei'" which
comes as a specification for the generalized word "‫""اﻟﻤﺮﺷ ﺪ‬the guide" as
well
as
positively
as
in:
"‫""اﻟ ﺪﻛﺘﻮر‬doctor", "‫""اﻟ ﺸﯿﺦ‬Sheikh",
"‫""اﻟﻄﺎﻟ ﺐ‬student"، "‫""ﺧﺎﻟ ﺪ‬Khalid", and " ‫""ﻣﯿﻨ ﺎ‬Mina " to give a detailed
description of the identity of the generalized word "‫""ﺷﮭﯿﺪ‬martyr".
176
At the semantic level, lexical cohesion used here includes the use of
synonyms, antonyms, and hyponyms among slogans of the same theme.
Certain facts can be obtained while analyzing the lexical cohesion among
slogans:
1-
Synonyms are used with both positive and negative implications.
As in: "‫ ﺑﻠﯿ ﺪ‬،‫ أﻧ ﺪال‬،‫ ﺣﻘﯿ ﺮ‬،‫ ﺟﺒ ﺎن‬،‫""ﻛ ﺬاب‬Liar, coward, vile, scoundrel, dull",
"‫ ﺣ ﻖ‬،‫ ﯾﺘﺤ ﺮر‬،‫ ﯾﻌﯿﺶ‬،‫ اﻟﻨﻮر‬،‫ ﺣﺮة‬،‫""اﻟﺤﺮة‬the liberate, free, the light, live, get free,
right". About 20,50% of lexical relations are directed positively to
describe synonyms that reflect the good qualities of revolutionists and
about 30,50% are directed negatively against the former Egyptian regime
as well as Anti-revolutionary powers (see table 44).
2-
Antonyms are used to refer to both negative and positive feelings,
as in "‫ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫""ﻣ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬Egyptians, soldiers", "‫ ﺟ ﺎﺑﻮا‬،‫ ""ﺷ ﺎﻟﻮا‬ousted, brought",
"‫ ﯾ ﺴﻘﻂ‬،‫""ﯾﺘﺤ ﺮر‬get free, down with", "‫ ﻋ ﺴﻜﺮ‬،‫"ﻣ ﺪﻧﻲ‬civilian, soldier". About
17% of lexical relations are antonyms that refer positively to the Egyptian
revolution and another 17% are directed against anti-revolutionary forces
(See table 44).
3-
Hyponyms are used as a means of inclusion in order to refer
positively or negatively to a certain concept or character as in " ‫ﻣﺠﻠ ﺲ‬
،‫ ﺣﻤ ﺪي ﺑ ﺪﯾﻦ‬،‫ﻋﻨ ﺎن‬، ‫طﻨﻄ ﺎوي‬، ‫ رﺋ ﯿﺲ أرﻛ ﺎن‬،‫ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ اﻟﺤﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬،‫ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ‬،‫ ﻋﺴﻜﺮي‬،‫ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬،‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮ‬
‫""اﻟﻌ ﺴﻜﺮ‬SCAF, council, soldier, marshal, military marshal, a chief of staff,
Tantawi, Anan, Hamdi Badin, soldiers" to include all military
associations, and "‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬،‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮي‬،‫ ﻧ ﺎس‬،‫ ﺷ ﻌﺐ‬،‫ ﻣ ﺼﺮ‬،‫ دوﻟ ﺔ‬،‫""ﺑﻠ ﺪﻧﺎ‬our country,
state, Egypt, people, citizens, Egyptian, Egyptians". About 11% of lexical
relations are positively directed towards hyponyms that describe the
revolutionists and about 5% of hyponyms are used negatively to highlight
the negativity of anti-revolutionary forces (See table 44).
177
4-
Positive implications are always directed in favor of the Egyptian
revolutionists, while negative implications are directed against all other
opposing powers (See table 44).
Table 44: Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans.
Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans
Positive ratio
Negative ratio
20.5%
17%
11%
30.5%
17%
5%
Synonyms
Antonyms
Hyponyms
At the rhetorical level, repetitions are always used here for a variety
of reasons:
1-
To direct the hearer's attention to a certain concept as in ‫ﯾ ﺎ أھﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ ﯾ ﺎ‬
‫ ﻛﺮاﻣﺘﻨ ﺎ ھ ﺎﺗﺮﺟﻊ ﻟﯿﻨ ﺎ‬،‫ "" أھﻠﯿﻨ ﺎ‬O our people with a great trust, Our dignity
will be back to us".
2-
To highlight a particular call or demand as in "" ،‫اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص اﻟﻘ ﺼﺎص‬
‫""ﺿ ﺮﺑﻮا إﺧﻮاﺗﻨ ﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺻ ﺎص‬life for life is a holy retaliation, brothers were
shot no conciliation".
3-
To emphasize a certain feeling or point of view as in " ،‫ﻣ ﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ‬
‫""ﻣ ﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ و اﻟﻌ ﺼﺎﺑﺔ ھ ﻲ ھ ﻲ‬it's a play, it's a game, and the gang is the
same".
178
As a conclusion, Micro-structure analysis shows the way language,
power, ideology, and dominance are tightly related. The Egyptian
revolutionary slogans are a fruitful field of analysis. They depict the
political, social and religious status quo in Egypt during and after the 25th
of January, 2011's Egyptian revolution.
179
Chapter 5
Conclusion and Recommendations
As the present study shows, the Egyptian society has been greatly
influenced by the incidents of the 25th of January, 2011 revolution. The
study presents various slogans to describe the identity of revolutionists,
the political convictions and backgrounds which led to the incidents of
the Egyptian revolution. This study confirms how language is a vehicle
for hidden interpretations within slogans. Therefore, the reader should
approach the discourse critically to expose the invisible ideology passing
through language. This study focuses on the kinds of relationships that
might be held between language and ideology in a political discourse
(The Egyptian revolution discourse), and how these relationships are
reflected in the analysis of texts (the Egyptian revolutionary slogans)
following M.A.K Halliday's Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) with
a special focus upon Transitivity and Lexicalization outlined by Roger
Fowler.
The present study shows how the Egyptian revolutionists are able to
come up with particular lexical items, lexical processes, and metaphors in
order to serve their own case and ideology against the attitude of the
former Egyptian regime as well as other opposing powers such as SCAF,
Muslim brotherhood group and police force. Revolutionists also altered
between the actor and patient positions in order to impose all the
responsibility upon the former Egyptian regime and to show themselves
as tragic victims of tyranny. Certain processes are utilized to give the
same influence like nominalization and generalization.
180
Having the different examples of the Egyptian revolutionary
chanted slogans analyzed and the various research questions clearly
answered in Chapter Three of this study, the researcher would like to
draw the following conclusions and findings:
1-
The study shows how the textual structure of slogans exposes and
serves a certain ideology that is not necessarily obvious for ordinary
reader or hearer as well as influencing their own perceptions, judgments
and reactions.
2-
Following transitivity analysis, the researcher finds that there are
certain strategies
used by revolutionists, like passivization and
nominalization, to serve their own ideology. Ideology is being reflected
upon by highlighting certain actors in the sentence and undermining other
actors. Placing revolutionists in the actor position reflects their own
power and dominance. When the former Egyptian regime occupies the
patient position, this is used to reflect its fragility and weekness.
Nominalization is usually used to direct the hearer's attention to the
process itself regardless of the Actor or the Patient of the process itself as
in. It is also used to highlight a concept or demand.
3-
Lexicalization is powerfully employed to serve the revolutionists'
ideology by selecting positive and powerful lexical items used to describe
their own side against dark and negative lexical items used to describe all
their opposing powers like the former Egyptian regime, SCAF, Muslim
brotherhood group, Policemen…etc. Certain lexicalization processes like
over-lexicalization, generalization, and specification are used to serve the
revolutionists' ideology and mitigate all other ideologies. Generalization
is used to give the revolutionary demands a kind of public credibility.
Specification is used to give a detailed description of the generalized
181
word. Lexical choices are also used to reflect the revolutionists' power
and dominance against the weekness and fragility of the former Egyptian
regime.
4-
Lexical Cohesion Among Slogans are also used to sustain the
revolutionists' point of views using bright synonyms and hyponyms and
criticize the opposing powers' attitudes using dark and negative
synonyms, and hyponyms. Antonyms also are used efficiently to picture
the two parts of the equation (the revolutionists V.S the former Egyptian
regime and its men).
5-
Van Dijk's Ideological square is clearly evident in the Egyptian
revolution slogans. The "Us" versus "Them" equation is used obviously
to serve the revolutionists' ideology against all other ideologies. This can
be highly traced in the choices of the pronouns used to describe the
Egyptian revolutionists as well as their opposing parts. Pronouns
connected to revolutionists are always positively used while pronouns
connected to all other powers are used negatively.
5-
Metaphors are used to sustain the revolutionists' attitude. This is
usually done by drawing positive and bright images to describe
revolutionists and the revolutionary actions and spirit as well as using
dark and negative images and pictures to describe the former Egyptian
regime and all other non-revolutionary powers. Metaphor analysis
reflects the revolutionists' ideology which is set against all other opposing
parts.
6-
Repetitions are always used to direct the hearer's attention to a
certain concept or idea, to highlight a certain demand or call or to
emphasize a certain point of view. Repetitions are also used to direct the
slogan to some character.
182
Based on the above conclusion, the researcher would like to end this
study by making the following recommendation for following researchers
who would like to proceed on the analysis of the Egyptian revolution
slogans :
1- Slogans are culture-bound phrases and translating the Egyptian
revolutionary slogans needs the translator to be aware of the Egyptian
Slang in order to understand the implied meanings. The researcher should
be inform with the cultural meaning of such slogans in order to determine
the kind of words used in translating them, whether into standard or
substandard language. Understanding the political and social atmosphere
in Egypt during the incidents of the Egyptian revolution and aftermath is
essential for translating these slogans.
2- Because of the current and special situation in Egypt, Egyptians
continue to add new expressions and slogans to their own revolutionary
dictionary. As a result, researchers are recommended to view the newly
formed revolutionary slogans since the outbreak of the 25th of January,
2011 revolution till now. Researchers are recommended to view up to
date slogans chanted by Egyptian in different kinds of occasions serving
various types of ideologies in order to cope with changes occurring in the
Egyptian attitude.
3- Researchers should notice and understand the chronological progress
of such slogans from day one of the revolution till now in order to
consider the progress of tone of verbs used in such slogans (the progress
of violent verbs and words). Slogan tones are changing gradually and
continually. Different lexical choices, metaphors, and structures are used
to cope with different and new ideologies that is coming into sight
183
nowadays. Thus, the researcher has to be aware of slogans progression in
concurrence, simultaneously with the development of incidents.
4- Researchers need to be aware of the category to which these slogans
belong, i. e., how such slogans are generated and formed, for they usually
reflect a story, an issue, an existence, a struggle, a fight for the right, etc.,
in a certain society. Several slogans can be categorized as political, others
can be classified as social slogans and several slogans can be emotional.
Thus, the researcher has to divide his collected slogans thematically in
order to be able to distinguish, understand and extract ideologies
embedded within these slogans.
5- Several Egyptian revolutionary slogans bear a great sense of similarity
to other slogans in other previously-held revolutions in the the Arab
Spring like the Tunisian revolution, Yemeni revolution, Libyan
revolution… etc. Further researches can be conducted on that subject
matter using Comparative linguistic analyses.
6- The 25th of January's Egyptian revolution is a rich material for further
linguistic researches. It is highly packed up with a countless number of
political, social and religious incidents, emotions, feelings, divergences,
conflicts, and stories to recount. Political revolutionary cartoons,
revolutionary neologisms, revolutionary speeches, religious revolutionary
biased speeches, Former president Mubarak's last speeches, and Media
ideological and biased news and articles are further researches that can be
embarked on by many researchers.
In a nutshell, there is no closing comment better than quoting Martin
Luther King’s dogma " A riot is the language of the unheard".
184
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Wodak, R. & Meyer, M. (2001). Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis.
London: SAGE.
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Arabic References
.‫ ﻣﻦ ھﺘﺎﻓﺎت اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺿﺮاﺑﺎت و اﻻﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﺎت‬،Campaign in
Solidarity with Workers' Movement in Egypt (6 February, 2011).
Retrieved from http://egyptianworkers.com/2012/02/
Ta7iya Masr Blogspot ,Champollion st.(27 January, 2011). Retrieved
from http://champollionst.wordpress.com/2011/01/27/ta7iya-masr/
(2011 ،‫ ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‬27) ‫ وﻛﺎﻟﺔ أﻧﺒﺎء اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ اﻟﻐﺎﺿﺐ‬,The Angry Arab News Service,
Egyptian slogan, Egyptian Slogans. Retrieved from
http://angryarab.blogspot.com/2011/01/egyptian-slogans.html
.‫ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ اﻟﻐﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ‬،‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻐﻨﻲ‬.(1993)‫ ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻐﻨﻲ‬،‫أﺑﻮ اﻟﻌﺰم‬
Retrieved from http://www.almaany.com
‫ اﻟﻤﻄﺎﺑﻊ‬،‫ اﻟﻄﺒﻌﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‬،‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﻣﺨﺘﺎر اﻟﺼﺤﺎح‬.(1911) ‫اﺑﻦ أﺑﻲ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻘﺎدر اﻟﺮازي‬
. ‫اﻟﻜﻠﯿﺔ‬
.‫ دار اﻟﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ واﻟﺘﻮزﯾﻊ‬،‫ ﻟﺴﺎن اﻟﻌﺮب‬.(2003)‫اﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر‬
Retrieved from http://www.almaany.com
.‫ دار اﻟﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ واﻟﺘﻮزﯾﻊ‬، ‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﺮاﺋﺪ‬.(2003)‫اﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر‬
Retrieved from http://www.almaany.com
189
‫أﺣﻤﺪ ھﺰاع )‪ .(2012‬وﻗﻔﺔ اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﯿﺔ أﻣﺎم اﻟﻨﺎﺋﺐ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﻌﺰﻟﮫ وﺗﻄﮭﯿﺮ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء‪ ،‬إﺧﻮان‬
‫أوﻧﻼﯾﻦ‪.‬‬
‫)‪Accessed in (15 November, 2012‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www.ikhwanonline.com/new/Article.aspx?ArtID=112320&S‬‬
‫=‪230 ecID‬‬
‫أﺧﺒﺎر)أﻏﺴﻄﺲ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﺗﻈﺎھﺮات ﺣﺎﺷﺪة ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺘﻨﻔﯿﺬ اﻻﺻﻼﺣﺎت واﻧﺘﻘﺎد اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﯾﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www.akhbaar.org/home/2011/07/113320.html?print‬‬
‫اﺧﺒﺎر ﻻﯾﻒ ) ‪ ،( 2011‬أﺑﺮز ﺷﻌﺎرات ﺛﻮرة اﻟﻐﻀﺐ ‪ 25‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﯿﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‪.‬‬
‫)‪Accessed in (20 February, 2011‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://akhbarlive.com/news/3584.html‬‬
‫أﺷﺮف‪ ،‬ھﺪى؛ وﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ھﺎﺟﺮ؛ و ﺷﻮق‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮو )‪ 6‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ‪ .(2011 ،‬ﻋﻤﺎل وﻣﻮظﻔﻮ اﻟﻜﮭﺮﺑﺎء‬
‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺼﻤﻮن ﯾﻘﻄﻌﻮن ﺷﺎرع ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﻤﺎطﻠﺔ اﻟﺴﻠﻤﻰ ﻓﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘﮭﻢ‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﺪﯾﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://elbadil.com‬‬
‫اﻷﺳﻮاﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ )‪ 2‬ﻓﺒﺮاﯾﺮ‪ .(2012 ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﯿﺪﯾﻮ‪) ..‬ﯾﺎ ﻧﺠﯿﺐ ﺣﻘﮭﻢ‪ ..‬ﯾﺎ ﻧﻤﻮت زﯾﮭﻢ( ﺗﺮج ﻣﺤﻄﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻟﺪى وﺻﻮل ﻗﻄﺎر ﻧﻘﻞ ﺿﺤﺎﯾﺎ أﺣﺪاث ﺑﻮرﺳﻌﯿﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺟﺮﯾﺪة اﻟﺸﺮوق‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www.shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?id=008f397b-7d0f‬‬‫‪47cd-9458-ac514c76bdfd‬‬
‫‪190‬‬
‫اﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎدﯾﺔ اﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮوﻧﯿﺔ‪ 23) ،‬ﯾﻮﻟﯿﻮ‪ (2011 ،‬آﻻف اﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ ﯾﮭﺘﻔﻮن ﺑﺴﻘﻮط اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻟﻠﻌﺴﻜﺮي‬
‫وﯾﻄﺎﻟﺒﻮن ﺑﺈﻋﺪام ﻣﺒﺎرك‪ ،‬روﯾﺘﺮز‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www.aleqt.com/2011/07/23/article_561718.html‬‬
‫اﻟﺒﺤﺮاوي‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )‪ 27‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻣﺴﯿﺮة اﻷزھﺮ‪" :‬واﺣﺪ اﺗﻨﯿﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻓﯿﻦ" ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫إﻓﻼﺗﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻌﺘﺪﯾﻦ‪ ،‬اﻟﯿﻮم اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www3.youm7.com/News.asp?NewsID=588069‬‬
‫اﻟﺒﺼﯿﻠﻲ‪ ،‬إﯾﻤﺎن )‪ 26‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‪ .(2012 ،‬اﻟﻄﻼب‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﯿﻦ ﺷﻤﺲ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‪ ..‬راﯾﺤﯿﻦ ﻧﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﻤﺸﯿﺮ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://tahrirnews.com/‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ)‪ ،(2012‬اﻟﻤﻨﺎﯾﻔﺔ ﯾﺘﺤﺪون اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ..‬وﺛﻮار اﻟﺸﺮﻗﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﯿﺪان اﻟﻤﺤﻄﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪Accessed in (20 September, 2012‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://tahrirnews.com‬‬
‫اﻟﺤﻮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ھﺎﻧﻲ )‪ 27‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‪ .(2012 ،‬ﻣﺘﻈﺎھﺮو اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ ﯾﮭﺘﻔﻮن‪" :‬ﺑﯿﻊ ﺑﯿﻊ اﻟﺜﻮرة ﯾﺎ ﺑﺪﯾﻊ"‪ ،‬اﻟﯿﻮم‬
‫اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www1.youm7.com/News.asp?NewsID=588155&SecID=65‬‬
‫اﻟﺮاﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﯿﻠﻰ )‪ 13‬ﻣﺎرس‪ .(2012 ،‬ھﺘﺎﻓﺎت اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮاﺑﺔ اﻷھﺮام‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved form http://www.ahram.org.eg/Print.aspx?ID=136662‬‬
‫‪191‬‬
‫اﻟﺸﺮوق )‪ (2012‬اﻟﮭﺘﺎﻓﺎت اﻵن "ﺻﻮت اﻟﺜﻮرة ﺟﺎي ﻣﻦ اﻻزھﺮ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ "‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﯾﺘﺮ‪.‬‬
‫)‪Retweeted in (24 January, 2012‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://news.egypt.com/arabic/permalink/1642826.html‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ )‪ .(2011‬اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾﺪ‪ ،‬دار اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﻊ و اﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﮭﻮرﯾﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻌﺴﻘﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ )‪ .(2012‬ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻮر ‪ ..‬آﻻف اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎھﺮﯾﻦ ﯾﺨﺮﺟﻮن ﺑﺄﺳﯿﻮط‬
‫ﯾﺎ ﺟﻤﺎل ﻗﻮل ﻻﺑﻮك اﻟﺜﻮار ھﯿﻌﺪﻣﻮك وﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮاﺑﺔ اﻟﻔﺠﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫=‪http://www.elfagr.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id‬‬
‫‪190325d=5‬‬
‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﻮن )‪ 5‬ﻣﺎرس‪ .(2011 ،‬ﺳﻘﻮط أﻣﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﯾﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺿﺮب اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎھﺮﯾﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺻﺎص واﻟﻤﻮﻟﻮﺗﻮف‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://www.almesryoon.com/news.aspx?id=50939‬‬
‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻮﺟﯿﺰ)‪ .(2003‬دار اﻟﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ واﻟﺘﻮزﯾﻊ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻮﺳﯿﻂ )‪ .(1993‬اﻟﻄﺒﻌﺔ اﻟﺮاﺑﻌﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ اﻹﺳﻼﻣﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ و اﻟﻨﺸﺮ و اﻟﺘﻮزﯾﻊ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ھﺸﺎم )‪ 27‬ﻧﻮﻓﻤﺒﺮ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﻣﺴﯿﺮة ل‪ 6‬إﺑﺮﯾﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺮ اﻟﺤﺎﻛﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮى ﺑﺪﻣﯿﺎط‪ .‬اﻟﻮﻓﺪ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺒﻮاﺑﺔ اﻻﻟﻜﺘﺮوﻧﯿﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://www.alwafd.org‬‬
‫‪192‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻰ )‪ 25‬ﻧﻮﻓﻤﺒﺮ‪ .(2011،‬اﻵﻻف ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﺼﻮرة ﻓﻲ ﻣﻠﯿﻮﻧﯿﺔ ﺣﻖ اﻟﺸﮭﯿﺪ ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺮﺣﯿﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺸﯿﺮ ورﻓﺾ اﻟﺠﻨﺰوري‪ ،‬ﺑﻮاﺑﺔ اﻷھﺮام‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://gate.ahram.org.eg/UI/Front/Inner.aspx?NewsContentID=141‬‬
‫‪587‬‬
‫ﺗﺮك‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ )‪ 2‬ﻓﺒﺮاﯾﺮ‪ .(2012 ،‬ﻣﺴﯿﺮة ﻣﻦ ﺳﻔﻨﻜﺲ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻨﺎدي اﻷھﻠﻲ ﺗﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺈﻋﺪام اﻟﻤﺸﯿﺮ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﻤﺸﮭﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://ʼal-mashhad.com/News.aspx‬‬
‫ﺗﯿﻤﻮر ﺑﺎﺷﺎ‪ ،‬أﺣﻤﺪ)‪ .(2002‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺗﯿﻤﻮر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ دار اﻟﻜﺘﺐ و اﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ‬
‫اﻟﻘﻮﻣﯿﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻮرة ‪ 25‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ)‪ .(2012‬ھﺘﺎﻓﺎت ﺗﺮددت ﻓﻰ ﺛﻮرة ‪ 25‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‪.‬‬
‫)‪Accessed in (14, February, 2011‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www.revolution25january.com/january25revolution-chants.asp‬‬
‫ﺟﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻓﺖ )‪ 6‬ﻣﺎرس‪ .(2012 ،‬ﻣﺴﯿﺮات ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺼﺎص‪ ..‬واﻟﻌﺸﺮات‬
‫"ﯾﮭﺘﻔﻮن" وﺣﯿﺎة دﻣﻚ ﯾﺎ ﺷﮭﯿﺪ ﺛﻮرة ﺗﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﺪﯾﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://elbadil.com/egypt-news/2012/06/03/48944‬‬
‫ﺣﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺗﻦ )‪ 26‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‪ .(2012 ،‬اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻮن ﯾﻄﺎﻟﺒﻮن ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﺗﺴﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻧﯿﯿﻦ وﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻗﺘﻠﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺸﮭﺪاء‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://tahrirnews.com‬‬
‫‪193‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )‪ 2‬ﻓﺒﺮاﯾﺮ‪ .(2011 ،‬اﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﯾﺔ ﺗﮭﺘﻒ‪" :‬ﯾﺎ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﯾﺎ طﯿﺎر‪ ..‬اﻟﻄﯿﺎرة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻄﺎر‪،‬‬
‫إﺧﻮان أوﻧﻼﯾﻦ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www.ikhwanonline.com/Article.aspx?artid=78650&secid=230‬‬
‫رﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )‪ 31‬ﻣﺎرس‪ .(2012 ،‬ﻧﺸﻄﺎء ﯾﻀﺮﺑﻮن ﻋﻦ اﻟﻄﻌﺎم وﯾﻌﺘﺼﻤﻮن أﻣﺎم "اﻟﻌﺪل"‬
‫ﻟﻺﻓﺮاج ﻋﻦ دوﻣﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﯿﻮم اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www3.youm7.com/News.asp?NewsID=641783&SecID=291&Issu‬‬
‫‪eID‬‬
‫رﻣﻀﺎن‪ ،‬رﺣﻤﺔ )‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﯾﻮ‪ .(2012 ،‬وﻗﻔﺔ ﻟﻄﻼب ھﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﺣﻠﻮان ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﻓﺮاج ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻠﻮ "اﻟﻌﺒﺎﺳﯿﺔ"‪ ،‬اﻟﯿﻮم اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www3.youm7.com/News.asp?NewsID=673965&SecID=97&IssueI‬‬
‫‪D=0‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ )‪ 21‬إﺑﺮﯾﻞ‪ .(2012 ،‬طﻼب اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت ھﺘﻔﻮا‪ :‬ﻗﻮل‪ .‬اﺗﻜﻠﻢ‪ .‬اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻻزم ﺗﺘﺴﻠﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻮاﺑﺔ اﻷھﺮام اﻟﺮﻗﻤﯿﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://digital.ahram.org.eg/articles.aspx?Serial=874797&eid=6685‬‬
‫ﺳﻌﯿﺪ‪ ،‬أﺣﻤﺪ )‪ 30‬ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‪ .(2012 ،‬اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ ﯾﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل اﻟﺮﺋﯿﺲ ﺑﺎﻷﻏﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﻮطﻨﯿﺔ‪ ..‬واﻹﺧﻮان‬
‫ﯾﺆﻣﻨﻮن ﻣﺪاﺧﻞ اﻟﻤﯿﺪان‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://tahrirnews.com‬‬
‫ﺳﻲ ان ان ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ)‪ 3‬ﻣﺎرس‪ .(2012 ،‬ﻓﯿﺴﺒﻮك‪ :‬اﻷﻟﺘﺮاس ﺛﻮري‪ ..‬ورأس اﻟﻤﺸﯿﺮ ھﻲ اﻟﺪوري‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://arabic.cnn.com/2012/egypt.2011/2/2/social_media.sport.EG/index.‬‬
‫‪html‬‬
‫‪194‬‬
.‫ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ اﻟﮭﺪاﯾﺔ‬.‫ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻤﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎت اﻟﻔﻘﮭﯿﺔ‬.(2002) ‫ إﺑﺮاھﯿﻢ اﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ‬،‫ﺷﮭﺮﻛﺎﻧﻲ‬
Retrieved from http://www.almaany.com
‫ ﺑﻮاﺑﺔ‬،‫ ﻗﺘﻠﻮا وﻻدﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺻﺎص‬.‫ اﻟﻘﺼﺎص‬.‫ اﻟﻘﺼﺎص‬.(2012 ،‫ ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‬3) ‫ ﻋﻤﺎد اﻟﺪﯾﻦ‬،‫ﺻﺎﺑﺮ‬
.‫اﻷھﺮام اﻟﺮﻗﻤﯿﺔ‬
Retrieved from
http://digital.ahram.org.eg/articles.aspx?Serial=920371&eid=6295
.‫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﯿﺴﺒﻮك‬،‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ اﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﯾﺔ‬
Accessed in (26 Januray, 2012)
Retrieved from
https://www.facebook.com/AlexFans/posts/10150562570288516?comme
nt_id=20980363&offset=0&total_comments=11
.‫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﯿﺴﺒﻮك‬،"‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ" ﯾﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺘﺴﺄل اﺣﻨﺎ ﻣﯿﻦ اﺣﻨﺎ ﻛﻞ اﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬
Accessed in (25 June, 2012)
Retrieved from
https://www.facebook.com/YalyBtsalAhnaMynAhnaKlAlmsryyn
.‫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﯿﺴﺒﻮك‬،(2012)‫ﺿﺒﺎط ﺿﺪ اﻟﻔﺴﺎد‬
Retrieved from
https://www.facebook.com/dbat.ded.el.fasad/posts/332875256752922
‫ اﻷھﺮام‬.‫"ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﯿﺪ وﻣﯿﻨﺎ داﻧﯿﺎل "ﺣﻮار ﻓﻰ ﺳﻤﺎء اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‬.(2012 ،‫ ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‬21) .‫ أﺣﻤﺪ‬،‫ﻋﺒﺎدي‬
.‫اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻲ‬
Retrieved from
http://digital.ahram.org.eg/articles.aspx?Serial=774355&eid=5593
195
‫ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻌﺰﯾﺰ ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎطﻒ؛ و رﻣﻀﺎن ‪ ،‬أﺣﻤﺪ؛ و رﺑﯿﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )‪ 22‬ﯾﻮﻟﯿﻮ‪.(2011 ،‬‬
‫اﻵﻻف ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﯿﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ إﻟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻮزراء واﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ واﻟﻌﺪل ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻤﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻗﺘﻠﺔ اﻟﺸﮭﺪاء وﺗﻄﮭﯿﺮ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﺪﯾﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://elbadil.com/?p=5547‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻌﺰﯾﺰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎطﻒ‪ 27).‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‪ .(2012 ،‬ﻋﺸﺮات اﻵﻻف ﯾﺆدون ﺻﻼة ﺟﻤﻌﺔ اﻟﻐﻀﺐ‬
‫"ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‪ ..‬وﯾﮭﺘﻔﻮن " اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻗﺮر إﺳﻘﺎط ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﺪﯾﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://elbadil.com/?p=4470‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻌﺰﯾﺰ ﻋﺎطﻒ؛ و ﺳﺎﻟﻤﺎن اﻟﺴﯿﺪ )‪ 24‬ﻓﺒﺮاﯾﺮ‪ .(2012 ،‬ﺧﻄﯿﺐ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‪ :‬اﻟﺘﺒﺮع ﻟﻤﻌﻮﻧﺔ ﺣﺴﺎن‬
‫ﺣﺮام‪..‬وﻋﻠﻰ ”اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي“ إﻋﺎدة اﻟﺜﺮوات اﻟﻤﮭﺮﺑﺔ وﻟﯿﺲ أﺧﺬ أﻣﻮال اﻟﻔﻘﺮاء‪ ،‬اﻟﻤﻮﺟﺰ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://almogaz.com/politics/news/2012/02/24/198961‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻐﻨﻲ اﻟﺪﻗﺮ)‪ .(2001‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ‪ ،‬اﻟﻄﺒﻌﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺪار اﻟﺸﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ واﻟﻨﺸﺮ‬
‫واﻟﺘﻮزﯾﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻐﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )‪ 14‬اﺑﺮﯾﻞ‪ .(2012 ،‬وﻗﻔﺔ اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﻣﻊ أﺳﺮة اﻟﺸﮭﯿﺪ ﺑﮭﺎء اﻟﺴﻨﻮﺳﻲ‬
‫أﺛﻨﺎء إﻋﺎدة ﺗﺸﺮﯾﺢ ﺟﺜﻤﺎﻧﮫ‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﺪﯾﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://elbadil.com/egypt-news/2012/04/14/40226‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻐﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )‪ 6‬ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‪ . (2012 ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻮر ﻓﻲ ذﻛﺮى ﺷﮭﯿﺪ اﻟﻄﻮارئ‪ :‬ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﯾﻘﻮد ﻣﺴﯿﺮة‬
‫ﺗﻀﻢ اﻵﻻف ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ إﺑﺮاھﯿﻢ ﻟﻤﻨﺰل أﺳﺮة ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﯿﺪ‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﺪﯾﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://elbadil.com/hot-issues-cases/2012/06/06/49527‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻔﺘﺎح‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺎح )‪ 8‬ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‪ .(2012 ،‬اﻟﺸﺮطﺔ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﯾﺔ ﺗﻔﺾ ﻣﻈﺎھﺮة طﻼب اﻷزھﺮ ﺑﻄﺮﯾﻖ‬
‫اﻷوﺗﻮﺳﺘﺮاد‪ ،‬اﻟﻤﯿﺪان‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://www.ʼal-meedan.com/np/politics/42-politics/3776‬‬‫‪2012-05-08-16-25-40‬‬
‫‪196‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻼه‪ ،‬أﺣﻤﺪ )‪ 19‬ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‪ .(2012 ،‬اﻟﻤﺌﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﯿﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻷرﺑﻌﯿﻦ ﻟﻤﻘﺮ اﻟﺤﺎﻛﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻮﯾﺲ‪ ..‬وﯾﮭﺘﻔﻮن‪ :‬ارﺣﻞ ﺳﯿﺒﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﯿﺶ ﻣﺘﻮرطﺶ اﻟﺠﯿﺶ‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﺪﯾﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://elbadil.com/egypt-news/2012/06/19/51756‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼ )‪ 25‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‪ .(2012 ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﯿﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‪ 25‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ ﻛﻼﻛﯿﺖ ﺗﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮة‪ ...‬ﻻ‬
‫‪،‬ﻟﻠﺘﺨﺮﯾﺐ‪...‬وﻧﻌﻢ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻤﯿﺔ‪ ،‬اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ع اﻟﻌﯿﻦ واﻟﺮاس ‪ ...‬ﺑﺲ ﻧﺤِ ﺲ ﺑﻔ َﺮْ ق ﯾﺎ ﻧﺎس‪ .‬اﻟﺠﻤﮭﻮرﯾﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ اﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮوﻧﯿﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://www.algomhuria.net.eg/it/tahkik102.html‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬أﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎر)‪ .(2008‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻜﺘﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻮض‪ ،‬أﻣﯿﺮة )‪.(2011‬ﻣﻈﺎھﺮات ﺣﺎﺷﺪة ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﺔ اﻟﯿﻮم ﺑﻤﺴﺠﺪ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ إﺑﺮاھﯿﻢ‪ ،‬اﻟﻮﻓﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://www.alwafd.org‬‬
‫ﻋﯿﺎد‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻧﯿﻜﺎ )‪ 20‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‪ .(2012 ،‬ﻧﻨﺸﺮ اﻟﮭﺘﺎﻓﺎت اﻟﺠﺪﯾﺪة ﻟﺜﻮرة ‪ 25‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ اﻟﺠﺪﯾﺪة ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮاﺑﺔ اﻟﻮﻓﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://www.alwafd.org‬‬
‫ﻏﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬رأﻓﺖ )‪ 22‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‪ .(2012 ،‬اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﯾُﻜﻤﻞ ﺛﻮرﺗﮫ‪..‬ھﺘﺎﻓﺎت ‪ 25‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ ‪ :2012‬ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺘﺤﺒﺲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺜﻮار ﻗﺒﻠﻚ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﮭﺎ وﻏﺎر‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﺪﯾﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://elbadil.com/?p=15965‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﺣﺎت‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻣﺎﻧﺔ )‪ (2012‬ﺷﻌﺎرات ﻣﯿﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‪ :‬ﻗﺼﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻠﻮ اﻟﺜﻮرة وﻣﺮّ ھﺎ‪ ،‬اﻷﺧﺒﺎر‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://ʼal-akhbar.com/node/34210‬‬
‫‪197‬‬
‫ﻓﮭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ )‪ 30‬ﻓﺒﺮاﯾﺮ‪ .(2012 ،‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺷﻌﺎرات اﻟﺜﻮرة‪ ..‬ﺧﺰﯾﻨﺔ اﻟﺤﻜﻤﺔ واﻟﻮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬إﺧﻮان‬
‫أوﻧﻼﯾﻦ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www.ikhwanonline.com/new/Article.aspx?ArtID=79108&SecID=0‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻋﻮد‪ ،‬ﻋﺰة )‪ 28‬ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‪ .(2012 ،‬أﯾﻮة أﻧﺎ ﺑﮭﺘﻒ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ أوﻧﻼﯾﻦ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://www.tahrironline.net/main.asp?v_article_id=10403‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺘﺮ)‪ ،(2011‬ھﺘﺎﻓﺎت و ﺷﻌﺎرات اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺛﻮرة اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺟﺮﯾﺮة اﻟﻮرد‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺜﯿﻨﺔ )‪،(2012‬أﺧﺒﺎر ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫)‪Retweeted in (12 January, 2012‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://news.egypt.com/arabic/permalink/1599547.html‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )‪ 5‬ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻮر‪ ..‬اﻵﻻف أﻣﺎم ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ اﻟﺴﻮﯾﺲ ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺼﺎص‬
‫ورﺣﯿﻞ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ،‬اﻟﯿﻮم اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www1.youm7.com/News.asp?NewsID=697552&SecID=296‬‬
‫‪&IssueID=0‬‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ اﻟﯿﻮم اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ )‪ 30‬ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‪ .(2012 ،‬اﺳﻤﻊ ﻣﻨﺎ ﯾﺎ دﻛﺘﻮر ﻣﺮﺳﻰ ﺣﻖ أﺧﻮاﺗﻨﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻜﺮﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://mubasher.youm7.com/?p=12165‬‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ اﻟﻌﺠﻤﺎن اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ)‪ 22‬ﻣﺎﯾﻮ‪ .(2011 ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻞ اﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ واﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻨﺼﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻗﺒﯿﻞ‬
‫اﻧﻄﻼق ﻣﻈﺎھﺮات "ﺟﻤﻌﺔ اﻟﻐﻀﺐ"‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://www.alajman.ws/vb/archive/index.php/t-63615-p‬‬‫‪5.html‬‬
‫‪198‬‬
‫ﻣﺼﺮاوي )‪ 6‬ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‪ .(2012 ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﯿﺪﯾﻮ‪ ..‬اﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﻓﻌﺎﻟﯿﺎت ﻣﻠﯿﻮﻧﯿﺔ اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ واﻟﮭﺘﺎف‪'' :‬اﺗﻨﯿﻦ‬
‫''ﻣﺎﻟﮭﻮﻣﺶ أﻣﺎن‪ ..‬اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ واﻹﺧﻮان‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www.masrawy.com/news/egypt/politics/2012/june/6/507681‬‬
‫‪6.aspx‬‬
‫ﻣﺼﺮاوي )‪ 29‬ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‪ ،(2012 ،‬وﻗﻔﺔ ﻟـ ‪ 6‬إﺑﺮﯾﻞ اﻟﻤﻨﺼﻮرة ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷﻌﺎر ''أﯾﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﯿﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﯿﺲ‬
‫ﯾﺎﻋﺴﻜﺮي"‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www.masrawy.com/News/Egypt/Politics/2012/june/29/5143121.as‬‬
‫‪px‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮر‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ )‪ 22‬ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‪ (2012 ،‬ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮر‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﯿﺎن "اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي"‪..‬‬
‫اﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎھﺮون ﯾﮭﺘﻔﻮن‪ :‬ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪..‬ﻗﻮل ﻣﺘﺨﻔﺶ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻻزم ﯾﻤﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮاﺑﺔ‬
‫اﻷھﺮام اﻟﺮﻗﻤﯿﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://gate.ahram.org.eg/NewsContentPrint/13/70/223346.aspx‬‬
‫ﻧﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮارة )‪ 4‬ﻓﺒﺮاﯾﺮ‪ .(2012 ،‬اﻟﻠﻲ ﻟﺴﺔ ﺑﯿﺤﻤﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﻋﻤﺮه ﻣﺎ ﯾﺤﻤﻲ داري و دارك‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻓﯿﺴﺒﻮك‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪https://www.facebook.com/nawaranegm/posts/340518742646506‬‬
‫‪199‬‬
‫ﻧﻮار‪ ،‬راﻣﻲ؛ و ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ ،‬ﻣﺮوة )‪ 4‬ﻣﺎﯾﻮ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻧﺮﺻﺪ ﺷﻌﺎرات ﻣﺘﻈﺎھﺮى اﻟﻌﺒﺎﺳﯿﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‪ ..‬ﻣﺆﯾﺪو "أﺑﻮ إﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻞ" ﯾﺘﺨﻠﻮن ﻋﻨﮫ ﻓﻰ ھﺘﺎﻓﺎﺗﮭﻢ‪" :‬ھﻰ‬
‫ھﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺶ ﻟﺤﺎزم وﻻ‬
‫ﺳﻮاه"‪ ..‬وﯾﺸﻨﻮن ھﺠﻮﻣﺎ ً ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮى‪" :‬ودﻧﻚ ﯾﺎ ﺣﺮﺑﯿﺔ إﺣﻨﺎ اﻟﻠﻰ ﻛﺴﺮﻧﺎ اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﯿﻮم اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www3.youm7.com/News.asp?NewsID=669779&SecID=12&IssueI‬‬
‫‪D=0‬‬
‫ھﺘـﺎﻓﺎت ﯾﻮم ‪ 25‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ – أﻛﺘﺒﮭﻢ أو أطﺒﻌﮭﻢ – ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ ‪Civilengyoused Blog(2011), 80‬‬
‫ﻣﻠﯿﻮن ھﺘﯿﻒ‪.‬‬
‫‪Retrieved from http://civilengyousef.wordpress.com/2012/01/19‬‬
‫ھﺘﺎﻓﺎت ‪ 8‬ﯾﻮﻟﯿﻮ)‪ ،(2011‬ﻓﻲ ﻓﯿﺴﺒﻮك‪.‬‬
‫‪(Video file) Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪https://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=137394226341296‬‬
‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب )‪ 14‬دﯾﺴﻤﺒﺮ‪ .(2010 ،‬ﻣﻈﺎھﺮة ﺑﺎطﻞ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻮل ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮض ﺣﺎﻧﺠﯿﺐ ﻣﺒﺎرك اﻷرض‪.‬‬
‫‪(Video file)Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vyUdNSxjIGI‬‬
‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب )‪ 2‬ﻓﺒﺮاﯾﺮ‪ .(2011 ،‬ﯾﺎ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﯾﺎ ﺟﺒﺎن ﯾﺎ ﻋﻤﯿﻞ اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﺎن‪.‬‬
‫‪(Video file) Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h8OKNXRCqU0‬‬
‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب)‪ 12‬ﻓﺒﺮاﯾﺮ‪ .(2011 ،‬ﺷﺪي ﺣﯿﻠﻚ ﯾﺎﺑﻠﺪ اﻟﺤﺮﯾﮫ ﺑﺘﺘﻮﻟﺪ اﻣﺎم ﻗﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮوﺑﮫ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻨﺤﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎرك‪.‬‬
‫‪(Video file) Retrieved from‬‬
‫‪http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4lH3QVB4ayo=102‬‬
‫‪200‬‬
.‫ اﻟﺴﻮاﯾﺴﺔ ﯾﺎﺷﮭﯿﺪ ﻧﺎم وارﺗﺎح واﺣﻨﺎ ﻧﻜﻤﻞ اﻟﻜﻔﺎح‬.(2011 ،‫ ﻣﺎرس‬17)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nr5m2ADNibU
.‫ اﻹﺿﺮاب ﻣﺸﺮوع ﻣﺸﺮوع ﺿﺪ اﻟﻔﻘﺮ وﺿﺪ اﻟﺠﻮع‬.(2011 ،‫ ﻣﺎرس‬27)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M4s940nNyH4
.‫ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‬.(2011 ،‫ إﺑﺮﯾﻞ‬1)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cXHU4uBZLgM
‫ ﯾﺎدى اﻟﺬل وﯾﺎدى اﻟﻌﺎر أخ ﺑﯿﻀﺮب أﺧﻮه ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎر‬.(2011 ،‫ اﺑﺮﯾﻞ‬9)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lG5kNbNNnQ
.‫ھﺘﺎﻓﺎت ﻣﯿﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ ردا ً ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﯿﺎن اﻟﻘﻮات اﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬.(2011 ،‫ ﯾﻮﻟﯿﻮ‬12)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=frtFMZZfnPg
.‫ ﻣﯿﻨﺎ داﻧﯿﺎل ﻣﺎت ﻣﻘﺘﻮل و اﻟﻤﺸﯿﺮ ھﻮه اﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮل‬.(2011 ،‫ أﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬11)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z8Z2YR2N91Q
.‫ اﻟﻠﻰ ﺑﺘﺤﺐ ﺑﻠﺪھﺎ وﺑﺘﻐﯿﺮ ﻋﻠﯿﮭﺎ‬.. ‫ ھﻰ دى اﻷم اﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﺔ‬.(2011 ،‫ دﯾﺴﻤﺒﺮ‬7)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7VEEEcW2t80
201
.‫ ﻣﻈﺎھﺮات اﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪرﯾﺔ ﺟﻤﻌﺔ رد اﻟﺸﺮف‬.(2011 ،‫ دﯾﺴﻤﺒﺮ‬23)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KatYQiZOLt8
."‫اﺣﻨﺎ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﺨﻂ اﻷﺣﻤﺮ‬..‫ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‬:‫ "اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ اﻟﯿﻮم‬.(2012 ،‫ ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‬24)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mXAbNOpy4iA
.‫ ﺷﺒﺮا ﺗﺸﺘﻌﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﯿﺮة ﻣﯿﻨﺎ داﻧﯿﺎل‬.(2012 ،‫ ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‬25)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PiWGkhDkFz4
."‫اﻟﻌﺼﺎﺑﺔ ھﻰ ھﻰ‬..‫"ﻣﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ‬:‫ ﻣﻈﺎھﺮة اﻟﻔﯿﻮم‬.(2012 ،‫ ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‬25)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved form
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AUeOstaatu0
.‫ ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ ) أ ٍﺳﯿﻮط( أﻛﺸﻦ ﺗﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮه‬25 .(2012 ،‫ ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‬26)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BBYjy5ebTcE
.‫ اﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﻣﺎرس ﺑﯿﻘﻮل رﺋﯿﺲ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر‬.(2012 ،‫ ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‬27)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oHoMiVyRGfo
.‫ﺗﺴﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻓﯿﻦ!؟‬.. ‫ واﺣﺪ اﺗﻨﯿﻦ‬.(2012 ،‫ ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‬31)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BnxCm0kTrrQ
202
.‫ ﯾﺎ ﺷﮭﯿﺪ ﻧﺎم واﺗﮭﻨﺎ واﺳﺘﻨﺎﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎب اﻟﺠﻨﮫ‬.(2012 ،‫ ﻣﺎرس‬15)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KrzQfrM60f4
.‫ ﺷﻮف ﻛﺘﯿﺒﺔ اﻹﻋﺪام ﻓﻲ اﺳﻜﻨﺪرﯾﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﺖ اﯾﮫ‬.(2012 ،‫ ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‬9)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8yYuKPewIrI
.‫ اﻷوﻟﺘﺮاس ﺟﯿﺸﻨﺎ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺮاس ﻣﺮﻓﻮع و اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺒﻊ اﻟﻤﺨﻠﻮع‬.(2012 ،‫ ﻣﺎرس‬15)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fqQdZ1hYZRo
.‫ ﯾﻮﻟﯿﻮ ﺗﺤﻜﻰ ﻗﺼﺔ اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ‬8 ‫ اﻟﻤﻨﺼﻮرة‬.(2011 ،‫ ﯾﻮﻟﯿﻮ‬8)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eybStHHFBN8
.‫اﻟﺘﺮاس اھﻼوى ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‬.(2012 ،‫ ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‬28)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5ixwKsmyCmE
.‫ اﺣﻨﺎ ف ﺳﺠﻦ وﻻ إﯾﮫ‬... ‫ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﻟﯿﮫ‬.(2011 ،‫ إﺑﺮﯾﻞ‬22)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nvCIVYvR_9w
.‫ ﻗﻮل ﻣﺘﺨﻔﺶ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻻزم ﯾﻤﺸﻲ‬- ‫ ھﺘﺎﻓﺎت اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‬.(2011 ،‫ ﻧﻮﻓﻤﺒﺮ‬19)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y3BkOEXY1Ys
203
.‫ ﻗﻮل ﻣﺘﺨﻔﺶ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻻزم ﯾﻤﺸﻲ‬.(2011 ،‫ ﻧﻮﻓﻤﺒﺮ‬26)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hx6kpokP-Xw
.‫ اﻟﮭﺘﺎف ﯾﺮج اﻻزھﺮ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‬.(2011 ،‫ دﯾﺴﻤﺒﺮ‬17)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gNmA8Hv1G9I
.‫ ﺑﺪاﯾﺔ اﻟﻤﺴﯿﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻷزھﺮ‬- ‫ ﺟﻨﺎزة اﻟﺸﯿﺦ ﻋﻤﺎد ﻋﻔﺖ‬.(2011 ،‫ دﯾﺴﻤﺒﺮ‬17)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f7U_RtkOUzY
.‫ ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‬25 ‫ ﻣﯿﺪان اﻟﺴﯿﺪ اﻟﺒﺪوى ﺑﻄﻨﻄﺎ‬.(2012 ،‫ ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‬25) ،‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0Y69pYYjHGs
.‫ طﺮد اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﯿﺔ اﻟﮭﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﯾﺔ‬.( 2012، ‫ ﻓﺒﺮاﯾﺮ‬19)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J1w1S5wNQEA&feature=youtu.be
.2 ‫ طﺮد اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﯿﺔ اﻟﮭﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪرﯾﺔ‬.(2012 ،‫ ﻓﺒﺮاﯾﺮ‬19)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v47J06oj3lU&feature=channel
.‫ ھﺘﺎف ﻛﻠﻤﺔ واﺣﺪة و ﻏﯿﺮھﺎ ﻣﻔﯿﺶ اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﺶ ﻟﻠﺠﯿﺶ‬.(2012 ،‫ ﯾﻮﻧﯿﻮ‬12)‫ﯾﻮﺗﯿﻮب‬
(Video file) Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3D65FNkiM0
204
Appendices
Appendix A: List of Slogans
Go, set out, eternally depart
Let Egypt impart a new start
or
Leave, Leave, Leave tonight,
Let our country see the light
‫ارﺣﻞ ارﺣﻞ ارﺣﻞ ﻏﻮر ﺧﻠ ﱢﻲ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ ﺗﺸﻮف اﻟﻨﻮر‬
Leave leave leave go away.. let our country see the light
Set out , set out , get off the stage
The entire populace flares with rage
‫ارﺣﻞ ارﺣﻞ ارﺣﻞ ﻏﻮر ﻛﻞ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﯿﻚ ھﺎﯾﺜﻮر‬
Leave leave leave go away, all people, against you, will revolt
Egypt, get your rise finally completed
Your sons have been keeping depleted
‫اﺻﺤﻲ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ وﻓﻮﻗﻲ م اﻟﻨﻮم ﻧﮭﺒﻮا وﻻدك ﯾﻮم ورا ﯾﻮم‬
Get up Egypt and wake up from your sleep.. they have been robbing your
sons a day after another
Hit, kick or murder , commander (Habib)
We won’t , whatsoever, surrender
or
Hit O Habib no matter what you do
We will never ever let go
‫اﺿﺮب اﺿﺮب ﯾﺎ ﺣﺒﯿﺐ ﻣﮭﻤﺎ ﺗﻀﺮب ﻣﺶ ھﻨﺴﯿﺐ‬
Hit and shot us O Habib… no matter what you shot we'll not let go.
205
Arrest me Arrest me!
Without me freedom be*
or
seldom to fear being chained
freedom breath cannot be reigned
‫أﻋﺘﻘﻠﻮﻧﻲ أﻋﺘﻘﻠﻮﻧﻲ … اﻟﺤﺮﯾﺔ ﺗﻌﯿﺶ ﻣﻦ دوﻧﻲ‬
Arrest me arrest me…. O long live freedom without me
Be Magnanimous to liberation
Egypt exceeds any consideration
‫اﻓﺘﺢ ﺻﺪرك ﻟﻠﺤﺮﯾﮫ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺣﺘﻔﻀﻞ ﻏﺎﻟﯿﮫ ﻋﻠﯿﺎ‬
Open your chest to freedom… Egypt will always be dear to me
We seek salvation and liberation
From the gangs of falsification
‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﺼﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﺘﺰوﯾﺮ‬
Liberation liberation from the reign of the gang of fraud
The cross and the crescent
are against murder and torment
‫اﻟﮭﻼل وﯾﺎ اﻟﺼﻠﯿﺐ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻘﺘﻞ واﻟﺘﻌﺬﯾﺐ‬
The crescent and the cross are against murder and torture
The revolutionary spirits underwrote
We would track the freedom route
‫ﺛﻮار اﺣﺮار ھﺎﻧﻜﻤﻞ اﻟﻤﺸﻮار‬
we are free rebellions and we'll continue the path
206
we're revolting with no effort kept
revolutions will get every crypt crept
revolts prevails Tunisia and Egypt
‫ ﺛﻮرة ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺛﻮرة ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ‬...‫ ﺛﻮرة ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻮارع ﻣﺼﺮ‬... ‫ﺛﻮرة ﺛﻮرة ﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﻨﺼﺮ‬
A revolution a revolution till victory is captured… a revolution all over
Egypt's streets… A revolution in Egypt and a revolution in Tunisia
O my beloved country take your breath
Freedom is being delivered from birth
‫ﺷﺪي ﺣﯿﻠﻚ ﯾﺎ ﺑﻠﺪ اﻟﺤﺮﯾﺔ ﺑﺘﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬
O country hold on and take your breath.. Freedom is being born
Louder ,louder , raise your voice
The revolts will thrive and rejoice
Even chant;“ we will be powered”
The Egyptian were never coward
‫ﻋﻠ ﻰ و ﻋﻠ ﻰ و ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟ ﺼﻮت ﻋﻤ ﺮ اﻟﺜ ﻮرة ﻓ ﻲ ﯾ ﻮم ھ ﺎﺗﻤﻮت ﻋﻠ ﻰ و ﻋﻠ ﻰ و ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻛﻤ ﺎن ﻋﻤ ﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮي ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﺟﺒﺎن‬
Raise raise raise the voice, revolution will never die, raise raise raise it
even more…the Egyptian has never been coward
(To) say and repeat, (it is) you and she
Egypt will remain dear to me
‫ﻗﻮﻟﻮا وردوا أﻧﺖ وھﻲ …ﻣﺼﺮ ھﺘﻔﻀﻞ ﻏﺎﻟﯿﮫ ﻋﻠﯿﺎ‬
Say and answer you and she …Egypt will stay dear to me
207
O Military forces , be so rational
Mubarak’s lifetime is durational
‫ﻷ ﻷ ﻷ ﯾﺎ ﺟﯿﺶ ﺧﻠﯿﻚ ﺑﺮه واوﻋﻰ ﺗﻄﯿﺶ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﻣﺶ ﺣﯿﻌﯿﺶ‬
No, no, no, O army, stay out and aware, don’t be reckless, Husni
Mubarak will not live
beloved Egypt, Our school
you see your sons pool
coming fighting every fool
and spending blood and soul
‫ دول ﯾﻔﺪوﻛﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺮوح و اﻟﺪم‬.. ‫ دول ﻋﻠﺸﺎﻧﻚ ﺷﺎﻟﻮ اﻟﮭﻢ‬.. ‫وﻻدك اھﻢ‬... ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﯾﺎ ام‬
O Egypt O mothers here are your sons.. they, for you, bear all worries..
they sacrifice their souls and bloods for you
Egypt is not a asylum or a safeguard
For robbers protection and regard
‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ ﻣﺶ ﺗﻜﯿﮫ ﻟﻠﮭﻠﯿﺒﮫ واﻟﺤﺮاﻣﯿﮫ‬
O Egypt our country is not a hospice for villains and thieves
we're a million or multimillion
this is the Egyptian rebellion
‫ اﻟﺜﻮرة دي ﺛﻮرة ﻣﺼﺮﯾﺔ‬.......‫ﻣﻠﯿﻮﻧﯿﺔ ﻣﻠﯿﻮﻧﯿﺔ‬
A million man march a million man march… this is the Egyptian
revolution
208
O liberty come, convene
Mubarak won’t intervene
‫ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﺑﯿﻨﺎ و ﺑﯿﻨﻚ‬... ‫ﯾﺎ ﺣﺮﯾﺔ ﻓﯿﻨﻚ ﻓﯿﻨﻚ‬
O Liberty where are you where are you… Mubarak is between us and
you
Gamal, you have ominous minacity
Take your Dad and find Zein’s city
‫ﯾﺎ ﺟﻤﺎل ﯾﺎ ﻏﺮاب اﻟﺒﯿﻦ ﺧﺪ اﺑﻮك وروﺣﻮا ﻟﺰﯾﻦ‬
O Gamal you ominous bird take your father and go to Zain
All world eyes would get impressed
when Egypt wears its bridal dress
‫ﯾﺎﻋﯿﻮن اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ط ُﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻟﺒﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺑﮭﺎ اﻟﺘﻠ ﱡﻲ‬
O world's eyes observe as Egypt wore her bridal dress
We can never trust anymore
Military corps nor Brethren core
or
Two can never be trusted now
Military soldiers and Ikhwan
‫إﺗﻨﯿﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﮭﻮﻣﺶ أﻣﺎن اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ واﻹﺧﻮان‬
Two can not be trusted, Soldiers and Brethrens
209
Listen to Egypt's liberate call
SCAF must go away and fall
or
Listen to Egypt's free call
SCAF must go away and fall
‫اﺳﻤﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﺤﺮة ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﯾﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﺮة‬
Listen to Egypt's free word "SCAF must go away and get out"
Innocent Age, eye no more grief
The governor won’t be a Staff chief
or
Witness witness O Age, here's the path
We'll not be governed by a Chief of Staff
‫اﺷﮭﺪ اﺷﮭﺪ ﯾﺎ زﻣﺎن ﻟﻦ ﯾﺤﻜﻤﻨﺎ رﺋﯿﺲ ارﻛﺎن‬
Witness witness O Age.. we'll not be governed by a chief of Staff
The case has adjudicated
SCAF must be eradicated
‫ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻏﯿﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﯿﺔ‬... ‫اﻟﻘﻀﯿﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﯿﺔ‬
The case the case… SCAF is without any legitimacy
The marshal suffers from hallucination
He seeks for presidency administration
‫ ﻋﺎﯾﺰ ﯾﺒﻘﻰ اﻟﺮﯾﺲ‬- ‫اﻟﻤﺸﯿﺮ ﺑﯿﮭﯿﺲ‬
The marshal is going mad. He wants to be the Egyptian president
210
Those who aspire to guard Mubarak
Will never guard another sidetrack
or
That who protects mubarak's room
Can never protect my and your home
‫ ﻋﻤﺮه ﻣﺎ ﯾﺤﻤﻰ دارى و دارك‬... ‫اﻟﻠﻰ ﺑﯿﺤﻤﻰ ﻣﺒﺎرك‬
Who protects Mubarak can never protect your and my homes
I am neither a rightist nor a leftist
But SCAF has tired me to the furthest
‫ﺑﺲ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ طﻠ ﱠﻊ ﻋﯿﻨﻲ‬، ‫أﻧﺎ ﻻ ﯾﺴﺎر وﻻ ﻛﻨﺖ ﯾﻤﯿﻨﻲ‬
I am neither a leftist or a rightist, but SCAF has tired my to the deepest
I was bearded but not a terrorist
Why did I suffer a cruel arrest?
‫ ﻟﯿﮫ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ ﺳﺮﻗﻮا ﺷﺒﺎﺑﻲ‬.... ‫أﯾﻮَ ه ﺑﺪﻗﻦ وﻣﺶ إرھﺎﺑﻲ‬
Yea I have a beard and I am not a terrorist… why soldiers have stolen my
youth
Our revolution is for all population
Your council has no validation
‫ﺛﻮرﺗﻨﺎ ﺛﻮرة ﺷﻌﺒﯿﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻜﻢ ﻣﻠﮭﻮش ﺻﻼﺣﯿﺔ‬
Our revolution is a public one and your council's validity is expired
Our army ,above our heads is being raised
And the council is the follower of the Deposed
‫ﺟﯿﺸﻨﺎ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺮاس ﻣﺮﻓﻮع و اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﺨﻠﻮع‬
Our army is raised above our head and the council is the Deposed
followers
211
Hosin Mubarak left the Palace
his dogs are still reigning, Alas!!
‫ وﻟﺴﺔ ﻛﻼﺑﮫ ﺑﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﺼﺮ‬.. ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﺳﺎب اﻟﻘﺼﺮ‬
Hosni Mubarak left the palace and his dongs are still reining Egypt
Sprinkle on us colors and water
Tahrir will soon make you shiver
‫ﺑﻜﺮه ﻧﺸﯿﻠﻚ م اﻟﻤﯿــــﺪان‬... ‫رش اﻟﻤﺎﯾﺔ و اﻷﻟــــﻮان‬
Sprinkle water or colour.. tomorrow we'll soon push you out of the square
Barricades and troops in the streets
Is this how SCAF the citizens treats?
‫!ﺳﻮرﻋﺎﻟﻲ وﻋﺴﻜﺮﻟﯿﮫ! ﻣﺶ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ وﻻ اﯾﮫ؟‬
A high wall and soldiers for what, isn't it our country or what??
Futile citizens with their council
While in severe ruin are standstill
‫ﺷﻌﺐ ﺧﯿﺒﺔ وﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺎر اﻟﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ع اﻟﺪﻣﺎر‬
Futile people and a council of shame those who are silent on the face of
destruction
Our sheikh was assassinated
The council hands contaminated
‫ﺷﯿﺦ اﻻزھﺮ ﻣﺎت ﻣﻘﺘﻮل و اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ھﻮ اﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮل‬
Al-Azhar's Sheikh was murdered and it's the council's responsibility
212
Why soldiers for reign are earnest
have all citizens been Zionists
‫أﺣﻨﺎ ﺻﮭﺎﯾﻨﺔ وﻻ أﯾﮫ؟‬..‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﻟﯿﮫ‬
A military rule and soldiers for what? Are we Zionists or what??
Why does the military reign
A battalion is it or a chain??
‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﯾﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻟﯿﮫ اﺣﻨﺎ ﻛﺘﯿﺒﺔ وﻻ اﯾﮫ‬
A soldier to rule a civilian for what?? Are we a battalion or what??
"Justice and law", they have claimed
And in jails our brothers were detained
‫ رﻣﻮا اﻟﺜـﻮار ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﺠﻮن‬.. ‫ﻗـﺎﻟﻮ ﻋﺪاﻟﺔ وﻗﺎﻟﻮ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮن‬
They said justice as well as law and they threw revolutionists in jails
Say in Church and in mosque further more
Down with down with the military rule
‫ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‬..‫ﻗﻮل ﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﯿﺴﺔ و ﻗﻮل ﻓﻲ اﻻزھﺮ‬
Say it in a church or in Al-Azhar… down with down with military rule
Say , speak and repeat loudly
Power must be handed over immediately
‫ﻗﻮل اﺗﻜﻠﻢ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻻزم ﺗﺘﺴﻠﻢ‬
Say and speak loudly, authority must be handed over
Don't be afraid and say ,
the council have to go away
‫ﻗﻮل ﻣﺘﺨﻔﺶ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻻزم ﯾﻤﺸﻲ‬
Say it and don't be afraid the council must go away
213
You said you're the legitimacy
And you're a piece of hypocrisy
‫ وأﻧﺘﻮ ﯾﺎدوب ﺷﻠﺔ ﺣﺮاﻣﯿﮫ‬.. ‫ﻗﻮﻟﺘﻮﻟﻨﺎ اﺣﻨﺎ اﻟﺸﺮﻋﯿﮫ‬
You told us that we're the legitimacy and your are just a group of thieves
SCAF, let us live do not exist
retire the troops and don't resist
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﺳﯿﺒﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﯿﺶ‬
‫ارﺣﻞ ﻣﺘﻮرطﺶ اﻟﺠﯿﺶ‬
SCAF let us live, leave and don't involve the army with the matter
A SCAF of shame and disgrace
Down with the damned jackass
‫ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﺤﻤﺎر‬.. ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ذل وﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺎر‬
A council of shame and disgrace.. down with the donkey
The Military Council has been evasive
Against Your revolution, Oh liberate native(s)
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﻟﻒ ودار ﻋﻠﻲ ﺛﻮرﺗﻜﻢ ﯾﺎ أﺣﺮار‬
SCAF was being hovering around your revolution Oh liberate citizens
We’re aware ; SCAF is extremely fair
their chief is even a multi-millionaire
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﺻﺒﺎح اﻟﺨﯿﺮ دا اﻧﺖ رﺋﯿﺴﻚ ﻣﯿﻠﯿﺎردﯾﺮ‬
O SCAF good morning!!! Your president is a Billionaire
O Marshal , you’re dismissed
Egyptian youth are not yet missed
214
‫ﻣﺶ ﻋﺎوزﯾﻨﻚ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ اﻟﺜﻮار راﺟﻌﯿﻦ راﺟﻌﯿﻦ‬
O Marshal we don't want you… revolutionists are back we're back
Tear gas and bullets are no more useful
The military reign is not remorseful
‫ﻣﺶ ھﺎﯾﻔﯿﺪك ﻏﺎز و رﺻﺎص ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ ﺑﺢ ﺧﻼص‬
It's not useful for you to shot gas or bullets, military rule is done
Your cap and belt will make no use
Martyrdom is ours and Hell is yours
‫ إﻧﺘﻮ ﺟﮭﻨﻢ واﺣﻨﺎ ﺷﮭﺎدة‬، ‫ﻣﺶ ھﯿﻔﯿﺪك ﻛﺎب وﺑﯿﺎدة‬
Your cap and military belt will make no benefit for you, your destiny is
Hell and ours is martyrdom
We are ,from Ain shams to Tahrir, marching
ousting the Marshal is what we're cherishing
‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﯿﻦ ﺷﻤﺲ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ راﯾﺤﯿﻦ ﻧﺴﻘﻂ اﻟﻤﺸﯿﺮ‬
From Ain Shams to Tahrir we are going to down the Marshal
The protecting army as they state
Ruined Alaa's and Mina's fate
‫ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﻼء وﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﯿﻨﺎ‬..‫وﻗﺎﻟﻮا ﺟﯿﺸﻨﺎ اﻟﻠﻰ ﺑﯿﺤﻤﯿﻨﺎ‬
They claimed that our own Army is the one that is protecting us. It killed
Alla and Mina as well
215
one , two and all the majority
ask SCAF to pass authority
or
First, second and even third
passing power is not fulfilled
‫واﺣﺪ اﺗﻨﯿﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﮫ ﻓﯿﻦ‬
One, Two, when authority is going to be handed over
O Our army, it's your choice
Either SCAF or rebellious voice
‫ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ واﻟﺜﻮار‬..‫ﯾﺎ ﺟﯿﺸﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﯿﻚ ﺗﺨﺘﺎر‬
Oh our Army you have to choice between the SCAF and revolutionists
O tantawi, Ward off very quietly
We swear, you turn is coming definitely
‫ دورك ﺟﺎااااى وﻋﮭﺪ ﷲ‬...‫ﯾﺎ طﻨﻄﺎوى ﺧﺎف ﷲ‬
O Tantawi fear Allah, your turn is coming I swear by Allah
Thanks tantawi and go to hell
We want a civilian council
‫ ﻋﺎوزﯾﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺪﻧﯿﯿﻦ‬....‫ﯾﺎ طﻨﻄﺎوي ﻣﺘﺸﻜﺮﯾﻦ‬
O Tantawi thank you.. we want a council of civilians
O the most knowing, the one we fear
They shot our brothers in Tahrir
‫ ﺿﺮﺑﻮا اﺧﻮاﺗﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮ‬... ‫ﯾﺎ ﻋﻠﯿﻢ ﯾﺎ ﻗﺪﯾﺮ‬
O the most knowing one, the most powerful.. they shot our brothers in
Tahrir
216
Oh marshal stop it instantaneously
Or blood will be shed enormously
" ‫ ﯾﺎ ﻧﺨﻠﯿﮭﺎ دم ﻓﻲ دم‬.... ‫" ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ اﺗﻠﻢ اﺗﻠﻢ‬
Oh marshal stop it stop it or we are going to turn it into blood pools
O marshal to Badeen you must say
We'll be chasing him till doomsday
‫ اﺣﻨﺎ وراك ﻟﯿﻮم اﻟﺪﯾﻦ‬...‫ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ ﻗﻮل ﻟﺒﺪﯾﻦ‬
O Marshal tell Badeen… we will be chasing him till the doomsday
O marshal , you’re a decoration
We don't enjoy any liberation
‫ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺸﯿﺮ ﻣﺶ ﺣﺴﯿﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿﺮ‬
O Marshal O Marshal we don't feel any change
How scandalous , what a decoy
a soldier shots his homeboy
‫ﯾﺎدي اﻟﺬل و ﯾﺎدي اﻟﻌﺎر ﺟﻨﺪي ﺿﺮب اﺧﻮه ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎر‬
What a scandal and what a shame a soldier shot his brother with fire
O brother, frankly sum up
SCAF is totally caught up
‫ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ھﻮ اﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮل‬...‫ﯾﺎﻻ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺼﺮي اﺗﻜﻠﻢ ﻗﻮل‬
O Egyptian say and speak.. the council is guilty
217
homeboy, come fight roughly such mirage
Tantawi is another Mubarak’s visage (French pronunciation)
‫ﯾﺎﻻ ﯾﺎ ﻣﺼﺮي اﻧﺰل ﻣﻦ دارك اﻟﻄﻨﻄﺎوي ھﻮ ﻣﺒﺎرك‬
O Egyptian get out of your home Tantawi is Mubarak's equivalent
O Tantawi, retrace your steps
or guard against Mubarak’s tips
‫ اﺣﻨﺎ اﻟﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﯿﻨﺎ ﻣﺒﺎرك‬.. ‫ﯾﺎطﻨﻄﺎوى روح دارك‬
O Tantawi go home.. we forced Mubarak to leave
Who asks for foreign funding agency(ies)
The Council has a collaborating policy(ies)
‫ﯾﺎ اﻟﻠﻲ ﺑﺘﺴﺄل ع اﻟﺘﻤﻮﯾﻞ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺎﯾﻦ وﻋﻤﯿﻞ‬
Oh that is asking for foreign funding, the council is a collaborator and
traitor
fall down and down with soldiers' command
the folks have got the grand upper hand
‫ إﺣﻨﺎ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﻟﺨﻂ اﻷﺣﻤﺮ‬.. ‫ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﯾﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‬
Down with down with military rule.. we, the folks, are the red line
O Allah, For those he has killed
We won’t let theirs(their rights) to be dispelled
‫اﺷﮭﺪ ﯾﺎرب اﻟﻌﺒﺎد ﻣﺶ ھﻨﺴﯿﺐ ﺣﻖ اﻟﻠﻲ ﻣﺎت‬
O witness the God of all livings… we'll not let go the rights of those who
died
218
Stand bravely against munitions
We ask for holy retaliations
‫اﻓﺘﺢ ﺻﺪرك ﻟﻠﺮﺻﺎص اﺣﻨﺎ ﺑﻨﻄﻠﺐ اﻟﻘﺼﺎص‬
Open your chest to bullets.. we are demanding execution
My son is being killed by police band
And they keep on burning my homeland
‫اﻟﺸﺮطﺔ ﺑﺘﻘﺘﻞ وﻟﺪي اﻟﺸﺮطﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﺮق ﺑﻠﺪي‬
Police is killing my sons and burning my country
Oh martyr congratulation
Today is your celebration
‫اﻟﻒ ﻣﺒﺮوك ﯾﺎ ﺷﮭﯿﺪ اﻟﻨﮭﺎردة ﯾﻮﻣﻚ ﻋﯿﺪ‬
Congratulations Oh Martyr, today is your festival
“life for life” is a holy retaliation
brothers were shot , no conciliation
‫اﻟﻘﺼﺎص اﻟﻘﺼﺎص ﺿﺮﺑﻮا اﺧﻮاﺗﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺻﺎص‬
Execution execution they shot our brothers with bullets
To martyrs,We keep faith and fidelity
Till giving killers the death penalty
‫ ﻟﺪﻣﺎء اﻟﺸﮭﺪاء‬.. ‫أوﻓﯿﺎء أوﻓﯿﺎء‬
We are oyal and faithful we are to martyrs' bloods
Khalid Saeed, you do lead
And your country will be freed
‫ دﻣﻚ ﺑﯿﺤﺮر وطﻦ‬.. ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺳﻌﯿﺪ ﯾﺎ ﺑﻄﻞ‬
Khalid Sa'id you hero.. your blood is freeing Egypt
219
Martyr's blood is our obligation
to refuse the remnant's restoration
‫ راح ﻧﻘﻮل ﻟﻠﻔﻠﻮل ﻷ‬..‫دم اﻟﺸﮭﯿﺪ ﻋﻠﯿﻨﺎ ﺣﻖ‬
Martyr's blood is a right upon us.. we'll say No to remnants
We'll not (pardon), we'll not betray
Martyrs' blood will never waste away
‫ دم اﻟﺸﮭﺪا ﻣﺶ ھﺎﯾﮭﻮن‬.... ‫ﻣﺶ ھﻨﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻣﺶ ھﺎﻧﺨﻮن‬
We will not forgive or betray… the bloods of martyrs will never waste
away
O martyrs, rest in peace
fight and struggle will not cease
‫ﯾﺎ ﺷﮭﯿﺪ ﻧﺎم و ارﺗﺎح اﺣﻨﺎ ﻧﻜﻤﻞ اﻟﻜﻔﺎح‬
O Martyr rest in peace and get some rest and we'll continue the struggle
Martyrs, Mubarak is now prosecuted
You’re avenged when he’s executed
‫ﯾﺎ ﺷﮭﺪ و ھﺎﻧﺎﺧﺪ ﺗﺎراك ﯾﻮم ﻣﺎ ﻧﻌﺪم ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك‬
O Martyr we'll for you avenge when we execute Mubarak
For those who came to celebrate
Do Martyrs need not to cerebrate?
‫ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﻧﺎزل ﺗﺤﺘﻔﻞ اﺧﻮاﺗﻨﺎ ﻟﺴﺔ ﺑﺘﻨﺪﻓﻦ‬
For those who came to commemorate, our brothers' bodies are still being
buried
220
Either to get their due right back
or to delve into their honor track
‫ﯾﺎ ﻧﺠﯿﺐ ﺣﻘﮭﻢ ﯾﺎ ﻧﻤﻮت زﯾﮭﻢ‬
Either to get their rights or to die like them
Elections , for us are so welcomed
If some differences can be thumbed
‫ ﺑﺲ ﻧﺤِ ﺲ ﺑﻔ َﺮْ ق ﯾﺎ ﻧﺎس‬... ‫اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت ع اﻟﻌﯿﻦ واﻟﺮاس‬
Elections are above our eyes and heads but we want to sense some
differences O people
People's main requirement
Is Judiciary refinement
‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﯾﺮﯾﺪ ﺗﻄﮭﯿﺮ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء‬
People wants judiciary refinement
Presidency elections before constitution
I'll not endure 6 months of ultimate caution
‫ ﺷﮭﻮر‬6 ‫اﻟﺮﯾﺲ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮر ﻣﺶ ھﺎﺳﺘﻨﻰ‬
Presidency elections is to be held before drafting constitution, I'll not wait
for 6 months
Mr. attorney general of nonsense,
What is your pricelist for innocence?
‫ﯾﺎ ﺳﯿﺎدة اﻟﻨﺎﺋﺐ اﻟﻌﺎم اﻟﺒﺮاءة ﺗﻤﻨﮭﺎ ﻛﺎم‬
O Mr. attorney general what's the price of innocence??
221
Nasser's state was so boisterous
These Brethrens are so treacherous
‫ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﮭﺎ زﻣﺎن اﻻﺧﻮان ﻣﻠﮭﻮﻣﺶ اﻣﺎن‬
Nasser said it before.. Brethrens can not be trusted
Why have you really satisfied?
Power chairs are now fortified??
‫ﯾﺎﻟﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻟﯿﮫ ﺧﺪت اﻟﻜﺮﺳﻰ وﻻ اﯾﮫ‬
Those who is silent why is your silence.. have you got thechair or what??
“Who are we?” , how miraculous
We are the entire Egyptian populace
‫اﺣﻨﺎ ﻣﯿﻦ اﺣﻨﺎ ﻣﯿﻦ اﺣﻨﺎ ﻛﻞ اﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬
Who are we who are we??… we are all Egyptians
Hoist up every triumph banner
Egypt tracks every freedom manner
‫ارﻓﻊ ﻛﻞ راﯾﺎت اﻟﻨﺼﺮ اﺣﻨﺎ ﺷﺒﺎب ﺑﻨﺤﺮر ﻣﺼﺮ‬
Raise all victory banners.. we are youths who are freeing Egypt
Sources:
Youtube, LLC
www.youtube.com
Facebook network
www.facebook.com
Twitter network
www.twitter.com
222
Appendix B: Hans Wehr Transiliteration Scheme
Hans Wehr's transliteration system is a system for transliteration of
the Arabic alphabets into the Latin
alphabets which are used used
in Hans Wehr dictionary. The system was modified somewhat in the
fourth English edition. It is printed in lowercase italics. It marks some
consonants using diacritics (underdot, macron below, and caron) rather
than digraphs, and writes long vowels with macrons.
The transliteration of the Arabic alphabet is as follows:
Letter Name Transliteration 4th ed.
‫ء‬
hamza
ʼ
‫ا‬
alif
Ā
‫ب‬
bāʼ
B
‫ت‬
tāʼ
T
‫ث‬
ṯāʼ
ṯ
‫ج‬
ǧīm
Ǧ
‫ح‬
ḥāʼ
ḥ
‫خ‬
ḫāʼ
ḫ
‫د‬
dāl
D
J
ḵ
223
‫ذ‬
ḏāl
ḏ
‫ر‬
rāʼ
R
‫ز‬
zāy
Z
‫س‬
sīn
S
‫ش‬
šīn
Š
‫ص‬
ṣād
ṣ
ḍād
ḍ
‫ط‬
ṭāʼ
ṭ
‫ظ‬
ẓāʼ
ẓ
‫ع‬
ʻain
ʻ
‫غ‬
ġain
Ġ
‫ف‬
fāʼ
F
‫ق‬
qāf
q
‫ك‬
kāf
k
‫ل‬
lām
l
ḡ
224
‫م‬
mīm
m
‫ن‬
nūn
n
‫ه‬
hāʼ
h
‫و‬
wāw
W, u, or ū
‫ي‬
yāʼ
y, i, or ī
5- Hamza (‫ )ء‬is represented as ʼ in the middle and at the end of a
word. At the beginning of a word, it is not represented.
6- The tāʼ marbūṭa (‫ )ة‬is normally not represented, and words ending
in it simply have a final -a. It is, however, represented with
a t when it is the ending of the first noun of an iḍāfa and with
an hwhen it appears after a long ā.
7- Native Arabic long vowels: ā ī ū
8- Long vowels in borrowed words: ē ō
9- Short vowels: fatḥa is represented as a, kasra as i and ḍamma as u.
(see short vowel marks)
10Wāw and yāʼ are represented
as u and i after fatḥa: ʻain "eye", yaum "day".
11Non-standard Arabic consonants: p (‫)پ‬, ž (‫)ژ‬, g (‫)گ‬
12Alif maqṣūra (‫)ى‬: ā
13Madda (‫)آ‬: ā at the beginning of a word, ʼā in the middle or
at the end
14A final yāʼ (‫)ي‬, the nisba adjective ending, is represented
as ī normally, but as īy when the ending contains the third
consonant of the root. This difference is not written in the Arabic.
15Capitalization: The transliteration uses no capitals, even for
proper names.
16Definite article: The Arabic definite article ‫ اﻟـ‬is represented
as al- except where assimilation occurs: al- + šams is
transliterated aš-šams (see sun and moon letters). The a in al- is
omitted after a final a (as in lamma šamla l-qatīʻ "to round up the
herd") or changed to i after a feminine third person singular perfect
verb form (as in kašafat il-ḥarbu ʻan sāqin "war flared up").
225
Appendix C: Pictures Taken by the Researcher
Picture 1
Picture 2
Picture 3
226
Picture 4
Picture 5
227
Picture 6
Picture 7
Picture 8
228
Picture 9
Picture 11
229
Picture 12
Picture 13
Picture 14
230
Picture 15
Picture 16
Picture 17
231
Picture 18
Picture 19
Picture 20
232
Picture 21
Picture 22
233
‫اﻟﻤﻠﺨﺺ‬
‫ﯾﺘﻨﺎول ھﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ و اﻷﯾﺪﯾﻮﻟﻮﺟﯿﺔ‪ ،‬و ﻛﯿﻔﯿﺔ ﺗﻤﺜﯿﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻞ اﻟﻨﺼﻮص ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم و اﻟﺸﻌﺎرات ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﮫ اﻟﺨﺼﻮص ﺗﺒﻌﺎ ﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺎت اﻟﺘﺤﻠﯿﻠﯿﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻮظﯿﻔﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻄﻮﯾﺮھﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺎﯾﻜﻞ ھﺎﻟﯿﺪاي ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺰ اﻟﺨﺎص ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻌﺪﯾﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(Transitivity‬و اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻤﯿﺔ )‪ (Lexicalization‬اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ روﺟﺮ ﻓﺎوﻟﺮ‪ .‬و‬
‫ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ھﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ أﯾﻀﺎ ﻛﯿﻒ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﮭﯿﻜﻞ اﻟﺸﻌﺎر أن ﯾﺨﺪم أﯾﺪﯾﻮﻟﻮﺟﯿﺔ ﻣﻌﯿﻨﺔ‪ ،‬و ﻗﺎدر‬
‫أﯾﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺨﺰﯾﻦ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﻐﯿﺮ واﺿﺤﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﻼﻋﺐ ﺑﺄﺣﻜﺎﻣﮭﻢ‬
‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ وردود أﻓﻌﺎﻟﮭﻢ‪ .‬و ﺗﻌﺮض اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻼ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺎرات اﻟﻤﻨﺸﺪة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﺔ‬
‫)‪ 25‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‪ .(2011،‬و اﻟﮭﺪف اﻟﺮﺋﯿﺴﻲ ﻟﮭﺎ ھﻮ اﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ اﻟﺬي ﯾﺤﻤﻠﮫ اﻟﺸﻌﺎر و‬
‫ﻛﯿﻒ ﯾﺘﻢ اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﮫ ﻓﻲ ﺳﯿﺎق اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﺔ‪ .‬وﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻌﺘﺰم اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻘﯿﻖ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎ إذا ﻛﺎن اﻟﺸﻌﺎر ﻟﮫ ﺗﺄﺛﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺨﻄﺎب ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم و رد اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﻟﻤﺼﺮي ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﮫ‬
‫اﻟﺨﺼﻮص‪ .‬و ﯾﺘﻢ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام أﺳﺎﻟﯿﺐ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺎت اﻟﻨﻘﺪﯾﺔ و ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻞ اﻟﺨﻄﺎب اﻟﻨﻘﺪي ﻟﺘﺤﻠﯿﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺸﻌﺎرات ﻧﻔﺴﮭﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﯾﺎ‪ .‬و ﯾﻜﺸﻒ اﻟﺘﺤﻠﯿﻞ اﻷﯾﺪﯾﻮﻟﻮﺟﯿﺎت ﻣﺸﯿﺮا إﻟﻰ ھﯿﻜﻞ اﻟﻘﻮة اﻟﻐﯿﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺑﯿﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﯿﻦ‬
‫و‬
‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬
‫ب‬
‫اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺼﺮي‬
‫اﻟﮭﺶ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻨﮭﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻠﯿﺔ اﻵداب‬
‫ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ‬
‫ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﺪﺓ ﺃﺛﻨﺎء‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫)ﺛﻮرة ‪ 25‬ﯾﻨﺎﯾﺮ‪(2011 ،‬‬
‫إﻋﺪاد اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺷﻴﻤﺎء ﺑﻼﻝ ﺣﺴﻨﲔ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺖ إﺷﺮاف‬
‫أ‪/‬د‪ .‬ھﺸﺎم ﺣﺴﻦ‬
‫أﺳﺘﺎذ‪/‬دﻛﺘﻮر ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺎت‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﯿﺔ اﻵداب ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻨﮭﺎ‬
‫أ‪/‬د‪ .‬أﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﺮ‬
‫دﻛﺘﻮر ﻟﻐﻮﯾﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﯿﺔ اﻵداب ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻨﮭﺎ‬
‫رﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﯿﺔ أﻋﺪت ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ درﺟﺔ اﻟﻤﺎﺟﺴﺘﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺎت‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﯿﺔ اﻵداب‬
‫ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻨﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﮭﻮرﯾﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬
‫‪2013‬‬