St. Augustine Maritime History through the
First Spanish Period: including Ponce De
Leon History.
The privately owned, St. Augustine lighthouse tower sits as the center of the St.
Augustine Light Station on Anastasia Island in St. Augustine, St. Johns County,
Florida. The Florida Master Site File, the official inventory of state historic
properties, standing structures, and archaeological sites, lists the location of the St.
Augustine light station as township T07S, Range R30E and Section N21. (Fleming,
2002, p. 1)
Founded by the Spanish in 1565, St. Augustine is widely recognized as America’s
oldest, continually occupied, European settlement in the continental United States.
Having seen ships come and go on a regular basis since its inception, St. Augustine is
also the nation’s oldest port, and its long history is inextricably tied to the sea. Some
form of watchtower or aid-to-navigation, possibly containing a light or fire, has
existed in the ancient city since at least the late 16th century. Ships flying the flags of
every major European power graced its port.
A comparative study of American’s historic timeline and that of actual Florida
history shows that many popular historic timelines used in textbooks and popular
press materials do not recognize the role the Spanish played in the early development
of Florida. Nor do they recognize the role the sea played in Spanish history and
European Discovery. Today the sea is a link to tourism and recreation.
You can see James Cusick’s comparative timeline at the link below. Dr. Cusick is the
Curator, of the P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, Department of Special and
Area Studies Collections, George A. Smathers Library (East), University of Florida.
The link is: http://web.uflib.ufl.edu/spec/pkyonge/3421.html (Cusick, 2008, n.p.).
Today the city’s economy no longer relies directly on the sea. Welcoming visitors
from around the world, St. Johns County’s economic mainstay is today heritage
tourism, which provides up to 80 percent of its economic base (St. Johns County
Chamber of Commerce data). More than 3.2 million people visit the ancient city
each year, many traveling to St. Augustine by automobile along the I-95 corridor (St.
Johns County Visitors’ and Convention Bureau statistics).
Regional Cultural and Maritime History of St. Johns County (LAMP, 2007)
A brief historic overview will provide an interpretive framework for the maritime
history of St. Johns County. Detailed historical chronologies for St. Johns County
were first published by Goggin (1952) and later by Deagan (1981) and recently by
Madry et al. (2001). Also, for a general overview of St. Augustine’s history see
Waterbury (1983) (As cited in Turner, Burke, Meide, 2007, p. 11).
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The focus of our interpretive efforts at the Light Station is on the historic
periods and not pre-historic periods. However, pre-historic cultural periods
are provided in the chart below to provide context.
When we say That St. Augustine is the “oldest, continually occupied port city in the
Continental US” we are focused on European contact and afterwards. Note the
following quotation is from the boilerplate history of the Lighthouse Archaeological
Maritime Program Turner, Burke and Meide, 2007, p. 11.
Table 1: Regional Cultural Chronology
Cultural Period
Paleo-Indian
Archaic
Early
Middle
Late
Woodland
Deptford
Swift Creek
St. Johns I
Mississippian
St. Johns II
Contact
First Spanish
British
Second Spanish
Territorial
American Statehood
Civil War
Resort
Marine Industrial
Modern
Timeframe
13,000-8,000 BP (Before
Present)
8,000-5,000
5,000-3,000
3,000-500
500BP-AD750
500BP-AD750
AD100-700
500BP-AD750
750-1500
1500-1565
1565-1763
1763-1783
1783-1821
1821-1845
1845-1861
1861-1865
1865-1920
1920-1949/50
1950-present
Early Explorations of Florida and Slaving in the Bahamas
The discovery of Florida and its eventual incorporation into the Spanish realm directly connected
with Spanish activity in the neighboring Bahamas.
The first island colonized by the Spanish in the New World was “Hispaniola.” In Spanish the name
is written, La Española. The island is a major Caribbean island that today comprises both Haiti and
the Dominican Republic. Hispaniola is located between the islands of Cuba (west) and Puerto Rico
(east). Hispaniola is perhaps most famous for marking the first European colonies in the New World,
founded by Christopher Columbus voyages in 1492 and 1493. (Wikipedia,
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hispaniola, recovered July 10, 2009, by Fleming, K.)
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When Columbus landed, the peaceful Arawak/Taino Indians inhabited Hispaniola, but the Indians
were not used to European Diseases, particularly small pox. The Spainish put the Indians to work in
labor camps and through forced labor and disease, their numbers began to diminish. (Corbett, B,
The History of Haiti, http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/43a/100.html, retreived July 10,
2009.) The decreasing Indian population of Hispaniola, caused a demand for manual labor that
could only be satisfied by the abduction of Indians from neighboring islands. The Bahamas, being
near Hispaniola, were the primary target of early Spanish slaving expeditions (Turner 1998:230-231).
Two principal towns on Hispaniola were engaged in this trade: the north coast settlement of Puerto
Plata, founded around 1502; and, the interior town of Santiago, founded in 1494, with a port on the
north coast in the vicinity of Monte Cristi. Individuals, known as armadores, would associate in a
company and pool their capital to equip a number of vessels for slaving in the Bahamas. With crews
and supplies aboard, fleets would depart north where they would fill their hold with human cargo.
The expeditions could last up to a few months; sometimes Indians would be gathered together and
held on an island while ships were dispatched to pick them up. On one occasion at least, the loss of
a vessel resulted in the death of all those waiting on the island, Spaniard and Indian alike.
This practice reflected the continued demand for Indian labor in the mines and on the ranches and
farms of Hispaniola. By the year 1513, the Bahamas were almost completely depopulated. The
dwindling number of Indians there led to slaving vessels exploring further and further to the north
(Turner, 2004). It is this need for Slave labor from places north of the Bahamas, that led to the
discovery of Florida.
Discovery of Florida
According to el Inca Garcilaso, a slaving vessel in the Bahamas under Diego de Miruelo was
struck by a severe storm driving it many leagues to the north (Vega 1956:14). There, the crew
found a large undiscovered land where they traded with the inhabitants before returning to Santo
Domingo with the news (Deive 1995:244). Another slaving expedition, again, recorded by el Inca
Garcilaso and Las Casas, probably not long after the first, and having news of Miruelo’s findings,
went north claiming a storm drove them. There, they met and became friendly with the Indians
before inviting them on board their vessels at which time they shut the hatches and made sail for
Santo Domingo (Las Casas 1986, Vol. III:76; Vega 1956:15). These Indians, taken without a
license since they were not Lucayan, were declared to be contraband cargo upon their arrival in
Santo Domingo; after a good deal of legal wrangling, they were distributed on Hispaniola. The
discussion of new land to the north led to the dispatching of an officially licensed voyage
to discover the island of “Bimini” under the command of Juan Ponce de León in early
1513 (AGI, Contaduría, 1071:231-239).
The 1513 date for the discovery of Florida is the official date only. If the voyage by Miruelo was
the original discovery, it most likely occurred between 1509, when the Bahamas were opened
officially to slaving, and some time around 1510. This would allow sufficient time for the news of
the discovery to reach Spain for inclusion in the 1511 Peter Martier map (Turner 1998:231). This
map, by far the earliest detailed and large scale map of the Caribbean region, shows clearly the
geographic relationship between Cuba, Hispaniola, San Juan (Puerto Rico), the Bahamas
(Lucayos), and mainland Florida to the north. The Spanish Government, fearing incursion by
competing European powers, suppressed the 1511 map shortly after its publication (Turner,
2004).
To date, two vessels that may have been involved in the traffic of slaves in this region, or even
possibly Florida waters, have been examined and studied by archeologists. The Molasses Reef Wreck
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in the Turks and Caicos, and the Highborn Cay Wreck in the Bahamas were heavily armed vessels
whose primary battery of armament were 18 and possibly 16 verso swivel guns, respectively. The
Molasses Reef Wreck has been tentatively dated to pre-1513 by the wrought iron artillery, hand held
firearms, and Lucayan ceramics. These vessels apparently both were abandoned in a controlled
situation, with the crew removing many of their personal possessions and arms (Keith 1987:58, 290291). The vessels were sparsely furnished and equipped, carrying little or no luxury goods or
ceramics. As a result of study of these archeological sites, Iberian ship construction techniques
employed in the very early contact period in the New World are relatively well-understood, as is the
manner in which these vessels were armed, possibly for the task of slaving (Keith 1987:290).
Juan Ponce de León’s Voyage of Discovery
In late January 1513, two small caravels were outfitted and registered in the port of Salvaleón de
Higüey in eastern Hispaniola. Their destination was the port of San Germán in western San Juan
Bautista, today called Puerto Rico (AGI, Contaduría, 1071:234-239). These vessels formed the
nucleus of Juan Ponce de León’s exploratory fleet that officially discovered Florida and the Gulf
Stream. In San Germán, the fleet was augmented by a third vessel, a bergantin called San Cristobal,
before it sailed in early March (Weddle 1985:40). The small fleet traveled north through the
Bahamas, finding them virtually depopulated. On one of the islands, an old woman was found who
told of a fountain of youth. It was this chance find that gave birth to the fountain of youth myth.
Ponce’s voyage however, was a licensed voyage of discovery, with the hope of finding a new territory
worth settling. During late April and early May 1513, Ponce’s fleet sailed off the Little Bahama Bank
possibly crossing the Project area during their transit to the south. It was at this time the chief pilot
of the expedition, Antón Alaminos, noticed the importance of the Gulf Stream. Alaminos realized
that the strong current ran to the north and that it could be used to get to the westerlies that took
mariners back to Spain.
The fleet headed south and after rounding the Florida Keys, it spent some time on the west coast of
Florida before returning to East Florida and the Bahamas in mid July, and anchoring off Grand
Bahama. There, they encountered the pilot Diego Miruelo discussed above (Weddle 1985:46), whose
presence at that place and time is another indicator that Florida and the northern Bahama islands
were not unknown to Spanish pilots. Juan Ponce returned to Puerto Rico in the latter half of 1513.
The Bahamas, depopulated by Spanish slaving, would remain empty and windswept for well over a
century. Those who landed in the Bahamas during this period usually arrived in the surf from
wrecked vessels, mostly Spanish. The western islands and fringes of the Little and Great Bahama
Banks, being closest to the Spanish navigation route, produced the majority of shipwrecks. Spanish
salvage vessels would put in an appearance from time to time, working and salvaging these
shipwrecks, as occasionally would those of other nations.
The geography of the Straits of Florida has a powerful effect on the Gulf Stream. Essentially a river in the
ocean, this moving body of water is a strong current that ranges from approximately 2 to 4 knots
depending on position in the moving stream. The closer to the axis of the Gulf Stream, the faster the
current. This moving body of water is bound and channeled on the west by the coast of East Florida, and
on the east by the Little and Great Bahama Banks. This geographic arrangement is advantageous to sailing
vessels heading north to pick up the prevailing westerly winds for the Atlantic crossing to Europe.
Consequently, it was used for just such a purpose after its discovery by Juan Ponce de León and Antón
Alaminos (Turner, 2004).
Beneficial to trade and navigation under ordinary circumstances, the Straits of Florida became a great
killing gallery in foul weather. Vessels normally making the series of NE-NW tacks northward were
driven by winds either west onto the reefs and coast of Florida or onto either of the two Bahamian
banks to the east. However, foul weather was not responsible for all grounding and wrecking events:
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navigation errors or poor judgment often brought vessels too close to shore or to reefs with fatal
results. Vessels suffering damage that impaired speed and maneuverability likewise suffered wrecking
in this killing gallery (Coastal Planning & Engineering, Inc. [CP&E], 1998:10).
Northeast Florida’s native inhabitants were Eastern Timucua (a name granted by the
Spanish) groups who inhabited the eastern coast of Florida from present day Volusia
County north into Georgia. Ponce De León may have spent time near present-day
St. Augustine, but his exact landing spot is undetermined (2007, p. 13).
Spanish Expeditions to La Florida
After Juan Ponce De León, other Spanish expeditions explored the Florida peninsula
and the southeast including Narváez in 1528, de Soto in 1539-40 and finally Tristán
De Luna in 1559. The De Luna expedition was the most ambitious attempt at
settlement in Florida (Turner, Burke, Meide, 2007, p. 13). De Luna arrived in
Pensacola Bay with 13 ships, 500 soldiers and over 1,000 colonists. The party was
devastated by a hurricane before the settlement could be built and the fledging
colony lasted two years before it was abandoned. Settlement was not attempted again
in Florida until the threat from another colonial power was felt in northeast Florida
(2007, p. 13).
First Spanish Period
The French in St. Augustine and the Spanish Counter Stroke
In 1562, French Huguenots under Jean Ribault began to establish a foothold in East Florida
in the vicinity of the St. John’s River near what today is Jacksonville. It was Ribault’s
intention to carry out this activity in such a manner that the Spanish would not take notice
or offense. To that end, he developed and followed an entirely different route to the Indies
sailing north of the Canaries and avoiding all Spanish shipping routes and Caribbean
possessions. Ribault, with two ships, made landfall on the coast of East Florida on April 30,
somewhere just to the south of St. Augustine (Cutler 1923:25; McGrath 2000:78-80).
They followed the coast north until they arrived at a great river they named May River (St. Johns
River), where they erected a stone pillar with the Arms of the King of France (McGrath 2000:7880). Following trade with the Indians, the vessels sailed north to Port Royal Sound in South
Carolina, where another stone pillar was erected and the coast between the two pillars claimed for
France. Ribault established an outpost called Charlesfort, where he left a number of men before
returning to Europe (McGrath 2000:80-81).
Upon the small fleet’s arrival in France, Ribault found the country torn asunder by the first War
of Religion. Being a Protestant, he was in personal danger and involved in affairs of the war. He
was imprisoned temporarily in England after relations with France deteriorated and he attempted
to organize another expedition with the help of Protestant England. During this time, an English
associate of his, Thomas Stucley, kept the Spanish ambassador fully informed of Ribault’s
activities in Florida and his future plans there. This led to Spanish preparations to deal with the
Florida situation (McGrath 2000:84, 88).
While events in Europe transpired, life at Charlesfort became difficult and internal strife divided
the few holding the fort. After a long period of no news from Europe, and lacking the delivery of
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promised supplies, Charlesfort was abandoned. The garrison built a small vessel and managed to
sail back across the Atlantic (McGrath 2000:91-92).
Due to Ribault’s detention in England, the second French expedition to Florida was assigned
to René de Laudonnière, who departed with three ships and approximately 300 men from Le
Havre on April 22, 1564. Unlike Ribault, Laudonnière took a more conventional route
across the Atlantic stopping in both the Canaries and on the north coast of Hispaniola
before arriving at the May River on June 22, 1564 where he established Fort Caroline (Figure
10) (McGrath 2000:97-101).
Like the Spanish in the Caribbean before them, the French colonists did not make a great
effort to establish a food base through agriculture and fishing. Therefore, they were very
dependent on trade with the local Indians who were themselves in a state of tribal political
flux. Feeling confident about the settlement’s future, Laudonnière ordered his three ships
back to France. In September, a supply fleet arrived with goods and colonists to reinforce
the settlement. After unloading, the vessels tarried until November before departing for
France. Discontent and mutiny dogged the colony, and in December some 60 soldiers
rebelled and took two barks that were near completion in search for food in the Spanish
dominions. This turned into pillaging in Cuba and Hispaniola that led to Spanish anger and
a change in the nature of their expedition to Florida then under preparation (McGrath
2000:104-108).
The lack of food at Fort Caroline became critical and again, like the Spanish earlier that
century, took by force what they needed and made enemies of those Indians who had
welcomed them. It was decided to abandon the settlement and so demolition of the fort was
begun so that its timber could be used in the construction of ships for the return voyage to
France. The timely arrival of John Hawkins, on a trading venture in the Americas at the
time, provided desperately needed food. Hawkins offered to take the Frenchmen back to
Europe but Laudonnière, not trusting Hawkins’ word that relations between their nations
were good, opted to remain (McGrath 2000:108).
Their ships and preparations for the voyage were completed by mid August, and they waited
for a favorable wind for France. At the last possible moment, Jean Ribault arrived with
seven ships full of supplies, colonists, soldiers, and artillery. Unknown to him however, a
Spanish fleet was but a short distance behind, commanded by the newly appointed
Adelantado of Florida, Pedro Menéndez de Avilés (McGrath 2000:110). After an encounter
of words and brief gunfire, the Spanish withdrew to the south and landed at St. Augustine.
Menéndez unloaded quickly and sent his two largest ships to Santo Domingo rather than
risk crossing the bar with them. Ribault loaded the majority of his troops into six of his ships
and headed south in pursuit three days later. He, too, was intimidated by the bars, and so
rather than land troops, he stayed aboard and demanded Menéndez’s surrender. The conflict
was decided by weather. A hurricane swept in and blew the French fleet to sea. Menéndez
grabbed the opportunity and prepared to march on Fort Caroline in the midst of the
hurricane with 500 men. After four days of marching in torrential rains, 400 Spanish arrived
at the fort. The weather being poor, the French had mounted a light guard. The Spanish
entered the fort unopposed and put some 130 to death while others fled into the woods. Of
the four ships in the harbor, two were sunk and two escaped later to pick up some 100
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survivors from the fort including Laudonnière. The vessels departed for France without
knowledge of Ribault’s fate (McGrath, 2000, 140-146).
Leaving over 350 troops at the fort, Menéndez took a handpicked force of 35 men and
marched south for St. Augustine. Arriving three days later, he dispatched artillery and
supplies to Fort Caroline in his two remaining small vessels. He then received word from
Indians that a group of 40 shipwrecked Frenchmen were to be found to the south, so he set
out with 50 men. The French were found in the vicinity of Cape Canaveral and after
persuading them to surrender with no promise of clemency, all were put to the sword.
Another group of approximately 200 French survivors of the French flagship Trinité was
reported very close to the first. Seventy, including Ribault, surrendered and were dispatched,
while the others fled into the interior. Somewhat later, another group of survivors, not so
gullible or weak, were induced to surrender with the promise to spare their lives, a promise
that was honored (McGrath 2000:147-154).
This episode placed Florida in the hands of Spain for the next 198 years until 1763. Though
some hostilities did take place, Spain’s hegemony on the peninsula was never seriously
challenged. After defeating the French in 1565, Menéndez founded the settlement of St.
Augustine that was maintained as a presidio to safeguard the Gulf Stream convoy route from
interloping European powers. A coastal and Caribbean trade developed in East Florida that
catered to supplying both St. Augustine and the Spanish missions that were developing in
northern Florida and to the south (Turner, 2004).
This story is most often condensed into the following statement:
St. Augustine was established to guard Spanish shipping lanes and provide a
way station for Spanish ships that were threatened or damaged during their
voyage back to the Spain and assist in the rescue of Spanish castaways. St.
Augustine was also an important mission center, for converting the native
population to Catholicism.
“St. Augustine’s first houses were the huts of an Indian village, for St. Augustine
came into being at the Timucua community called Seloy. Pedro Menendez De
Aviles, the Spanish Leader, had sent a vanguard ashore on September 6, 1565, to
build a fort…Don Pedro landed with the rest of his people September 8 and
established the settlement in a formal ceremony” (Manucy, A. 1962, p. 14).
An advance party took over the Native American village of Seloy (now located at the
Fountain of Youth site) and constructed a rudimentary fort by digging a trench and
making an embankment of earth. Native Americans became the first candidates for
conversion as Christian missionaries worked, and by the end of the century,
Franciscan priests had converted over 1500 natives to Catholicism (Guglielmo, &
Miller, 1988, n.p.). The maritime customs and habits of numerous European
countries are especially tied to the Catholicism. Many a mass has been said to bless
ships or boats about to go to sea, and this early, religious influence on our maritime
culture continues today in St. Augustine
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Even though Menéndez fortified the existing native village, the town was still
vulnerable to attack (1988, n.p.). The young settlement had not only Native
Americans but also other Europeans near by.
Menéndez led a Spanish expedition against the French and destroyed Fort Caroline
near what is today Jacksonville. He slaughtered another group of French soldiers
and civilians south of St. Augustine near Matanzas Inlet, giving that inlet a name
which means, massacre. The French name for the river was “the river of dolphins.”
These French men were survivors of Ribault’s reinforcement fleet, which was
destroyed by storm off Cape Canaveral. With these threats removed, St. Augustine
became the first permanent European settlement within what was to become the
continental United States.
The town’s first houses were very basic. “All the house walls are build of wood
[madera] and the roofs of palm [palma], with some of the main ones of board
[tabla]…The Spaniards make the walls of their houses out of cypress [savino]
because it does not rot when in the ground” (Andres De San Miguel, as cited in
Manucy, A. 1962, p. 15). In 1593 there were about 120 houses (1962, p. 16) that
lined the narrow streets. Clustering homes together offered citizens protection albeit
small, from enemies. Nestled next to a harbor, St. Augustine has become a village
without walls and with only the simplest of buildings. Resistance and fighting was
immediate and a coastal defense system was needed (Guglielmo and Miller, 1998,
n.p.). Again, the multicultural history of St. Augustine and in fact the entire North
Florida region came into play.
“By 1597, Florida governor Gonzalo Mendez de Canzo had faced native resistance
both to the north and to the South of St. Augustine” (Parker, S., 2004, p. 2).
Captured Ais Indians from the area of Ponce De Leon Inlet known as Surruquoe or
Sorruque, who refused to let the Spaniards land in their territory, burned and
quartered Juan Ramirez de Contrez, a Spanish solider-interpreter on his way to
negotiate with the Ais (Parker, 2004). In retaliation, the Governor captured 50
Surruquoes and distributed them as laborers. A royal order from King Phillip III in
1600 ended the Indians’ captivity. The governor “resettled” the unfortunate natives
on an island near St. Augustine (2004, p.1-8).
In 1603 escaped African slaves ran from St. Augustine to the Ais village about 50
miles south. Worried about their knowledge of the Spanish settlement, the Spanish
were very concerned about the loss of the escaped slaves who intermarried and
settled with the Indians. The Aiz may have also recognized their significance because
they repeatedly refused to give them up (Parker, S., 2004, p. 1-8).
A letter from Governor Pedro de Yabbra to the King of Spain, dated St. Augustine,
May 13, 1605, and located in the Archive of the Indies, Seville, Spain (Stetson
Collection, 53-1-6/64 as cited by Parker, S., 2004) reveals some of the area’s early
transportation and marine history as it tells us something about the settlers early
relationship building with the natives.
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While a Spanish ship master at St. Augustine Inlet awaited good weather to sail to
Spain with a dispatch, an Indian messenger arrived sent by a Native American leader
identified as “Little Captain.” The Captain was subsequently described as very
valuable to the Spanish “ as he is the “total government” of the Province of Azy
(Ais), the warlike Indians to the south. The Captain -through his messengers- asked
for a canoe in order to cross the inlet to come to St. Augustine, where the Spanish
were attempting to secure and maintain a friendship with him through gift giving and
encouragement. The Captain has reportedly brought 30 Indians “as far as
Sorruquoes, 13 leagues from here (St. Augustine) because he heard that I was
fighting the French and the English for a prize ship… the General Captain has sent
this help as my friend” (Parker, 2004, p. 1-9). The letter continues with the tale of an
offer by “Big Captain” (Captain Grande was a rank given by the Spanish to make
sense of Native American society) to come to St. Augustine for a visit within a
month if a ship can be sent to carry him. The “Big Captain” also requested of “a
piece of ambergris from a whale as a gift and sign of friendship” (2004, p. 1-8). The
letter concludes, “ He (Big Captain) is one of the most important to your Royal
Service among (the Indians) of the coast, being in those provinces in which I have
advised your Majesty we must have a fort and I have advised that it be established to
remedy and assist {shipwrecks?} where the people gather and start a settlement and
become friend and faithful to our lord” (p. 1-8).
With European countries vying for dominance in the area and potentially hostile
natives moving about, the Spanish decided it was important to build more structures
for defense. Note the discovery of the building material, coquina, eventually used to
strengthen the wooden watchtowers on both ends of Anastasia Island.
“Plenty of raw material was at hand, especially the great shell middens of the old
Indian village sites conveniently beside the waterways…. a few y ear’s earlier (1580),
Governor Pedro Menendez Marques had officially reported the discovery of stone
nearby: …I went to an Indian town four leagues from this [St. Augustine]…I found
an abundance of stone near the sea…I will endeavor to have some of it brought
here…(Connor, Florida Historical Quarterly, IV/171, as cited in Manucy, A. 1962, p.
17). He had of course found the shell stone that the Spanish call, coquina, large
deposits of which were on Anastasia Island…The first positively recorded masonry
construction at St. Augustine appears to have been a Stone Powder Magazine built at
the fort…between 1596 and 1598 (1962, p. 17).”
Rather than just a fort or Castillo, a series of structures, which communicated with
each other by signal, runner and sentry, were constructed to help defend the growing
city. One of these was the ancestor of our St. Augustine Lighthouse. 1
Its early history is a little cloudy. Referred to as the centenilla, the northern most
watchtowers on Anastasia Island had a canoe assigned for use by its sentries.
(Turner, LAMP, 2008, n.p.). “As early as 1569 the Spanish recognized
1 The building of these watchtowers is documented by the National Park Service in their materials for the National Historic
Landmark, Ft. Matanzas that also began life as a wooden lookout.
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the vulnerability of the Matanzas Inlet and built a wooden watchtower and a
thatched hut to house six soldiers who took turns scanning the horizon. If a ship was
sighted, a runner or small boat set out to warn St. Augustine. Watching and warning
were the tower's tasks for it lacked any armament. In Florida's warm, wet climate,
these wooden watchtowers often had to be rebuilt or replaced. No sign of any of the
towers remain” (National Park Service, http://www.nps.gov/foma/index.htm/, 2008,
n.p.). The watchtowers, would have held soldiers who watched the sea and land for
enemies and also for friendly marine traffic. The necessity of an aid to navigation
system must have become clear early. In the instance of the tower at the northern
most end of Anastasia Island, “a watcher signaled the fort by colors”(Arana, L. 1999,
p. 98, as cited in Raab, J. 2008, p. 14) when warranted. Early on St. Augustine was
an important refuge for shipwrecked persons. There were 1500 shipwrecked,
castaways in 20 years of the city’s existence (Manucy, 1962, p. 18). Governor Mendez
De Canzo mentioned the importance of the city as a place for shipwrecked people,
when the king’s advisors urged the abandonment of the settlement in an effort to
reduce expenses (1962, p.18). All of these circumstances point conclusively to a
reason to establish a functional, permanent aid-to-navigation.
The Castillo and Watchtowers Work Together
In 1586, Sir Francis Drake sacked and burned the colony, destroying the fort,
dwellings and the food supply. This proved to be an extremely bitter blow because
of the colony’s isolation, sustained mostly by maritime trade with other Spanish
colonies. Drake’s reference that he “saw a place built like a beacon” is one of the
earliest, albeit vague references, we have to a watchtower on Anastasia Island.
Although it is possible that his use of the word beacon meant simply that he felt
drawn to sack the colony, probably because his voyage up until that time had not
gone smoothly plagued by crew unrest and the gathering of very little meaningful
plunder.
In 1668 the Spanish began construction of the Castillo De San Marcos, but by July
30, 1675, Governor Pablo de Hita y Salazar from St. Augustine wrote, that the
danger lay in an enemy landing vessels and seizing and holding Anastasia Island,
which would impair the use of both inlets” (Arana, L R., 2004, as cited in Waterbury,
2004, p.13). In response the watchtowers were fortified of coquina. The first to be
fortified was the northern most tower at the St. Augustine inlet, followed by the
tower at Matanzas. It is at this time that the site of the tower may have shifted
slightly. “In 1737, the wooden tower was replaced with a nearby unconsecrated
chapel made of coquina (shell rock)… Soon after the chapel’s bell tower was
increased for greater visibility of the sea” (Spinella, T., Artworks, 1888).
At least twice the Matanzas watchtower kept pirates from entering through this
"backdoor." In 1683 English outlaws captured the watchtower, but word made it to
St. Augustine, and ships and soldiers came and drove them off. In 1686 French
pirates attempted to come into the inlet, but again word was sent to St. Augustine,
and these pirates, too, were repulsed.
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Ships and Ocean Going Vessels
“St. Augustine’s dangerous inlet limited the vessel types that could enter the harbor.
The inlet’s sandbar prohibited the passage of deep draft vessels…. Smaller pataches,
sloops, and schooners were the only vessels that could easily pass over the bar and
anchor in the protected harbor. Large vessels from Havana, providing staples for the
population, had to anchor off the bar and lighter their goods into the town. These
large vessels were part of the situado, a Spanish government subsidy. St. Augustine
relied on these subsidy vessels for essential supplies and the annual payroll for
soldiers and government officials. Smaller sloops and pataches sailed from Cuba and
other Spanish possessions bringing luxury goods for the social elite. Such cargos
guaranteed a high return on investment and these smaller ships were frequently seen
in St. Augustine’s harbor”(Turner, Burke, Meide, 2007, p. 14).
In 1737 the wooden watchtower on Anastasia Island is fortified with coquina and wood
marking an end to the series of wooden watchtowers. It is this site that is later lit, much later
by the American government as Florida’s First lighthouse. A few years after the
northernmost watchtower was fortified the Spanish improved what today is a National
Historic Landmark. In 1740-1741 today’s Fort Matanzas was constructed south of St.
Augustine by the Spanish to protect the “back door.” Both Matanzas and the
tower/lighthouse at St. Augustine’s inlet may have had a “day mark.” early on. The Spanish
had developed tabby and stucco to help protect their fortifications (Manucy, A. 1952, pp. 3233). “Owing to the
softness and porosity of the coquina stone construction, the Spaniards covered the surface
of
the fort with white stucco and decorated it with a red horizontal stripe.” (NPS, 2007, p. 16).
This practice of exterior decoration, aids in identification for the crew of ships coming into
port. Later it developed in lighthouses into a system of “daymarks” that we know today.
Timeline of Some Attacks on the Town
In May of 1668, English privateer Robert Searles attacked the town and consequently
served jail time in Port Royal, Jamaica for an attack performed after the expiration of his
privateer’s commission.
The Castillo de San Marcos was completed by 1695 after decades of struggle.
In 1702, during the War of Spanish Succession the British once again attacked St.
Augustine. Carolina Governor James Moore attacked St. Augustine with eight vessels but
failed to take the Castillo. Moore burned the settlement, but was trapped by two large
Spanish warships sent from Havana to defend the colony. Moore scuttled his fleet and
retreated overland to the north (Franklin and Morris 1996, p. 45).
In 1740, Georgia Governor Oglethorpe attacked St. Augustine. Oglethorpe’s raid lasted
38 days but failed to take the Castillo.
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Trade Network
Despite warring European powers St. Augustine’s merchants and those in the
English colonies to the north operated an illicit trade network by sea Utilizing local
coastal vessels, especially sloops and schooners, merchants traded between St.
Augustine, Savannah and Charleston. Naval stores and citrus fruit went north, while
supplies and foodstuffs came south (Harman, 1969 as cited in Turner, Burke, Meide,
2007, p. 14-15). Even with the outbreak of the Seven Years War in 1756 in Europe,
this illegal trade continued. At the war’s conclusion in 1763, the Treaty of Paris
granted all Spanish possessions in Florida to the British, while the British ceded Cuba
to Spain. The first Spanish period ended as Spanish settlers and Catholic natives
moved south to Cuba and the British military took command of the Castillo de San
Marcos. (2007, p. 14-15).
Fleming, K, Turner, S. and Meide, C. (2011) Interpretive Plan and History for the First Light Maritime Society (2000), St.
Augustine Lighthouse & Museum, Inc. Saint Augustine, FL.
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