UCBMUN XXI
The Egyptian Revolution:
Rebels
Head Chair: Shakeer Ahmad
Crisis Director: Shasun Salur
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
T abl e of Con te n ts
I.
Letters from the Chair
3
II. Letter from the Crisis Director
4
III. History of Modern Egypt
5
A. The Formation of Modern Egypt & Nasser
5
B. The Sadat Years
6
IV. The Mubarak Era
6
A. The Mubarak Government & its branches
6
B. The Emergency State & security apparatus
7
C. Mubarak’s parliamentary & political party system
7
D. The Army in the era of Mubarak
8
E. Conclusion
8
V. Roots of the Revolution
8
A. Political Causes
8
B. Economic Causes
11
C. Impact of Tunisia, The Arab Spring & Social Media
13
VI. The Road to Tahrir
14
A. Kefaya Movement
14
B. Preceding Youth Movements
15
C. Arrival of Mohammed ElBaradei
17
D. The Death of Khaled Saed
17
E. The 2010 Parliamentary elections
18
F. The Tunisian Revolution 2011
19
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UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
Letter from the Chair
Dear Delegates,
It is with great excitement that I welcome you to UCBMUN XXI! My Name is Shakeer
Ahmad, and I shall serve as your Chair for the Egyptian Revolution 2011 – Rebels Join Crisis
Committee. Your committee this conference promises to be one full of political intrigue, decisive
action and most importantly, the struggle between the systems of old money and power and the
desire for a society to choose its own destiny. Come along with us on a journey to one of the
most important events in the 21st century Arab history thus far. At the heart of this committee
lies, beyond the ambitions and responsibilities of your individual characters, the competing
interests of various political groups and movements. As you start this committee in early 2011,
the possibilities are endless. Will the revolution succeed? Who will come to power and will true
democracy grace the Egyptian nations? And what of opposing committee – how will Hosni
Mubarak’s government act? These are all questions that I hope you as delegates strive to
answer during the conference as you have the ability to change Egyptian history forever thrust
upon you. As a committee made up of individuals from all the across the social and political
spectrum, from opposition politicians to youth leaders, the responsibility on bringing revolution to
Egypt is placed in your hands and I can only hope that you work together to ensure that decisive
action is taken to shape its future.
Now, a little bit about myself. I’m currently a junior at UC Berkeley pursuing a degree in
Economics. I was born in Bangladesh, but prior to attending university in the US, I lived in
Japan, Ukraine, Turkey, the UAE, and Qatar where I attended senior school. My interests
include stock trading, debating, filmmaking, poker, and playing soccer and basketball.. Beyond
that I love meeting new–feel free to chat with me outside of committee whenever you want to,
and of course at UCBMUN’s famed socials. I am very passionate about Middle Eastern history
and hope that this topic gives you a unique Model UN experience as rebels and revolutionaries!
Although this is only my second year in UCBMUN as I joined in my sophomore year, this will be
my eighth year in Model UN. Starting in middle school in the THIMUN Model UN style in the
Middle East, Model UN has come to be one of my life’s great passions. I served as Vice Chair of
last year’s 1947 UN Security Council, and like last year’s conference, I am looking forward to an
intense and fun conference this year. If you have any questions, please feel free to email me at
[email protected]. Excited to meet you this March.
Warm Regards,
Shakeer Ahmad
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UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
Letter from the Crisis Director,
Dear Delegates,
Welcome to the revolutionary committee of this year’s JCC: The Egyptian
Revolution- Rebels! My name is Shasun Sulur and I will be your Crisis Director for UCBMUN
XXI. A little bit about myself: I was born in a suburb of Los Angeles known as “the valley.” I am a
second year; political economy major here at UC Berkeley and this is my second year on Cal’s
Model UN team. Last year, I was an assistant crisis director in a crisis committee.
Academically, my interests include income inequality, Middle-Eastern politics, and
economics. Outside of that, my interests include playing golf, listening to and discussing rap
music and the industry, keeping up with current events (why Kendall Jenner did not deserve to
be on the cover of September Vogue), watching all the shows on Netflix (I mean all!), and eating
ice cream!
Modern Egyptian history has been a tumultuous and slow progression from a sultanate,
to a kingdom, to a republic, all culminating in 2011 in an event known as the Egyptian
revolution. This committee will not only address the issues and the actions the rebel factions
during the revolution faced, but you as delegates will also have to interact and respond with the
opposing Government Committee throughout the conference. As to be expected at UCBMUN
and especially a JCC, delegates should be prepared for high levels of debate and a fast-paced
committee. You will be judged on your knowledge of the topics, ability to react to crisis
situations, quality of debate and public speaking, and creativity throughout the weekend. If you
have any questions, please feel free to contact me with any questions, comments or concerns
about the committee at [email protected]. I look forward to seeing you in March for
some exciting and interesting crises!
Best,
Shasun Sulur
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UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
History of Modern Egypt
Nasser
a. The formation of modern Egypt and
progressive projects but due to corruption
Nasser
and mismanagement, most of these fell
An Ottoman pasha of Albanian
attempted
through.
The
to
implement
government
many
appropriated
origin, Mohammad Ali was appointed as the
foreign companies and adopted a socialist
governor to Egypt by the Ottoman Sultan in
economic stance. The economic system
1805. Ruling until 1848, Ali worked tirelessly
became
to make Egypt its own independent state,
imposed its control on industry. Politically,
but never succeeded. In 1922, when Egypt
the government began to adopt a one-party
became a constitutional monarchy, the
system, expelling all old members. Nasser
British still had control over the Egyptian
began to view the military as a potential
army, the Suez Canal, the Sudan, and
threat to his power and created the
foreign investment. Egyptian nationalists
Mukhabarat – an intelligence service to
attacked the British and the British retaliated
counter
by killing over 40 policemen and wounding
tortured and arrested communists and the
many more. This led to chaos and mob
members
violence
and
fragmenting the country through scare
businesses. It wasn’t until July 23, 1952 that
tactics. Nasser was baited through a false
the Free Officers Movement, a group of
Russian intelligence report to mobilize
young army officers, organized a coup
troops against Israel who then responded
d’état and took over modern Egypt, sending
with a preemptive military attack on June 5,
the king into exile. The revolution meant the
1967. Egypt was quickly defeated and
end of British rule in Egypt. All political
tensions began to fester between the
parties were banned, while Mohammad
Muslim and Christian Egyptians. Nasser
Naguib and Nasser became the President
passed away in 1970, leaving behind a
and Prime Minister respectively. Despite
regime that had made some structural and
attacks from the Muslim Brotherhood who
economic
felt slighted for not having any political
oppressive. His rule inspired other middle
influence, Nasser soon became President
class citizens to follow in Nasser’s footsteps
and nationalized the Suez Canal to receive
and join the army in the hopes of making a
funds
name for themselves.
to
Enraged,
against
British
develop
the
Britain,
France,
stores
Egyptian
and
army.
Israel
attacked Egypt in October of 1956. Initially,
mixed
the
of
and
military.
the
the
The
Muslim
progress,
but
government
Mukhabarat
brotherhood,
was
also
5
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
to his assassination in 1981, bringing an
end to his autocratic and repressive regime.
b. The Sadat Years
Anwar el Sadat succeeded Nasser
as the third president of Egypt. Sadat
The Mubarak Era
amended the constitution, giving him far
a.
more presidential power. He wanted to
branches
eliminate Nasserist ideologies and joined
The
Mubarak
Hosni
Government
Mubarak,
who
&
was
its
Vice
forces with Syria to attack Israel. Though
President of Egypt at the time of Sadat’s
the Israelis were caught by surprise, the US
assassination, succeeded him as president.
sent Israel an airlift of supplies and tanks –
Having served in the military and air force
ending the war at a stalemate. Sadat
for years, Mubarak won a large portion of
transformed the economy during his rule,
the vote. Mubarak allowed various political
shifting to an open door economic policy
organizations to exist, with the exception of
allowing for domestic and foreign direct
Islamic extremists, granted that they had
investment.
of
exhibited violence at the time of Sadat’s
inflation and widened the class gap in
assassination. Under the constitution, the
Egypt. Food subsides were cut by the
President had full control over the armed
government in order to repay loans to the
forces, supreme court, and police system.
International Monetary Fund, resulting in
He also had veto power over the National
riots throughout the country. Political parties
Assembly and had control over many other
began to form but were soon curtailed, as
areas as well. Because the President was
Sadat did not want to risk the growth of
head of the executive branch and had
opposition to his regime. Sadat, surprisingly,
control over the judicial and legislative
travelled to Israel and sought peace, signing
branches,
the Egyptian Israeli Peace Treaty of 1977.
balances was eliminated and the president
Opposition against Sadat grew and he
often used his powers to gain support for his
became more detached from his people.
political party, the NDP. Many times, the
Egyptian Muslims began revert to more
legislative branch was abused so that the
traditional ways of dressing and behaving,
president could carry forth unconstitutional
and the formation of extremist groups
actions and policies. People were often tried
spurred. The proliferation of political and
unfairly, if they were lucky enough to get a
economic instability in Egypt eventually led
trial at all. Eventually, the judicial system
This
created
problems
the
system
of
checks
and
6
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
began to crack down on political opponents
is indicative of an authoritarian regime. In
and
were
essence, the power structure of the country
implemented to the extent where it was
became police centered, as fear was
legally possible. It was soon concluded that
instilled
the
a
Mubarak was careful to limit the power of
democracy nor an oligarchy, but rather it
the military and use coercion to curtail them
was simply the definition of authoritarianism.
with his intelligence forces, in order to
b. The Emergency State & security
remind them that he had ultimate power. In
apparatus
addition, the strong army was leveraged to
checks
Mubarak
and
balances
regime
was
neither
within
the
masses.
However,
One fact that justifies the view of
Mubarak’s benefit throughout the rest of the
Mubarak’s government as authoritarian is
Arab world. As the years went by and the
the experiences that people had with the
general discontent for Mubarak’s army and
police, as citizens of Egypt were generally
Mubarak himself grew, Mubarak began to
tortured,
for
implement changes in political ideology. He
information – degrading the very nature of
began to impose political reform towards
their
international
liberation and democratization, not because
the
violent
he believed in it, but more as a survival
treatment of people by the Central Security
strategy. However, the people sensed this
Force, the State Security Investigation
and became more vocal about it in the mid
Services, and the Egyptian Police Force.
2,000s.
This
exhibited
demonstrations in Tahrir Square, the police
amongst extremists, and resulted in mass
and state security agencies lost control of
protests and demonstrations. And as the
the people and had to abandon the streets.
demonstrations proliferated, so did the
Strategically, the chaos was blamed on the
police brutality. The police developed a
people rather than identifying the true cause
sense of entitlement, as they were under
of the revolution – the authoritarian and
the command of Mubarak who had ultimate
corrupt regime Mubarak had controlled for
control
decades.
beaten,
existences.
organizations
violence
over
and
humiliated
Many
documented
was
the
generally
nation.
Corruption
In
the
2011
riots
and
disseminated amongst the police, making
c. Mubarak’s parliamentary & political
the average citizen feel helpless. The fact
party system
that in poor economic conditions Egypt kept
Egypt’s multi-party electoral system
a large army and police intelligence agency,
was predominantly personally orientated,
and gave these members of society priority,
meaning that every electoral candidate
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UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
sought the support of the constituency
selected bourgeoisie who had relations with
through personal assurances in terms of
foreign companies. Therefore, repression
communal services or private benevolence.
and violence was the only way to get the
Because the NDP was truly the president’s
masses to comply. Towards the end of
party, reelection for Mubarak was made
Mubarak’s reign, the educated youth started
easy.
to
In essence,
the NDP
was an
become
more
politically
active
in
instrument for gaining the support of the
expressing their views. Furthermore, the
constituency in exchange for providing
Egyptian state under Mubarak operated in a
communal services and private practices.
relatively autonomous way in respect to the
Interestingly enough, there was an inverse
military and the privileged bourgeoisie.
relationship between the level of education
e. Conclusion
in
In sum, Mubarak regime’s main pillar
elections and vote, thus reflecting the
of governance was its coercive power. In
disbelief in the Egyptian political system, as
addition to that, the regime made use of
the wealthy and better educated people
democratic venues, however limited and
demand a parliamentarian to provide better
restricted, as a mechanism of relief for
services
provide
increasing societal and political tension and
mediation in the bureaucracy for himself or
as a means of providing legitimacy at the
herself. Mubarak thus expressed himself as
international
the only person who could support Egypt
“democratic
against the Islamic extremism in a post 9/11
subsidies enabled the regime to control a
atmosphere.
societal uprising
and
income
for
and
the
their
participation
district
or
level
rule.”
for
its
Moreover,
ostensibly
the
state
d. The army in the era of Mubarak
The
tipping
point
in
Mubarak’s
regime was his treatment of the army.
Roots of the Revolution
a.
Political Causes
Because all males were required to join the
In analyzing the political causes for
army at age 18, the army grew large and
the 2011 Revolution, there are many
strong. Mubarak provided members of his
factors, long and short term, to consider, but
military
which
of most importance is framing them in the
increased as their gained rank. In essence,
context where Hosni Mubarak’s rule is
Egypt was a state that lacked legitimacy
defined as ‘Bureaucratic Authoritarianism’.
because it functioned on the relations that
The
existed between the state, military, and
O’Donnell in Tensions in the Bureaucratic-
with
special
incentives,
term,
as
defined
by
Guillermo
8
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
Authoritarian State and the Question of
consider is the subordination of almost the
Democracy
alliance
entire Egyptian ruling system to Mubarak,
between the state, the military, and selected
wherein the legislative branch (dominated
segments
have
by Mubarak’s National Democratic Party),
foreign
the judicial branch (which was crowded with
business interests” (O’Donnell 1979). Within
Mubarak appointed members) and the
this context, it is at once possible to
military all existed to buttress Mubarak and
understand why the revolution occurred and
suppress
why it occurred when it did. Using the vast
constitution granted Mubarak the power to
bureaucratic, judicial, and security state
issue presidential decrees, which he used
apparatus available to him, Mubarak was
extensively to uphold his rule. Through his
able to both prolong his rule and suppress
control
opponents for decades. In equal measure to
centralized almost all core decision making
the actions taken by Mubarak, the lack of
through
properly unified opposition in a thoroughly
government under him; by doing so he
segmented Egyptian political class was a
greatly undermined state and local level
key contributor to the prolonging of the
councils. Ninette Fahmy argues in The
Mubarak state. It is no surprise that only
Politics of Egypt: State-Society Relationship
when different groups across the Egyptian
that “that state’s repression of opposition
political spectrum began to cooperate, from
movements, including civil society and the
Islamists, Leftist and Secularists among
political
others were seeds of the revolution sprung.
apparatus and legal and administrative
established
is
of
“based
on
bourgeoisie
direct
links
an
who
with
the
of
opposition.
the
the
legislative
executive
parties
The
branch
branch
through
1971
its
of
he
the
security
measures prevented these intermediary
institutions and processes between the
The Mubarak Authoritarian Apparatus
state and society from bringing about a
It is natural to ask why Mubarak was
significant change in the regime” (Bal 2014).
able to rule for nearly 30 years and only
What democracy the state did provide, in
face serious opposition after 29 years,
practical
becoming most apparent after the start of
Parliamentary and local elections were held,
21st century. If the nature of Mubarak’s rule
and opposition parties (other than the
had been apparent for such a long time,
populist Muslim Brotherhood which was
why is it that organized resistance only
banned intermittently for lengthy periods)
began so late in his term? The first factor to
were allowed to operate. However the
terms,
for
show
only.
9
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
scope of opposition parties, and true, free
Mubarak, to succeed him in the presidency.
democratic processes was severely limited.
In 2002 Gamal was appointed as the
Opposition politicians were regularly stifled
General Secretary of the NDP’s influential
with legal challenges, often in military courts
and growing Policy Secretariat which would
without due process, arbitrary regulations,
soon represent the elite of the party.
and intimidation by state actors. In addition
Accompanying Gamal’s ascension up the
to this, elections were almost always rigged
party ranks were a battery of state funded
to favor Mubarak’s NDP party. Opposition
propaganda and media projecting him as a
parties hoped to create reforms through the
reformer and man of the people. Following
system, and this was, for the longest time,
the 2005 parliamentary elections, where
one of the greatest strengths of Mubarak’s
opposition parties took more seats from the
regime; creating a false sense of hope
NDP than expected, many senior NDP
through
sham
members were purged from the parties
democratic systems. As Bal notes “But, in
ranks on the basis of poor electoral
fact, the regime was not ready for any
performance; clearing the way for Gamal to
reform and did not allow any political force
rise to the highest levels of the party from
to
within.
the
reach
a
preservation
point
that
of
would
directly
The
long-term
side-lining
of
challenge Mubarak” (Bal 2014). Another tool
legitimate challengers to Mubarak’s regime
used
his
from both within the NDP and from other
government’s budget to provide basic food
groups like the military along with the rise of
and energy subsidies, as a means of
Gamal in the NDP sparked wide spread
keeping the masses appeased. With little to
fears in both the pubic and Egypt’s political
no proper legal and political process for
establishment that Mubarak’s Egypt would
meaningful reform or opposition, the political
follow the path of other authoritarians in the
causes for the revolution have long existed;
region, such as Syria’s Hafez Al Assad into
however it would require other factors for
creating a hereditary-dynastic regime.
Mubarak’s apparatus to be overpowered
The Emergency State and Oppression
by
Mubarak
was
using
and proper revolt to take place.
The Successor Crisis
While
the
educated
classes
traditionally had more interest in the political
As early as 1999 when rumours
destiny of the country, the vast majority of
began to circulate, it became apparent to
Egyptians; the poor masses, cared little for
both the public and Egypt’s political class
who was in power. It is true that when
that he was grooming his son Gamal
subsisting, surviving day to day, the masses
10
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
affairs,
implement Islamist legislation which would
especially as Mubarak’s government kept
no doubt implement tougher conditions for
basic necessities subsidies at lower than
non-Muslims. However, things began to
market prices. However, as Mubarak’s
change on New Year’s Day 2011 when the
government
ordinary
Coptic Church of Two Saints was burned
decedents and police brutality became more
down in a terrorist attack that left 23 people,
apparent through social media; the deaths
all
of ordinary people; such as Khaled Saeed,
response to catch the perpetrators and a
struck a nerve in the country. Once the
general trend of increasing marginalization
authoritarian perception of Mubarak’s rule
over recent years meant that leading up to
had transitioned from its traditional home in
the
high politics into the daily purview of the
Christians were no longer strongly in
masses;
would
support of Mubarak. As Egyptian political
experience beatings and punishment, did
scientist Noha Bakr explains in Change and
Mubarak’s problems come home to roost.
Opportunities
The lack of protection for minorities
Mediterranean “the last few years witnessed
had
little
interest
in
began
political
to
wherein
punish
regular
folk
Copts,
dead.
January
2011
in
The
Regime’s
Revolution,
the
slow
Coptic
Emerging
Normally a strong pillar of support
a number of violent events against Copts
for Mubarak’s regime, Egypt’s minorities,
including the failure of the regime not only to
including
Coptic
protect them, but also to address their
Christians (making around 10% of the
grievances related to building churches and
population), were also a crucial segment of
appointing public offices. The restoration of
the population that turned against Mubarak
the churches was authorised with difficulty,
in the events leading up to the revolution.
and religious lessons in mosques were
During Mubarak’s reign, Egypt’s non-Muslim
avoided. Discriminatory practices against
minorities
Mubarak
the Bahais took place, in addition to the
regime in exchange for protection from
discontent among ethnic minorities, such as
persecution from the more extreme parts of
the Nubians and the Bedouins of Sinai”
Egypt’s Muslim majority; namely the Muslim
(Bakr 2012).
Brotherhood
b.
the
almost
rallied
organizations.
9
behind
and
million
the
other
Mubarak’s
Salafist
banning
Economic Causes
and
In the year preceding the Revolution
hostility to such groups curried favor with
on January 25, 2011the economy in Egypt
non-Muslim minority groups because they
as a whole was performing better than ever.
helped ensure the failure of measures to
GDP growth had shifted into a much higher
11
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
gear, increasing from just below 5% in the
development leading to the marginalization
mid-1990s to 7% in 2006-08. Egypt’s share
of large sectors of society. Unemployment
of world trade, which had been falling
reached 9.7%, which is concentrated mostly
continuously for 40 years, started expanding
among
as
Foreign
degrees. Corruption reached an extreme,
investment gushed in at record levels,
with Egypt rated 80th in the world. The
notching up a cumulative total of $46 billion
youth felt these pressures heavily, and their
between 2004 and 2009. Gross public debt
dissatisfaction was only amplified by their
in that period fell by nearly a third. The size
unprecedented access to the internet and
of the country’s foreign debt dropped below
social media.
exports
tripled
in
value.
young
people
with
university
the value of its foreign reserves for the first
Unlike many other countries around
time in decades, and debt servicing, a
the world where external factors inspired
crushing burden in 1990, dwindled to a
and drove the revolution (especially in
small fraction of the value of annual exports.
eastern Europe), Egypt was motivated by its
own internal economic, political, and social
reasons. That
being
said,
a
lack
of
monetary assistance to either side of the
conflict propagated chaos for a longer
period of time. United States fumbled
Despite this rapid growth, discontent
festered. On the economic level, the figures
illustrate development, but not balanced
development. Overall, the GDP was a sign
of improvement; however, the gap between
the rich and the poor was enormous.
Income inequality was becoming a major
issue for most of the population, especially
the large percentage of youth. Prior to the
revolution, the Egyptian economy grew, but
this growth did not trickle down, as it only
benefited the regime’s narrow social base.
There were areas in Upper Egypt and Sinai
that were completely deprived of the fruits of
between backing up the pro-American
dictator ally and the promotion of marauding
forces aimed at reaching the values of
democracy. As for the European Union,
despite the mutual cooperation and security
challenges it faces together with Egypt,
such as illegal immigration and terrorism, it
has hindered generous financial support
that can help Egypt to stabilize in addition to
adopting a policy of wait and see and
observing the evolution of the revolution to
see whether it will lead to a liberal
democratic system.
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UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
After
the
January
Revolution,
economic confidence seemed to remain
high. The banking sector opened its doors
c. Impact of Tunisia, The Arab Spring &
Social Media
Social media played a role in
to find that public and corporate confidence
exacerbating
remained high. Contrary to the beliefs of
amongst the youth in Egypt. The Tunisian
many, the Egyptian Pound remained strong
Revolution is one factor which incited this
and only fell slightly from 5.85 against the
revolutionary
dollar to 5.95 against the dollar. However,
considered as a contingent event that
economic turmoil soon ensued. As political
stimulated similar aspirations and actions in
and
Egypt and elsewhere in the region. The
social
conflict
continued,
Egypt’s
the
spirit.
It
can
be
Tunisian
following quarter by 4.2% compared to the
influenced the Egyptians, particularly the
5.4% growth it was experiencing in the
young activists. In an interview with Tarek
previous quarters. Investment and net
El-Kholi, one of the leading members of the
exports
influential April 6th Youth movement, he
almost
30%
in
the
had
even
spirit
economy came to halt. Real GDP fell the
declined
Revolution
revolutionary
profoundly
following year and tourism dropped by 60%.
explained:
Also that year, official reserves went down
“After the Tunisian Revolution, we began
by 22%. IMF estimate for the expected
saying: if Tunisians did it, we can do it too.
average growth rate for the 2010-2011 year
We are Egyptians...Tunisian affect was
was one percent. The cost of subsidies has
spreading. There were already cases of
increased on the other hand, with public
self-immolations in different cities of Egypt,
wages also rising by 25%, with an external
though none triggered a Tunisian-like mass
financing gap of 12 billion. As protests and
movement. We decided with several other
demonstrations continued in Tahrir Square
activist groups to organize a day of
every
weeks,
demonstration on the Police Day, January
economic tension grew, leading to a near
25 to protest the Ministry of Interior. We
collapse
economy.
were excited by what happened in Tunisia,
Furthermore, regional events deprived the
but we did not initially think that so many
Egyptian
of
people would join and it would turn into
Egyptians living in Libya, Syria, and affected
revolution.” The increased use of the
groups coming from Bahrain, Jordan and
internet and social media not only gave the
the Gulf in general.
Egyptian youth a view into the Tunisian
Friday
of
in
the
the
economy
following
Egyptian
of
remittance
revolution and kindred revolutionary spirit,
13
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
but also gave them the ability to draw
an enormous, unfiltered history of events
attention and support for their own cause.”
from a multitude of perspectives, as well as
(Bal 2014)
an
The protests and the revolution and
opportunity
to
characterize
the
revolution’s events and emotions.
their reflection in social media garnered
enormous worldwide media attention. Many,
The Road to Tahrir
including a number of activists on the
a.
Kefaya Movement
scene, credit social media with helping the
The road to the Tahrir revolution can
movement achieve critical mass. Twitter
be traced to one meeting in 2004 in the
had a profound effect, showing the world
home of Ebu Al Maadi, of the moderate
hundreds of thousands of tweets per day on
Islamist Wasat Party. The meeting brought
the situation in Egypt. These tweets were
together various parts of the Egyptian
even able to gauge the reaction to the world
political spectrum; their agenda was to
about the revolution. By February 6th, 5
discuss the state of affairs in the Middle
days before Hosni Mubarak’s resignation,
East (with the second intifada in Palestine
85% of the tweets about Mubarak were
and the Iraq War raging) and the strong
negative.
The
media
possibility of Gamal Mubarak succeeding
presence
ultimately
increased
his father. This meeting brought the Kefaya
massive
led
social
to
coverage of the event by large news
Movement.
companies such as CNN, Reuters, and Al
Anatomy
As
of
a
Mustafa
Bal
Revolution:
notes
The
in
2011
Egyptian Uprising, “during the Mubarak
period, the Islamist versus secularist divide
prevented oppositional political forces from
both camps to build a lasting consensus
against the regime (Shorbagy 2007). The
occasional ad hoc based coalitions did not
survive long. The Kefaya Movement offered
a new hope for Egyptian politics. Its cross-
Jazeera.
There
is
no question
that
the
protesters, as well as media and journalists,
made extensive use of social networking
sites, tweeting and texting on the protests.
This amassed stream of tweets represents
ideological body of members was an
important contribution for the opposition
politics that had long been fragmented” (Bal
2014). The movement ignored mandatory
official channels to protests without the
14
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
appropriate licenses and directly addressed
b.
issues that are silenced by the regime; such
According
as police brutality, Mubarak’s rule and the
Movements and the 25 January Revolution
succession question. As the first of its kind,
(Shehata 2012), the youth movements that
the Kefaya Movement broke the taboo that
lead to Tahrir can be traced backed to
surround protesting against Mubarak in
movements coinciding with the start of the
Egypt, eventually organzing protests in 24
second Palestinian Intifada in 2000. Youth
of Egypt’s 26 provinces. In addition to
affinity
breaking the fear and taboo surrounding
introduced thousands of young Egyptians to
challenging Mubarak, the movement also
activism and helped as a seed to future
provided an exemplary platform for future
grassroots
revolutionary movements like Tahrir. Its
Shehata
loose organizational structure not only
platform of Egyptian Popular Committee for
allowed it evade government scrutiny, but
the Support of the Palestinian Intifada
also bring together a diverse range of
(EPCSPI) gave students a means to protest
ideological support. A de-decentralized,
the actions of Israel and related American
locality based structure which insisted on
policy. Similarly the US invasion of Iraq
consensus based decision making laid the
inspired similar youth movements like the
groundwork for future movements like Tahrir
Cairo Campaign and 20 March Movement.
by showing that the most effective way to
These various international affairs inspired
counter Mubarak and his state apparatus
youth movements created a totally new
was by bringing together as many parts of
activist-based
Egyptian society as possible. Kefaya’s
Egyptians across the ideological and social
grassroots movement helped engage many
spectrum.
Preceding Youth Movements
to
with
Dina
the
Shehata
Intifada
movements
argued,
the
working
like
in
in
Youth
Palestine
Tahrir.
As
cross-ideological
relationship
for
young Egyptians that meant that even after
In step with the Kefaya Movement,
the 2005 post-elections crackdown on
youth movements like EPCSPI contributed
dissent by the state, the desire flame the
thousands of young activists to the protests
youth for change was lit. Thousands of
of the Kefaya. Other groups like Freedom
young activists turned to growing social
now also helped transform youth activism
media and blogging platforms to share their
from external to internal affairs. While
views and organize. It was from these did
Mubarak was rarely directly challenged,
the Tahrir revolution grow.
strong demands for better representation in
university democracy and for improvements
15
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
and
create tangible change and that more
employment in greater society. With the
radical action was needed. The activists that
suppression and ultimate demise of the
left created the April 6 Movement, which
Kefaya Movement, young activist groups
declared support for textile workers striking
began intensifying their focus on domestic
in Mahalla on April 6 and called for country
issues. Starting with a workers strike in the
wide protests. Thousands of people quickly
textile producing city of Mahalla in 2006, the
liked the April 6 group’s page on Facebook.
number of labor protests increased from
The April 6 movement and its protests,
222 in 2006 to more than 700 in 2010 (El-
although unsuccessful at the time, helped
Mahdi 2010 a). Increasing numbers of labor
create widespread discord with the Mubarak
protests helped youth movements refocus
regime due to its violent response to the
their efforts in order to better connect with
protestors. The April 6 movement and
Egypt’s laboring classes; which constituted
increasing social media discussion of the
a vast majority of the population. While a
Regime helped create the conditions that
weak point of the Kefaya movement was its
lead to Tahrir. As Bal notes “Pictures and
perception as an elitist organization focused
videos of security agencies’ brutality and
on abstract demands that meant little to the
torture against detained individuals and
masses, the youth grassroots movements
prisoners, the misery of people such as
focused on demanding improvements to low
those waiting in the long lines for hours for
wages, food prices and poor working
bread were spread all over the internet.
conditions.
Abaza (2013) argued that this phenomenon
to
housing,
healthcare,
education
In order to better address the needs
concurred
with
growing
number
of
of the masses members of the Youth for
demonstrations and strikes in the face of
Change Movement created the Tadamon
increasing food prices and with demands for
(meaning solidarity) movement in 2007.
higher
Engaging members from Egypt’s leftist,
conditions. These events included people
secularist and Islamist youth movements,
from a large segment of society including
Tadamon helped provided legal support to
workers, bus drivers, university professors,
the demands of labor protesters and helped
and tax collectors” (Bal 2014).
salaries
and
better
working
better publicise their cause. In March 2008,
The main and unique strength of
the Tadamon movement split when its
post-2000 youth movements were their non-
Labor Party backed segment decided that
aligned,
non-partisan
its bottom-up focus was not enough to
almost
completely
nature.
In
separate
being
from
16
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
mainstream political parties, the movements
stated that the system was no longer
not only managed to avoid harsh state
sustainable and it had to change. He
scrutiny for years but also provided a unified
articulated that the established elite in the
platform for the masses who were normally
country was corrupt; however, they seemed
disaffected by all political parties, not just
dissatisfied
the NDP, for their complicity in participating
system. Thus, he expected the change to
in Mubarak’s sham democracy. Increasing
stem from those in the younger generations,
youth participation and social media use
not from the old politicians, most of whom
would be one of the main steps on the road
were some how ‘coopting’ with the regime.
to Tahrir.
He demanded constitutional amendments
c.
Arrival of Mohammed ElBaradei
that would allow independent candidates,
The arrival of Mohammed Elbaradei,
without being obligated to be a member of
a Nobel Peace Laureate and former director
an existing party, to run in the 2011
general of the International Atomic Energy
Egyptian presidential elections” (Bal 2014)
Agency (IAEA) onto Egypt’s political scene
(Daily
after this return to Egypt in November 2009
presidential aspirations crumbled around his
helped
anti-Mubarak
constant travels abroad and lack support
environment in Egyptian society. As Ashraf
among the masses due to his unwillingness
Khalil notes in Liberation Square: inside the
to hold large rallies and meet with ordinary
Egyptian revolution and the rebirth of a
Egyptian’s, his prominence as a national
nation “People seemed to look to him as
figure held in high esteem by the public
their salvation, the hero on a white horse
helped manifest widespread sentiment that
who would single-handedly save the country
Mubarak had to go.
from
d.
escalated
a
Gamal
the
Mubarak
succession
News
with
the
2010).
existing
While
political
ElBaradei’s
The Death of Khaled Saeed
to
The public and very brutal death of
become a rallying point for the vast ABG
Khaled Saeed, a 28 year old man outside a
(Anybody-But-Gamal) voter bloc” (Khalil
Cairo Internet café at the hands of police
2012). Upon his arrival ElBaradei regularly
officers on June 6 2010 was another pivotal
spoke publicly focused on the corrupt and
moment on the road to the Tahrir revolution.
undemocratic nature of the Mubarak regime
Khaled’s mutilated dead body was soon
and emphasized his desire to run for the
seen by the entire nation as a Facebook
presidency in 2011.
In an interview
group called “We are all Khaled Saeed”,
conducted in December 2010, “ElBaradei
started by an expat Egyptian, Wael Ghonem
scenario.
ElBaradei
had
managed
17
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
in Dubai, UAE, exploded in popularity and
voter intimidation, ballot rigging and a host
helped spread national awareness of the
of other controversies spread throughout
incident. As Bal notes from an interview he
the nation. Mohamed ElBaradei’s warning
conducted “Khaled Said’s death was not the
about the 2010 elections proved correct. As
first case of police brutality that Egyptians
Bal notes “It turned out to be one of the
came to know on national level. The youth
most fraudulent elections of the Egyptian
movements such as Six April and many
history.
individual blogs were circulating images and
Party won 420 of 444 contested seats in the
videos of torture in police stations. But,
parliament. The New Wafd became the
several specific features of the incident
second party and won only six seats.
separated it from many others and caused a
Because of its illegal status, the Muslim
deep resentment and anger across the
Brotherhood participated in the elections
country. Khaled Said was an average young
though independent candidates obtained
Egyptian; someone whom everybody can
only one seat. This was a frustrating result
easily identify with around himself as a
for the Muslim Brotherhood that had gained
friend, brother, nephew, or son etc. Thus,
83
people
easily
Secondly,
it
sympathized
happened
in
Mubarak's
seats
in
the
National
2005
Democratic
parliamentary
with
him.
elections. For many people, this outcome
public
and
proved the level of manipulation in the
apparently without any hesitation or fear of
elections” (Bal 2014).
possible repercussions. The police was well
The death of Khaled Saeed and the
known for their cruelty but this was too
2010 Parliamentary Elections proved to be
much. People, especially the youth, could
the two straws that broke the camel’s back.
not take it. I think the Facebook page, We
As Bal describes from an interview he
are all Khaled Said, made a important
conducted “People were feeling that there
contribution and in the following days after
was a problem in our lives...They were
incident
eating dirty food, streets were crummy,
several
youth
organization
coordinated many demonstrations around
salaries
the country” (Bal 2014).
scandals occurred every now and then
e.
without
The 2010 Parliamentary Elections
were
any
very
low,
and financial
consequences
for
the
Although elections fraud was nothing new in
responsible ones. There was no justice. The
Mubarak’s Egypt, the 2010 Parliamentary
election, especially in 2010 was a scandal.
election struck a nerve in a country that was
People felt that the regime was responsible
already reaching a tipping point. Reports of
for everything. People were waiting for the
18
UCBMUN XXI
JCC: Rebels
opportunity. These were feelings not usually
Mubarak. As Bal and Khalil note “The
voiced out. In addition, the issue of heritage
Tunisian
of presidency from Hosni Mubarak to his
considered as a contingent event that
son Gamal Mubarak was annoying. But the
stimulated similar aspirations and actions in
boiling point was the torture cases by the
Egypt and elsewhere in the region. The
police; either Khaled Said, the famous guy,
Tunisian
or Sayed Bilal the infamous guy. Khaled
influenced the Egyptians, particularly the
Said died in the street and the police said
young activists. As Khalil (2012) put it “there
that he was a drug dealer. Sayed Bilal was
was an immediate post-Tunisia adrenaline
another guy that got killed under police
rush in the Egyptian activist community—
custody a few months after Khaled Said.
not to mention the uncounted ranks of the
After the explosion in the church in
depoliticized,
December 2010 (I don’t know who did it) he
themselves to think the unthinkable” (Bal
was taken from home for questioning; a few
2014) (Khalil 2012).
days later he was dead. He was a Salafist
and had a big beard. The public and the
media did not care much about him. He
received little attention. Media always was
talking about crimes against non- Islamists.
Khaled Said’s Facebook page received 4
thousand fans in one hour. After 10 days,
the number of the subscriber reached to
184 thousand. When I was writing my book,
it had 1,700, 000 followers” (Bal 2014).
f.
The Tunisian Revolution 2011
As the Arab Spring began to bloom across
the region, the already tense environment in
Egypt meant that a similar revolution was
almost guaranteed to occur. The events in
Tunisia, following the self immolation of 26
year old fruit vendor Mohamed Buazizi and
the national revolution that followed inspired
youth movements in Egypt to revolt against
Revolution
Revolution
who
can
plausibly
had
suddenly
be
profoundly
allowed
19