Version A
GR8 ELA Research Simulation Task MLK
Name:
_________________________________________
Class:
_________________________________________
Date:
_________________________________________
1.
Video Link: http://www.nobelprize.org/mediaplayer/index.php?id=2014 (2:54)
Read these sentences from the video, Clip from Martin Luther King Jr.'s Acceptance Speech.
What do the words audacious and audacity mean as they are used in these sentences?
A.
B.
C.
D.
offering resistance to something or someone.
showing a willingness to take surprisingly bold risks
ready to face and endure danger or pain; showing courage
rude or disrespectful behavior; impudence
Text 1: Adapted- Excerpt from "Letter from Birmingham Jail" by Martin
Luther King, Jr. (1929- 1968)
16 April 1963
My Dear Fellow Clergymen:
While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present
activities "unwise and untimely." Seldom do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas. If I
sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would have little time for anything
other than such correspondence in the course of the day. I would have no time for constructive work.
But I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth. I want to
try to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms.
I think I should indicate why I am here in Birmingham. I have the honor of serving as president of the
Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every southern state. Its
headquarters are in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty-five affiliated organizations across the
South. One of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Frequently, we share staff,
educational and financial resources with our affiliates. Several months ago the affiliate here in
Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed
necessary. We readily consented. When the hour came, we lived up to our promise. So I, along with
Version A
several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here. I am here because I have
organizational ties here.
More basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the Apostle Paul left his village of
Tarsus and carried the gospel of Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco Roman world, so am I
compelled to carry the gospel of freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly
respond to the Macedonian call for aid.
Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in
Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to
justice everywhere. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to
live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can
never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds.
You deplore the demonstrations taking place in Birmingham. But your statement fails to express a
similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations. I am sure that none of you
would want to rest content with the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and
does not grapple with underlying causes. It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in
Birmingham. It is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community
with no alternative.
In any nonviolent campaign, there are four basic steps. First, the collection of the facts to determine
whether injustices exist; negotiation; self-purification; and direct action. We have gone through all these
steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community.
Birmingham is probably the most segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of brutality is
widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts. There have been more
unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any other city in the nation.
These are the hard, brutal facts of the case. On the basis of these conditions, Negro leaders sought to
negotiate with the city fathers. But the latter consistently refused to engage in good faith negotiation.
My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without determined
legal and nonviolent pressure. It is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their
privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture.
But as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals.
We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor. It must
be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct action campaign that was "well
timed" in the view of those who have not suffered from the disease of segregation. For years now I have
heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has
almost always meant "Never." We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that "justice
too long delayed is justice denied."
Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, "Wait." But
when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your
six-year-old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park just advertised on television, and
see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see
ominous clouds of inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort
her personality by developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct
an answer for a five-year-old son who is asking: "Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so
Version A
mean?"; then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the cup of
endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs,
you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience.
2.
Read this sentence from the passage, Excerpt from "Letter from Birmingham Jail.”
Which best expresses the meaning of the phrase "grapple with" as it is used in this sentence?
A.
B.
C.
D.
3.
settle or find a resolution to [a problem, dispute, or contentious matter]
engage in a close fight or struggle without weapons; wrestle
accept [something] as true; feel sure of the truth of
grasp or catch hold of an object
Read this section from the passage, Excerpt from "Letter from Birmingham Jail.”
Which best expresses the meaning of the phrase "clouds of inferiority"?
A.
B.
C.
D.
feelings of confusion
fears of uncertainty
feelings of not being good enough
fears that the world is a dangerous place
Version A
4.
Martin Luther King, Jr., opens his letter to the Alabama clergymen with the following.
Why does King open with this paragraph?
A.
B.
C.
D.
5.
to set an instructional and analytical tone
to set an authoritative and rational tone
to set a belligerent and highly emotional tone
to set a passive and wise tone
Read this section from the passage, Excerpt from "Letter from Birmingham Jail.”
Which best expresses the meaning of the word "concoct"?
A.
B.
C.
D.
invent
whisper
ignore
avoid
Version A
6.
Read this sentence from the passage, Excerpt from "Letter from Birmingham Jail.”
What is the purpose of this sentence in King's letter?
A. King is paying homage to a fallen soldier in the community whose untimely death
proved that as a group, people are being treated unjustly.
B. King alludes to a respected theologian who says that people are more likely to ignore
their personal morals when in a group setting, which makes the majority opinion less
trustworthy.
C. King uses an expert opinion regarding race, creating a sense that there are individuals
who are invaluable when addressing social problems.
D. King is referencing a friend who also gives speeches, writes letters about civil rights,
and demonstrates how individuals are likely to effect change.
7.
Jenna read these sentences from the passage, Excerpt from "Letter from Birmingham Jail."
Jenna learned the word "affiliate" and wants to use it in her own writing. In which sentence
has she used the word correctly?
A. Student body president is an affiliate position where one must take on a lot of
leadership qualities.
B. At work I sit next to someone who can affiliate paperwork and file it faster than
anyone I have ever met.
C. The politician expected to pay $40 for a new affiliate, but instead she was asked to pay
more than $150, which surprised her.
D. While the salesman admitted he could not provide the service, he did put us in contact
with a business affiliate who had what we needed.
Version A
8.
Read these sentences from the passage, Excerpt from "Letter from Birmingham Jail.”
Which best expresses the meaning of the word "demonstrations" as it is used in these
sentences?
A.
B.
C.
D.
9.
protests
pageants
spectacles
exhibitions
What is the central idea that Martin Luther King Jr. expresses in his letter?
A. African Americans should be given a fair trial in court no matter what city they are in.
B. Children should not be oppressed for wanting to enjoy the same freedoms as everyone
else.
C. Religious leaders are not taking enough action to empower the community in which
they serve.
D. Waiting around for justice to happen has not proved to be a viable means in which
change occurs.
10.
Which of the following best represents the structural feature Martin Luther King, Jr., uses
throughout his letter to effectively convey his message?
A. summary—he thoroughly reviews the points of the clergymen's letter at the end of his
response
B. outside evidence—he frequently incorporates concrete examples from other
politicians and civil rights activists
C. supporting details—he gives persuasive, specific examples of the problems he is
addressing
D. paraphrased material—he incorporates and condenses the original arguments, line by
line, of his opponents
Version A
11.
Which of the following statements from the passage best indicates Kings purpose at the
beginning of the letter?
A. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for aid.
B. My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights
without determined legal and nonviolent pressure.
C. Moveover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states, I
cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham.
D. But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are
sincerely set forth, I want to try to answer your statement in what I hope will be
patient and reasonable terms.
12.
What is one reason King believes in civil disobedience?
A. He is not fond of authority because of past confrontations with law enforcement.
B. He believes it is easier to take on a group of people, rather than an individual.
C. He doesn't believe that a favored group will share or give up their privileges without a
push.
D. He believes physical aggression is a necessary evil to achieve change and growth.
13.
In his letter, King uses the words "wait," "patient," and "unavoidable impatience" in
reference to __________.
A. non-violent protests that lead to his workers being jailed and tried
B. his insistence that his people continue waiting for promised freedoms without creating
tension in their community
C. his goal of encouraging blacks to continue waiting for the change to happen now that
new laws have been passed
D. the time that blacks had spent waiting for promised changes that had not yet
manifested
Text 2: Excerpt from Civil Disobedience by Henry David Thoreau
Unjust laws exist:. shall we be content to obey them? Or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey
them until we have succeeded? Or shall we transgress (go beyond) them at once? Men, generally, under
such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter
the laws. They think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is the
fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. Government makes it worse. Why is
government not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does government not cherish its
wise minority? Why does government cry and resist before it is hurt? Why does government not
encourage its citizens to put out its faults, and do better than it would have?
Version A
14.
Read this sentence from the passage, Excerpt from Civil Disobedience.
What does the word unjust mean as it is used in this sentence?
A.
B.
C.
D.
to give one's approval
neither good nor bad
to follow the commands or guidance of
not based on what is morally right and fair
Text 1: Adapted- Excerpt from "Letter from Birmingham Jail" by Martin Luther King, Jr. (1929- 1968)
16 April 1963
My Dear Fellow Clergymen:
While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present
activities "unwise and untimely." Seldom do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas. If I
sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would have little time for anything
other than such correspondence in the course of the day. I would have no time for constructive work.
But I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth. I want to
try to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms.
I think I should indicate why I am here in Birmingham. I have the honor of serving as president of the
Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every southern state. Its
headquarters are in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty-five affiliated organizations across the
South. One of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Frequently, we share staff,
educational and financial resources with our affiliates. Several months ago the affiliate here in
Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed
necessary. We readily consented. When the hour came, we lived up to our promise. So I, along with
several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here. I am here because I have
organizational ties here.
More basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the Apostle Paul left his village of
Tarsus and carried the gospel of Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco Roman world, so am I
compelled to carry the gospel of freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly
respond to the Macedonian call for aid.
Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in
Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to
justice everywhere. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to
live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can
never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds.
You deplore the demonstrations taking place in Birmingham. But your statement fails to express a
similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations. I am sure that none of you
would want to rest content with the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and
Version A
does not grapple with underlying causes. It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in
Birmingham. It is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community
with no alternative.
In any nonviolent campaign, there are four basic steps. First, the collection of the facts to determine
whether injustices exist; negotiation; self-purification; and direct action. We have gone through all these
steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community.
Birmingham is probably the most segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of brutality is
widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts. There have been more
unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any other city in the nation.
These are the hard, brutal facts of the case. On the basis of these conditions, Negro leaders sought to
negotiate with the city fathers. But the latter consistently refused to engage in good faith negotiation.
My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without determined
legal and nonviolent pressure. It is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their
privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture.
But as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals.
We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor. It must
be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct action campaign that was "well
timed" in the view of those who have not suffered from the disease of segregation. For years now I have
heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has
almost always meant "Never." We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that "justice
too long delayed is justice denied."
Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, "Wait." But
when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your
six-year-old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park just advertised on television, and
see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see
ominous clouds of inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort
her personality by developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct
an answer for a five-year-old son who is asking: "Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so
mean?"; then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the cup of
endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs,
you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience.
*********************************
Text 2: Excerpt from Civil Disobedience by Henry David Thoreau
Unjust laws exist. Shall we be content to obey them? Or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey
them until we have succeeded? Or shall we transgress (go beyond) them at once? Men, generally, under
such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter
the laws. They think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is the
fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. Government makes it worse. Why is
government not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does government not cherish its
wise minority? Why does government cry and resist before it is hurt? Why does government not
encourage its citizens to put out its faults, and do better than it would have?
Version A
15.
Which of the following themes is present in both the passage, Excerpt from "Letter from
Birmingham Jail" by Martin Luther King, Jr., and the passage, "Excerpt from Civil
Disobedience" by Henry David Thoreau?
A.
B.
C.
D.
16.
loss of innocence
youth versus experience
finding balance between justice and injustice
the coexistence of good and evil in the world
Read these sentences from the passage, "Excerpt from Civil Disobedience" by Henry David
Thoreau.
Which sentence from the passage, Excerpt from "Letter from Birmingham Jail" by Martin
Luther King, Jr., suggests the same idea?
A. If I sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would have
no time for constructive work.
B. …We still creep at horse and buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch
counter.
C. It is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro
community with no alternative
D. This "Wait" has almost always meant "Never." We must come to see, with one of our
distinguished jurists, that "justice too long delayed is justice denied."
Text 3: How Nobel Peace Prize Laureates Are Chosen
Upon his death in 1895, Swedish chemist and inventor Alfred Nobel gave the bulk of his fortune to
establish the Nobel Prizes. As Nobel described in his will, "the person who shall have done the most or
the best work for fraternity between nation, for the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the
holding and promotion of peace congresses," would receive the Nobel Peace Prize.
The process for the selection of the Nobel Peace Prize winner has five steps:
Step 1: Nominations for the prize recipients are received by the committee.
Step 2: The committee reviews the nominations and prepares a short list of individuals who should be
considered.
Step 3: Advisers review the candidates on the short list. The advisers create a report on each candidate,
which is then presented to the committee.
Step 4: One or more Nobel Laureates are chosen by a majority vote of the committee. The committee
discusses each candidate in depth and takes expert advice into consideration. The decision is final and
may not be changed.
Version A
Step 5: The committee notifies the Nobel Laureate or Laureates. Laureates are invited to attend the
awards ceremony on December 10th in Oslo, Norway.
17.
Read this sentence from the passage, How Nobel Peace Prize Laureates Are Chosen.
What does the word bulk mean as it is used in this sentence?
A.
B.
C.
D.
18.
most of; the main or greater part
scattered pieces, especially in other countries
to gain weight by becoming more muscular
greatness of size or mass
Which of the following best explains how the Nobel Peace Prize Committee attempts to give
all nominees equal consideration?
A. Candidates on the short list are all notified in writing that they are being considered
for the prize.
B. The prize committee prepares a report on every individual who is nominated for a
Nobel Peace Prize.
C. Each individual who is nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize is flown to Oslo, Norway,
on December 10th for an interview.
D. The committee reviews all nominations before selecting the individuals who will
move forward in the process on the short list.
Text 1: Adapted- Excerpt from "Letter from Birmingham Jail" by Martin Luther King, Jr. (1929- 1968)
16 April 1963
My Dear Fellow Clergymen:
While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present
activities "unwise and untimely." Seldom do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas. If I
sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would have little time for anything
other than such correspondence in the course of the day. I would have no time for constructive work.
But I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth. I want to
try to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms.
I think I should indicate why I am here in Birmingham. I have the honor of serving as president of the
Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every southern state. Its
headquarters are in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty-five affiliated organizations across the
South. One of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Frequently, we share staff,
Version A
educational and financial resources with our affiliates. Several months ago the affiliate here in
Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed
necessary. We readily consented. When the hour came, we lived up to our promise. So I, along with
several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here. I am here because I have
organizational ties here.
More basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the Apostle Paul left his village of
Tarsus and carried the gospel of Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco Roman world, so am I
compelled to carry the gospel of freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly
respond to the Macedonian call for aid.
Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in
Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to
justice everywhere. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to
live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can
never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds.
You deplore the demonstrations taking place in Birmingham. But your statement fails to express a
similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations. I am sure that none of you
would want to rest content with the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and
does not grapple with underlying causes. It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in
Birmingham. It is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community
with no alternative.
In any nonviolent campaign, there are four basic steps. First, the collection of the facts to determine
whether injustices exist; negotiation; self-purification; and direct action. We have gone through all these
steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community.
Birmingham is probably the most segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of brutality is
widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts. There have been more
unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any other city in the nation.
These are the hard, brutal facts of the case. On the basis of these conditions, Negro leaders sought to
negotiate with the city fathers. But the latter consistently refused to engage in good faith negotiation.
My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without determined
legal and nonviolent pressure. It is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their
privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture.
But as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals.
We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor. It must
be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct action campaign that was "well
timed" in the view of those who have not suffered from the disease of segregation. For years now I have
heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has
almost always meant "Never." We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that "justice
too long delayed is justice denied."
Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, "Wait." But
when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your
six-year-old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park just advertised on television, and
see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see
Version A
ominous clouds of inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort
her personality by developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct
an answer for a five-year-old son who is asking: "Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so
mean?"; then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the cup of
endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs,
you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience.
*************************************
Text 2: Excerpt from Civil Disobedience by Henry David Thoreau
Unjust laws exist. Shall we be content to obey them? Or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey
them until we have succeeded? Or shall we transgress (go beyond) them at once? Men, generally, under
such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter
the laws. They think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is the
fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. Government makes it worse. Why is
government not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does government not cherish its
wise minority? Why does government cry and resist before it is hurt? Why does government not
encourage its citizens to put out its faults, and do better than it would have?
************************************
Text 3: How Nobel Peace Prize Laureates Are Chosen
Upon his death in 1895, Swedish chemist and inventor Alfred Nobel gave the bulk of his fortune to
establish the Nobel Prizes. As Nobel described in his will, "the person who shall have done the most or
the best work for fraternity between nation, for the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the
holding and promotion of peace congresses," would receive the Nobel Peace Prize.
The process for the selection of the Nobel Peace Prize winner has five steps:
Step 1: Nominations for the prize recipients are received by the committee.
Step 2: The committee reviews the nominations and prepares a short list of individuals who should be
considered.
Step 3: Advisers review the candidates on the short list. The advisers create a report on each candidate,
which is then presented to the committee.
Step 4: One or more Nobel Laureates are chosen by a majority vote of the committee. The committee
discusses each candidate in depth and takes expert advice into consideration. The decision is final and
may not be changed.
Step 5: The committee notifies the Nobel Laureate or Laureates. Laureates are invited to attend the
awards ceremony on December 10th in Oslo, Norway.
Version A
19.
While confined in the Birmingham, Alabama, jail for protesting against the racial inequalities
that existed in Birmingham at the time, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., wrote a letter to his
fellow clergymen in response to allegations that his actions were “unwise and untimely.” In
his letter, Dr. King states the following:
Using this passage as a reference, write two well-organized paragraphs extending and
elaborating on Dr. King's belief that even though we are all individuals, “whatever affects
one directly, affects all indirectly.” As you write, consider this quote's relevance to both the
time period in which Dr. King was writing and the world today. In a third paragraph, use
your description of Dr. King's beliefs and the passages you have read to decide if Dr. King
was an appropriate choice for the Nobel Peace Prize? Pay attention to the language you use
to connect your ideas to Dr. King's ideas and to create cohesion and understanding within
your argument.