Brains versus Brawn:
An Analysis of Stereotyping
and
Racial Bias in National Football League Broadcasts
Pat Viklund
Boston College
February, 2009
Brains versus Brawn ii
Table of Contents
Abstract _______________________________________________________________ 1
Introduction____________________________________________________________ 1
Background of the Problem _______________________________________________ 4
Research Question ______________________________________________________ 8
Rationale ______________________________________________________________ 8
Review of the Literature _________________________________________________ 11
Methodology __________________________________________________________ 21
Findings______________________________________________________________ 26
Discussion ____________________________________________________________ 34
Conclusion ___________________________________________________________ 42
Appendix_____________________________________________________________ 44
References____________________________________________________________ 48
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Abstract
This study analyzed prior research on racism and sports media as well as
examined television broadcasts of 5 National Football League games. The intent of the
study was to investigate the possibility of announcers conveying racial bias and
stereotyping players during games. The study analyzed the difference in frequency of
physical and cognitive/personal descriptors used by commentators in describing black
and white players. It also explored the naming patterns of announcers. No racial bias was
found in naming patterns. The overall findings, however, suggest that black players tend
to be stereotyped as naturally gifted athletes, while white players receive more praise for
their intellect, work ethic, and personal life.
Introduction
Sports have been a large part of television since the very earliest days of TV
production. In fact, the first live TV report was broadcast by the BBC on June 21, 1937
from a tennis match at Wimbledon (Beck & Bosshart, 2003). Clearly, television and
athletics have a long history together. This history has been and continues to be
characterized by a symbiotic relationship in which television and sport both help each
other grow and continue to assist each other in maintaining popularity and making money
(Coakley, 1990). Recently however, the coverage of sports on TV has been changing.
Channels such as Fox Sports Net, ESPN, Eurosport and DSF provide audiences with a
non-stop flow of athletic contests and information (Beck & Bosshart, 2003). A sports fan
can watch live games, classic games, highlights, sports talk shows such as Pardon the
Interruption, and even sports game shows such as Stump the Schwab, at nearly anytime
of the day.
The importance of the relationship between television and sports cannot be
underestimated in the lives of viewers: “With the meteoric rise of televised sporting
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events during the last two decades, viewing sports programs has decidedly become a
national pastime” (Bierman, 1990, p. 413). Televised sports, particularly major events
such as the Super Bowl and FIFA World Cup, attract some of the highest ratings and
largest audiences (Coakley, 1990). It is clear that audiences truly enjoy watching sports
on TV since they do so in such large numbers. Research has also shown that a major
factor in viewer enjoyment is broadcast commentary (Eitzen & Sage, 1993). According to
Eitzen and Sage, “sportscasters serve not only to fill the in the lack of knowledge about
the sport but also to add histrionics to the human drama of athletic events” (1993, p. 293).
The role of commentators in sports broadcasts may be important to the overall experience
and messages that viewers receive from televised sport. Announcers during a broadcast
do not merely call the action exactly as it plays out in a game, they also “fill time in
broadcasts with humor, frank analysis, and anecdotes about players, coaches, owners and
their families” (Rada, 1996, p. 232). In performing these duties during a fast-paced
athletic broadcast, announcers may bring up comments having to do with subconscious
beliefs, images, attitudes, and values (Rada, 1996). These comments may reflect on
athletes or coaches in a biased manner even if the commentator does not intend them to
do so.
It would seem that sports announcers cannot be completely objective, as they are
human, but television productions of athletic events, on the whole, tend to not reflect
objective reality. According to Eitzen and Sage, “They actually construct the events
through the sports they select to cover, their priority of focus, and the narrative themes
they pursue” (1993, p. 287). Audiences receive this selective, and possibly biased,
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depiction of athletics in large amounts due, in part, to the many networks that televise
sporting events (Beck & Bosshart, 2003). According to Coakley (1990), these “selective
versions” of sports are presented in terms of “general values”:
These values are most often consistent with the ideas and perceptions of
those who control the media. Therefore, media coverage of sport most
often serves to re-create and strengthen the values held by people in
positions of power and responsibility in a society. (Coakley, 1990, p. 288)
Thus, the ideas and values of the dominant majority are reflected in sports broadcasts
(Coakley, 1990). A problem may arise if these values and ideas, as projected through
sport, belittle or in any way dehumanize a minority or group not in a position of power.
Race is an area in which biased ideas or values may be projected by sports broadcasts,
their announcers, and those who own the sports media. Such a distorted view may serve
to “shape [audiences’] own perception of sport and the sport experience” as well as
reinforce mainstream, stereotypical beliefs (Coakley, 1990, p. 288). This study will
analyze the ways in which racial bias may be presented in various National Football
League broadcasts.
3
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Background of the Problem
According to a Harris Poll conducted in February of 2008, Professional football is
America’s most popular sport, with 30 percent of Americans who follow one or more
sport claiming the NFL to be their favorite (Harris Interactive, 2008). This is compared to
only 15 percent of fans stating that baseball was their favorite, and just 12 percent and 10
percent for college football and auto racing respectively, with all other sports having
percentages in single digits (Harris Interactive, 2008). The same poll also showed that
football’s popularity has had the largest growth of any sport since 1985, with growth of 6
percent (Harris Interactive, 2008). Also, according to a USA Today article, 222 million
Americans, almost three-quarters of the country’s population, watched professional
football in 2006 (Lopresti, 2007). Thus, the potential biases and distortions that are
presented in football broadcasts are viewed and possibly internalized by more Americans
than for any other sport. Football has also been praised by sportswriters for its excellent
marketing strategies resulting in its continued economic and popular growth. The NFL’s
popularity makes it extremely valuable for analysis since it is a staple of American
culture. Football is truly an American sport that is a large part of this country’s culture
and society.
Because football could be considered a dominating force in our culture, it is
important to understand how its values and ideals are promoted, as well as to look at the
ways groups of people are portrayed through televised broadcasts and perceived by
audiences. Sporting events are places in society where Americans feel that blacks have
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achieved relatively equal or superior success in comparison to whites. According to
Madison and Landers, “It is often maintained that professional sport, music, and
entertainment, more than other occupations, have been areas in which minority groups
could have equal opportunity with whites” (1976, p. 151). Also, as Dufur explains,
“Since Jackie Robinson broke baseball’s color barrier in 1947, black athletes’
participation in many major professional and Olympic sports has increased sharply”
(1996, p. 345). It seems that sports have become a place of equality for blacks as well as
providing an avenue for success outside of more traditional professions. In 1991, black
players made up 75 percent of pro basketball players, 60 percent of pro football players,
and 17 percent of major league baseball players, while African-Americans were only 12
percent of the general population (Eitzen & Sage, 1993).
With numbers like these, it appears that blacks, in fact, dominate athletics. In
proportion to the general population they are extremely well represented in sports, and
account for many of the superstars that are seen on television. In the National Basketball
Association, black stars such as Kobe Bryant, LeBron James, and Kevin Garnett are some
of the most recognizable faces. In the NFL LaDainian Tomlinson, Adrian Peterson, and
Randy Moss are just a few of the extremely popular black players. This has led many
people to believe that sports are a sacred place in society in which racism does not exist
and black players are dominant (Eitzen & Sage, 1993).
It is true that black athletes have made great strides in the past fifty years or so.
They have become prominent figures in major American sports. According to Ebony
magazine, as quoted in Billings (2004):
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Ten years ago, the number of black quarterbacks in the National Football
League could be counted on your left hand. Nowadays, you need the left
hand, right hand and the hands of a few friends to count the Black
quarterbacks on NFL rosters. (Roquemore, as cited in Billings, p. 201)
The belief that sports are sacred and now free of racism, however, may underlie biases
and discrimination that are masked by statistical data about blacks in sports: “Rather than
being free from racism, sport as a microcosm of the larger society reflects the same racial
problems as society” (Eitzen & Sage, 1993, p. 323).
A practice known as racial or media stacking is one way that covert or
unintentional racism is perpetuated even today, when sports seem to be equal and just
(Billings, 2004; Eitzen & Sage, 1993). Media stacking is the communicative process in
which athletes are placed disproportionately in certain positions based on stereotypes and
underrepresented in other positions (Billings, 2004; Eitzen & Sage, 1993). Black athletes
are usually placed into peripheral positions without a leadership role. When the media,
particularly television, present black athletes in such stereotyped positions they can and
frequently are seen as “inconsistent performers, unreliable, and effective only in
instructive, reflex-oriented positions (e.g., running back)” (Murrell & Curtis, 1994, p.
225). This is seen in football, especially in the quarterback position, which has typically
been dominated by whites (Billings, 2004; Eitzen & Sage, 1993; Murrell & Curtis, 1994).
As mentioned earlier there are black quarterbacks in the NFL; these athletes, however,
are still rarely placed in the starting position, the leading spot on a football team. The
sports media may present images and provide commentary that strengthen a racist
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positioning of black athletes. It is a problem of bias that may go unnoticed because of its
apparent subtlety and inconspicuous nature.
Although racism found in football may seem likely to be relatively covert or
unintentional because of the stacking process, there has been at least one instance of overt
racism that demonstrated how intense the problem of racial bias can become. This
incident occurred in 2003 when conservative radio talk show host Rush Limbaugh, in a
segment on ESPN, made controversial comments about black NFL quarterback Donovan
McNabb. During ESPN’s Sunday NFL Countdown Limbaugh blurted out:
Sorry to say this, I don’t think he’s been that good from the get-go…What
we have here is a little social concern in the NFL. The media has been
very desirous that black quarterback can do well – black coaches and
black quarterbacks doing well…There’s a little hope invested in McNabb,
and he got credit for the performance of his team that he didn’t deserve.
The defense [has] carried this team. (Hartmann, 2007, p. 46)
These remarks were made on national television to fans watching ESPN across the
country.
Limbaugh’s comments seem to denigrate the hard work, intelligence, motivation,
and skill of Donovan McNabb. They also seem to portray him as being merely a product
of outside factors and attribute his success to things which have nothing to do with him.
As prior research has demonstrated, racial bias is a frequent occurrence in football on TV,
if not overtly expressed. Another problem is that Limbaugh’s explanation of the media
favoring black athletes has not been supported. Niven (2005) found that black athletes are
Brains versus Brawn
rarely featured in many types of sports media and that there is “no body of evidence
showing media bias in favor of African American athletes” (p. 688). The Limbaugh and
McNabb incident in 2003 may illustrate how racism is still found in football media,
despite the large number of black athletes who play the game.
Research Question
This research investigated how various broadcasts of National Football League
games portrayed athletes in order to understand whether or not television transmits
racially biased images of athletic figures.
Rationale
Racism in sports and in the televised media’s portrayal of sports is a major
problem that should be better understood. Even if racial bias in NFL broadcasts is covert
or unintentional it may still be harmful and inappropriate. McCombs and Shaw (1972)
explain that the media perform an agenda setting function, which can demonstrate how
racial bias may be displayed. Agenda-setting may be defined as the mass media,
including television, not necessarily telling people what to think, but instead being
“stunningly successful at telling people what to think about” (McCombs & Shaw, 1972,
p. 177). The media’s power is “in its ability to define and shape the discussion of public
events” (Billings & Angelini, 2007, p. 96). In terms of NFL broadcasts Billings explains
that:
8
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Within the realm of sports, the theoretical underpinnings of agenda-setting
implies that sportscasters will not explicitly tell a viewer that a black
quarterback is inferior; instead, sportscasters will use different types of
comments that leave a viewer wondering if that black quarterback is
inherently different from others. (2004, p. 203)
This is an important distinction. According to Denham, the media “often tell us
what to think about when the issues at hand do not otherwise intrude into our lives”
(1997, p. 4). Thus, the media might bring to light certain aspects of black and white
athletes, whether accurate or not, which we may not have tended to think about. Viewers
also may see images and hear commentary repeatedly as football games are broadcast.
The high frequency of exposure to such visuals and commentary may significantly affect
the way that viewers construct and perceive the world around them (Buffington & Fraley,
2008). The agenda-setting function of television sets the table for the way people
perceive things by cueing viewers as to what they should think about. This may be
especially true with NFL broadcasts because games are only televised on CBS, NBC,
FOX, ESPN, and NFL Network, giving the audience little choice in the source from
which they receive their entertainment and information.
Understanding the racial bias that may be present in NFL broadcasts is made even
more important by the tremendous popularity of the sport. It is America’s favorite sport
to watch on television with 30 percent of American sports fans claiming it as their
preferred sport (Harris Interactive, 2008). According to Rada, more than half of the alltime top-rated twenty shows have been Super Bowl broadcasts (1996, p. 233). The extent
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of football coverage and viewing make audiences especially susceptible to hearing,
seeing, and potentially internalizing the racial bias that may be portrayed. Because most
pro football games are shown on major networks and prominent cable channels, they are
more able to “affect the world view of the American people” (Rada, 1996, p. 233).
Therefore, it is important to understand the ways in which television may broadcast a
biased view of football players. The extent of football’s influence combined with the fact
that the media set an agenda make this study important.
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Review of the Literature
There has been much research done concerning the media portrayals of black and
white athletes in various sports (Billings & Angelini, 2007; Bruce, 2004; Dufur, 1997;
Eastman & Billings, 2001; Rada & Wulfemeyer, 2005; Wonsek, 1992). The methods and
results of these studies have varied slightly, but they have consistently demonstrated that
racism exists in sports media. The nature of this racism and its perpetuation by the sports
media, as demonstrated through this prior research, is important to understand for
analyzing NFL broadcasts.
One study that found evidence of a racial bias in sports broadcasting was done by
Billings and Angelini (2007). They analyzed 70 hours of NBC’s coverage of the 2004
Olympics in their attempt to find ethnic biases, as well as biases in regard to gender and
nationality, in sports telecasts (Billings & Angelini, 2007). Billings and Angelini (2007)
used a type of 12 category coding system developed by Billings (2007) in an earlier
study, which consisted of looking for commentary about characteristics such as
concentration, strength-based athletic ability, talent, or experience. Through these
methods they found that “more than two-thirds of the athlete mentions were white
athletes, and that fourteen of the twenty most frequently mentioned athletes were white”
(Billings & Angelini, 2007, p. 95). This under-representation of non-white athletes favors
athletes in the “majority” group and does not do justice to the athletic accomplishments
of other sports figures (Billings & Angelini, 2007).
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Other studies of sports and the media have, however, uncovered less disparity in
the frequency of comments about black and white players. Eastman and Billings (2001)
analyzed 66 college basketball games using almost the same coding scheme as Billings
and Angelini (2007). They found that TV announcers commented with about the same
frequency on black players, but reinforced societal stereotypes, such as attributing speed
to black athletes (Eastman & Billings, 2001). Such stereotyping may be just as dangerous
as under-representing black athletes, since it gives audiences a one-dimensional view of
these athletes. According to Eastman and Billings, racial biases that are “repeated
hundreds, even thousands, of times by different announcers in similar ways provide a
conceptual frame for the sports experience, and that mental frame has particular
importance because fans often apply it to non-athletic situations” (2001, p. 183).
Rada and Wulfemeyer (2005) also found that black athletes are often depicted and
viewed as being successful only in terms of their athletic ability which can, in turn, lead
to the continuation of racial stereotypes. They studied college football and basketball
games on television, coding for depictions of players as athletes, and players as off-field
persons (Rada and Wulfemeyer, 2005). The researchers found that black athletes are
viewed as merely physical specimens and were mentioned much more negatively when
being described as people, as opposed to players (Rada and Wulfemeyer, 2005). They
found a difference between the views of player-as-athlete and player-as-person. They
also noted that commentators create a negative image of black athletes when talking
about them as people (Rada & Wulfemeyer, 2005). The way that black athletes are
stereotyped in the media by being “portrayed as physical specimens using their God-
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given, natural ability whereas white athletes are hard working and intellectually
endowed” undermines the progress that black athletes have made in athletics (Rada &
Wulfemeyer, 2005, p. 80).
A study done by Wonsek (1992) had similar results. She analyzed twelve NCAA
basketball games during the National Tournament in March in an attempt to describe the
image of black athletes that is portrayed in the media and to determine if this image is
perpetuating racial stereotypes (Wonsek, 1992). This article discussed the importance of
media, particularly television, in displaying a glorified image of black players as merely
star athletes, as well as the influence this has on young black audiences (Wonsek, 1992).
Young black males, according to Wonsek, see sports as the only opportunity for success
and achievement largely because of the common stereotypical image of the black
superstar as a naturally gifted athlete who became rich, famous, and popular. However, in
reality, their chances of becoming professionals are very slim, as only one in every
12,000 high school athletes reaches the pros (Wonsek, 1992). After her thorough analysis
of college basketball games on television, Wonsek states in her conclusion:
Additionally, it has been suggested that college basketball broadcasts may
also serve to reinforce rather than negate stereotypes of black males. These
athletic contests are a part of the white American cultural ideology which
perpetuates itself by demeaning and stereotyping blacks via media images.
(1992, p. 460)
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This study shows that racial stereotyping in sports television may be an even more
dangerous negative force because of the influence that they have on black youth and their
goals for the future.
Bruce (2004) found evidence of racial bias in sports television that focused
specifically on the commentators and their actions in sporting events. Bruce (2004)
interviewed 11 male basketball commentators and also did a content analysis of 41
college basketball and professional basketball games. The author looked for commentator
patterns in naming players, by either first name only, last name only, both names, or
nicknames and also analyzed the descriptions of players used throughout the broadcasts
(Bruce, 2004). Overall, the study found that white athletes were referred to more by their
last names, which is considered most respectful, while black athletes were called more by
their first names, widely believed to be the least respectful form of naming (Bruce, 2004).
Part of this is likely due to the fact that the white announcers found the black athletes’
first names to be exotic and strange, thus they used them more and possibly inadvertently
created a boundary for what is “normal” in white culture (Bruce, 2004). The interviews
with commentators enabled Bruce to determine that:
If the sports media systematically reinforce racist ideologies –
as they appear to do – it is not because media workers are active racists. It
is through the sets of practices and discourses by which knowledge is
constructed in the media, not the personal inclinations of media workers,
that racist ideologies continue to be recreated. (2004, p. 863)
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The study claims that live sports broadcasts produce fast-paced and high pressure
situations for commentators. Consequently, they frequently resort to using common racial
ideologies and stereotypes that are present in the dominant white culture of America
(Bruce, 2004). This study specifically of commentators’ naming and descriptive practices
provides important insight into various dimensions of sports television.
A study done by Dufur (1996) did not explicitly examine racial bias in sports
broadcasts, but found similar stereotypes in advertisements using black athletes. Dufur
(1996) looked at ads in Sports Illustrated for examples of stereotypical images of
athletes, such as blacks being successful because of innate physical traits (strength and
speed) or whites being successful because of acquired or intellectual traits (work ethic or
leadership). These stereotypes, which also seem to be prevalent in sports broadcasts, were
found to be reinforced even more intensely in advertising (Dufur, 1996). Black athletes
were portrayed as succeeding due to their natural physical athleticism, while white
athletes were portrayed in terms of their hard work, intelligence, and leadership (Dufur,
1996). Also, “black athletes are more likely to be portrayed as angry, violent or
hypersexual” according to Dufur (1996, p. 345). This study shows how the stereotypes of
black athletes that seem to be widespread in sports broadcasts may be even more
influential as they permeate into other areas of the media such as advertising. This may
provide audiences, particularly black youth, with even more exposure to the racism and
stereotyping of black athletes (Dufur, 1996).
The previous studies analyzed and found some form of racial bias in the sports
media. One study (Billings & Angelini, 2007) found a discrepancy in the number of times
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that black athletes were mentioned compared to white athletes during the Olympics.
However, most studies did not uncover racial bias as a matter of frequency counts.
Rather, the majority of studies (Bruce, 2004; Dufur, 1997; Eastman & Billings, 2001;
Rada & Wulfemeyer, 2005; Wonsek, 1992) found racism within the sports media to be in
the manner that black athletes were represented. These athletes were found to be named
in less respectful ways (Bruce, 2004). They were also portrayed primarily in terms of
stereotypes of their natural athletic and physical abilities as opposed to working hard and
using their intelligence (Dufur, 1996; Eastman & Billings, 2001; Rada & Wulfemeyer,
2005; Wonsek, 1992). These stereotypes projected by the media seem to reinforce the
racism present in the dominant white culture of America (Wonsek, 1992).
Other studies have specifically examined the sport of football and are relevant to
this study (Billings, 2004; Byrd, 2005; Murrell & Curtis, 1994; Rada, 1996; Rainville &
McCormick, 1977). The findings of these studies are similar to the research done on other
sports and support the idea of racial bias being present in media depictions of athletes,
specifically football players (Billings, 2004; Byrd, 2005; Murrell & Curtis, 1994; Rada,
1996; Rainville & McCormick, 1977). The main theme throughout this research suggests
that white players’ positive reputation is reinforced through the media, while black
players are generally demeaned and stereotyped as pure athletes without significant
cognitive abilities (Billings, 2004; Byrd, 2005; Murrell & Curtis, 1994; Rada, 1996;
Rainville & McCormick, 1977).
Rainville and McCormick’s (1977) research sparked much interest in the question
of race portrayal in the sports media. They attempted to measure covert prejudice in
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broadcasts of nationally televised NFL games. Rainville, a blind psychologist, noticed
that he could identify the race of players through the broadcast commentary without race
ever being explicitly mentioned (Murrell & Curtis, 1994; Rainville & McCormick, 1977).
This led the researchers to study 12 professional football game broadcast transcripts for
descriptions or attributions hinting at a racial bias. They paired black and white athletes
with similar statistics to compare announcer comments about different races (Rainville &
McCormick, 1977). Rainville and McCormick found that announcers “are building a
positive reputation for white players and a comparatively negative reputation for black
players” (1977, p.24). White players were depicted as “causal agents” who do things for
themselves, while black players were portrayed as “externally moved objects” (Rainville
& McCormick, 1977). Thus, white athletes were described by announcers as active
participants physically and cognitively, whereas black athletes were represented as
having negative non-professional records and playing passive roles in the game. This
type of commentary boosts white players’ prestige while portraying black players as
peripheral athletes. This study is some of the first research to identify and explain the
football media’s racial bias in favor of white players.
Another study done by Rada (1996) expanded on the idea of racial bias in football
broadcasts. Rada’s study analyzed games from each major network during the 1992 NFL
season using a Biased Coverage Index (BCI) to “characterize descriptive comments of
players by announcers” (1996, p.234). The study found that both black and white players
received much positive commentary, but there was a difference in the type of comments.
Black athletes “were much more likely than whites to receive comments relating to
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physical characteristics, whereas whites were much more likely than African Americans
to receive comments relating to cognitive characteristics” (Rada, 1996, p. 236). This
study provides more support for the idea that black athletes are stereotyped as naturally
gifted physical specimens, and brings this idea into the realm of football. Rada’s (1996)
research makes it clear that football players are not immune to this bias. Professional
football broadcasts may be reinforcing stereotypes of a racist white culture.
Billings (2004) further investigated portrayals of race in televised football games.
His study, however, looked specifically at the position of quarterback, a position
traditionally dominated by whites (Billings, 2004). Billings (2004) hypothesized that
black and white quarterbacks would be described differently by the commentators, much
like other positions in football and athletes in other sports. The study analyzed 54 NFL
and college football games with coders noting the ethnicity of both the quarterback and
the announcer while also noting the descriptors used for that quarterback (Billings, 2004).
Overall, the research found that “white quarterbacks had less comments about their
successes based on athletic skill, whereas blacks were more likely to fail if they were not
superior in regard to innate athletic ability” (Billings, 2004, p. 208). Thus, the stereotype
of the black player as a naturally gifted athletic machine is reinforced. Billings (2004),
however, notes that despite this stereotype remaining in football broadcasts, his study
provides evidence that there have been improvements. He claims that “The study found
no other major differences attributable to the ethnicity of the athlete and/or sportscaster”
(Billings, 2004, p. 209). Billings (2004) proposes that this demonstrates the progress
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being made over the past few years in terms of how white and black athletes are
portrayed in the media.
Murrell and Curtis (1994) conducted a study that also looked at black and white
quarterback portrayals. Their research, however, analyzed print media. They examined
articles about three black and three white quarterbacks from five different magazines
during the period of 1990 to 1992 (Murrell & Curtis, 1994). The study investigated the
print media’s descriptors of black and white quarterbacks. Murrell and Curtis found some
of the same stereotypes and racial bias present in magazine coverage of football:
Performance by a black quarterback was described by the print media as
being due to internal, stable, and uncontrollable causes. This is akin to
attributing the cause of performance to factors such as being a natural
athlete or having natural ability. (1994, p. 230)
This finding resonates with many other studies concerning commentary on black
athletes. Performance by white quarterbacks in this study was described as being due to
“internal, unstable, and controllable factors”, which essentially means hard work (Murrell
& Curtis, 1994, p. 224). The common stereotypes found in television broadcasts of
football and other sports seem to be present in other media outlets as well, possibly
making them even more harmful because of their saturation.
The literature about race and sports coverage seems to show a clear trend towards
a racially biased portrayal of athletes. Some studies (Billings & Angelini, 2007; Bruce,
2004; Dufur, 1997; Eastman & Billings, 2001; Rada & Wulfemeyer, 2005; Wonsek,
1992) found evidence of black athletes across various sports being depicted by the media
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as stereotypically athletic, but unintelligent. Other studies (Billings, 2004; Byrd, 2005;
Murrell & Curtis, 1994; Rada, 1996; Rainville & McCormick, 1977) looked more closely
at the sport of football and produced very similar findings. They uncovered a trend of
stereotyping in football broadcasts and coverage. Still, other past research (Billings,
2004) was more optimistic and found that racist commentary in football has improved
recently. Hopefully, the current study can contribute to this body of prior research and
provide further information on the relationship between race and sports broadcasting.
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Methodology
This research study examined televised broadcasts of National Football League
games from the first half of the season. The collection of games used was a convenience
sample recorded at Boston College. The sample was based on games airing on the local
cable system. The sample was made up of 15 hours of coverage spanning five games on
each of the television networks which currently air NFL contests. These networks were
NBC, CBS, FOX, and ESPN. There were two games recorded from CBS, one game from
ESPN, one game from FOX, and one game from NBC. The time slots for the games were
1:00 PM, 4:00 PM and 8:00 PM on Sundays and 8:30 PM on Mondays. It was important
to include all of the networks and time-time slots where NFL games currently air so that
there would be a variety of announcers, teams, and wide-ranging coverage in the data.
Each game was recorded in full and eventually coded according to the system devised.
The games being analyzed were: Jets vs. Raiders on CBS, Seahawks vs. Buccaneers on
NBC, Vikings vs. Saints on ESPN, Cowboys vs. Cardinals on FOX, and Bengals vs. Jets
on CBS.
Football was chosen as the object of study because of its popularity and
prevalence in American culture. Americans claimed the NFL to be their favorite sport to
watch on television with 30 percent designating it as their preferred sport (Harris
Interactive, 2008). It is the most heavily watched professional sport in America with
more than half of the all-time top-rated twenty shows being Super Bowl Broadcasts
(Rada, 1996). According to Rada, “unlike baseball and basketball games, most
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professional football games are televised nationally on one of three major networks and
cable services and so are more able to affect the world view of the American people”
(Rada, 1996, p. 233). Thus, football is an extremely important part of American culture
and its broadcasts may have wide reaching influence. The methods in this study were
designed to see if NFL broadcasts portray a racial bias that could possibly become a part
of this influence.
This study analyzed potential racial bias using secondary research, as well as
primary research. The analysis of prior research was done by searching scholarly
communications journals. These journals included The Howard Journal of
Communications, Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, Journal of
Broadcasting and Electronic Media, and Critical Studies in Mass Communication.
Secondary research was also conducted using sociology journals, such as Journal of
Sport and Social Issues, Sociology of Sport Journal, Sociological Inquiry, and
Sociological Focus. In addition to researching published journal articles, this study used
sociology of sport books and text books, such as Sport in Society by Jay J. Coakley and
Sociology of North American Sport by D. Stanley Eitzen and George H. Sage. This
portion of the study qualitatively analyzed previous findings and conclusions about
sports, race, and the media.
The primary research portion of the study used two methodologies. The first was
based on Bruce’s (2004) study in which the author coded for naming patterns of
basketball players by race. Bruce (2004) noted whether players were called by their first
name, last name, both names, or nicknames and also indicated the race of the player. This
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23
study used similar methods, although they were simplified slightly so that one coder
could record data for each game. A table including the race of the player (black or white)
on one axis and the name used in describing a player (first, last, both , or nickname) on
the other axis was created. Race was recorded based on a visual assessment of the player
being named. Every time a player’s name was used a frequency count was made in the
corresponding box. For example, if Earnest Graham, a black running back for the Tampa
Bay Buccaneers, was described on one play with “Graham runs it up the middle”, it
would be noted in the box representing a black player and last name used. Notes were
also taken to identify any special examples, such as the repeated reference to one player
by his first name or to comment about the ways in which names were typically used. This
data was analyzed quantitatively using frequency counts. The notes on specific examples,
however, were useful in looking qualitatively at naming patterns in NFL broadcasts.
The second portion of this study examined the possible stereotyping and racial
bias found in general commentary during NFL broadcasts. This section was based on the
findings of prior studies (Billings, 2004; Eastman & Billings, 2001; Murrell & Curtis,
1994; Rada, 1996; Rada & Wulfemeyer, 2005; Rainville & McCormick, 1977) which
make the argument that black players receive comments stereotypically praising their
athletic skill and natural ability while white players are more likely to receive comments
praising cognitive and personal attributes such as hard work and intelligence. These
studies all analyzed various aspects of commentary in sports broadcasting and discovered
that the major issue at stake in terms of racial bias is the type of comments that black or
white players receive and the potential implications of these comments for society. This
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study used these prior conclusions to focus the analysis on where bias is thought to
actually exist.
Remarks made by network-employed individuals were again analyzed for this
portion of the study. Network-employed individuals included play-by-play announcers
such as Al Michaels, color commentators such as John Madden or Cris Collinsworth, and
on-field reporters, such as Suzy Kolber. Another table was created for this part of the
study that recorded race (black or white) on one axis and the type of description of the
comment on the other. The type of comment was divided into either positive or negative
physical descriptors and positive or negative cognitive/personal descriptors. In prior
studies, physical and cognitive descriptors have been the area with the most significant
differences in results in terms of comments about black and white players. A frequency
count was recorded in the appropriate box for race each time an announcer made a
remark about a player’s physical attributes or cognitive and personal attributes. These
frequency counts allowed the researcher to see how many times certain descriptors were
used for each race and thus analyze whether a racial bias still exists in NFL broadcast
commentary.
Notes were also taken to document examples of each different descriptor. The
codes to identify types of comments were simple. The first note was whether it was
positive (+) or negative (-), the second was whether the comment referred to a physical
attribute (P) or a cognitive/personal attribute (C), and the final piece was whether the
player was black (B) or white (W). These codes were used in conjunction with notes
describing the various comments in order to create examples of the actual remarks made.
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These were useful in accompanying the quantitative data from frequency counts and
tables. Remarks that were classified as physical comments included, “He’s a gifted
athlete”, “He’s got great foot speed”, or “He really just lacks arm strength”. Examples of
remarks that were classified as cognitive or personal included, “He’s one of the hardest
workers out there”, “He just loves to compete”, or “He worked his way out of the harsh
streets of his hometown”. This primary research was combined with the secondary
research to obtain a complete qualitative and quantitative analysis of racial bias in NFL
broadcasts.
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Findings
The findings of this study showed a trend in terms of the stereotyping of black
players based on announcers’ comments, but did not indicate any major differences in
terms of the naming of black and white players. The frequency counts and percentages
found in this study were relatively consistent with prior research on the topic and also
with studies on other sports. They displayed a tendency for announcers to describe black
players with physical descriptions praising their natural athletic ability, while often
describing white players as having stronger cognitive and personal attributes. Whether or
not this bias was intentional may still be unclear, but the trend definitely exists.
The overall findings that were most striking in this study were in the analysis of
general commentary by network employees during NFL broadcasts. Looking broadly at
the data there were many more positive comments in both the physical and cognitive
descriptor categories than there were negative comments. Positive comments from
announcers made up 82 % of all comments (314 out of 383 comments). Black and white
players were mostly discussed in a positive light for either their physical abilities or the
cognitive abilities and life stories. Racial bias was found in the types of comments that
players tended to receive. Positive physical descriptors were used to describe black
athletes 160 times, while these positive physical descriptors were only used 63 times for
white players. Negative physical descriptions were much closer in frequency for white
and black players, as black players received 17 negative physical comments while white
players received 16. The lower frequency of negative physical comments and the
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similarity between comments about black and white players did not appear to be
perpetuating the stereotype of black players as gifted athletes. One example of the
positive physical comments made about black players during the broadcasts was “He
really has some nifty footwork and can really provide a spark for his team” (NBC Sunday
Night Football, 2008). This comment was made during a game between the Seattle
Seahawks and Tampa Bay Buccaneers. In another example from a game on FOX, a
commentator described DeMarcus Ware (a black player) as “such a great athlete” (NFL
on FOX, 2008). This was not qualified with any explanation and seemed to be an
assumption of natural physical prowess on the part of a black man. Other examples of the
plethora of stereotypical comments about black players’ physical abilities included “the
speed and explosion of Darren McFadden” (NFL on CBS, 2008), “Reggie Bush was too
fast for himself, his electricity really changed this game”(Monday Night Football on
ESPN, 2008), and New York Jets running back Leon Washington described as “that rare
combination of size and speed” (NFL on CBS, 2008). Comments such as these were
typical throughout all of the broadcasts and were most frequently used when describing
black players.
White players received some positive physical comments, but they were not
nearly as numerous as the physical comments about black players. White players
received a total of 63 positive physical comments compared to the 160 for black athletes.
Many of these positive physical comments actually were about New York Jets
quarterback Brett Favre. He was described as “a real Superman, an iron man” and also as
“one tough son of a gun” during the Jets’ game against the Raiders (NFL on CBS, 2008).
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His passes were also frequently described in these positive physical terms as “rifles” to
the end-zone or “bullets” (NFL on CBS, 2008). These implied the immense strength and
accuracy of Favre’s throwing arm. Other white players also received positive physical
comments, such as New Orleans Saints quarterback Drew Brees being described as “a
great deep ball thrower” (Monday Night Football on ESPN, 2008). Most of these
comments, however, were about quarterbacks, such as Favre or Brees. This trend will be
analyzed further in the discussion section.
Negative comments of both a physical and cognitive nature were rare, with only
18% (69 out of a total 383) of all comments being negative; however there were some
examples of negative physical comments for both black and white athletes. There were
only 33 negative physical comments for black and white players combined. An example
of such a comment about a white player was seen in the comments about Arizona
Cardinals quarterback Kurt Warner. One announcer said “apparently the fumbling
problems that have plagued Warner in the past have returned” (NFL on FOX, 2008).
Comments such as these were relatively rare however. An example of a negative physical
comment made about a black athlete was the description of running back Leon
Washington’s running play. The commentator said “he is lucky that his teammates saved
that terrible play for him” (NFL on CBS, 2008). This was an indication of Washington’s
lack of physical skill in making the play. This type of comment was not seen as
frequently as positive comments however, as only 33 physical comments were negative
compared to 223 positive physical comments.
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Cognitive and personal comments showed a different trend from the physical
comments. There were far more positive comments of this sort for white players than for
black players. White athletes received 62 positive cognitive and personal descriptions,
while black players only received 29. Black players received more negative cognitive and
personal statements with 26, while white players only received 10 negative comments.
This trend provides further evidence of a racial bias that stereotypes black players. White
players were far more frequently described in terms of their hard work, leadership, or
intellect than were black players. This seemed to show a lack of recognition of these
qualities in black players and the assumption that black athletes are naturally gifted with
physical strength, speed, and power because of their skin color. The frequency counts of
the cognitive and personal comments indicated a trend of racial bias in NFL commentary,
even if it is not intentional or overt.
Positive comments of the cognitive and personal nature were far more prevalent
for white players than for black players. There were 62 such comments for white players,
with a mere 29 for black athletes. One example of this type of description was a remark
about Oakland Raiders running back Justin Fargas. A CBS announcer exclaimed, “He is
such a great example for the younger Darren McFadden (a black Oakland running back).
Fargas has really earned everything he’s gotten, truly a blue-collar example” (NFL on
CBS, 2008). The white athlete’s hard work was praised in this example and he was even
spoken about as a great role model. Another example of a positive cognitive description
of a white athlete was one of the comments about Dallas Cowboys quarterback Tony
Romo. He was described as “always excelling in these clutch situations” (NFL on FOX,
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2008). The ability to excel when the game is on the line is considered a mental trait and
Romo was celebrated for this ability. Another example of a white quarterback receiving
praise for his positive mentality was Tampa Bay Buccaneers quarterback Jeff Garcia
being described as “loving to compete and being a brutally honest human being” (NBC
Sunday Night Football, 2008). These comments were representative of the overall data,
where white players, especially quarterbacks, were described in primarily positive
cognitive and personal terms.
Black players were described with far fewer positive cognitive comments and
more negative remarks than white players. They had only 29 positive comments,
compared to 62 for white athletes, and also were described negatively 26 times as
opposed to 10 for white players. An example of one rare positive comment for a black
athlete’s mental attributes or lifestyle was Dallas Cowboys wide receiver Terrell Owens
being described as having to work extra hard each week to make an impact on the game
(NFL on FOX, 2008). In this case his work ethic was praised over his athletic ability.
Another example of this type of comment was one CBS announcer describing Leon
Washington as “having a great work ethic and great effort” (NFL on CBS, 2008). Black
players, however, received far more negative comments in this manner. For example, on
ESPN, one of the announcers said, “that decision by the rookie is almost
incomprehensible” as he described a play by a black running back (Monday Night
Football on ESPN, 2008). The announcer in this case subtly attacked the player’s
intellect and decision making. Another example of a negative cognitive/personal
comment was a description of wide receiver Antonio Bryant’s past off-field antics. The
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NBC announcer talked about his temper and an incident when he threw a towel in coach
Bill Parcell’s face (NBC Sunday Night Football, 2008). This was a negative personal
story about a black player.
Based on the frequency counts the network that exhibited the most racial bias in
the types of descriptors used for black and white players seemed to be either FOX or
NBC. FOX had 45 positive physical comments for black players to only 10 for white
players, and also had only 7 cognitive/personal statements for black players to 16 for
whites. NBC had 30 positive physical comments for black players with 16 for white
athletes, and only 4 positive cognitive/personal comments for black players to 16 for
white players. These networks had the most drastic differences in these areas of
commentary. Their positive commentary seemed to show a very clear trend in the
stereotyping of black athletes as natural physical specimens without the cognitive and
leadership aspects that white players possess. It is interesting to note that NBC also had a
primetime spot for football coverage, hosting Sunday Night Football at 8 PM. Every
network and every broadcast showed evidence of racial bias, but these networks showed
especially large differences in the commentary on white and black players.
The portion of this study which looked at naming did not find a racial bias as
significant as the analysis of general commentary found. The overall trend in naming
seemed to be that announcers would use either the last name or both names for players
regardless of whether they were black or white. Black players were called by their last
names 135 times, both names 208 times, a nickname 7 times, and just their first name 18
times. White players were called by their last name 113 times, both names 84 times, a
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nickname 0 times, and just their first name 3 times. Bruce’s (2004) study claimed that
racial bias is found in sports broadcasts when black players are called more by the first
name and white players are called more by their last name. This is because, according to
Bruce (2004), calling someone by their first name is widely considered the least
respectful form of address. The findings of this study did not seem to support Bruce’s
research however. 93% of the names used when identifying black players were either the
last name or both names and 98% of the names used for whites were either last or both
names. Both of these percentages seemed to be high and represented the majority of the
naming that took place in these broadcasts.
Black players were in fact called by their first names more frequently than white
players, 18 to 3, but black players’ names were used much more in general, 368 to 200.
This slight difference in the frequency that announcers called black players by their first
names may be exemplified by one CBS announcer repeatedly saying offensive lineman
D’Brickashaw Ferguson’s first name. He even remarked “I just like saying his name”, as
he continued to call Ferguson by his “exotic” first name (NFL on CBS, 2008). Bruce
(2004) claimed that white announcers named players in this manner frequently, where
they would say a black player’s first name because it sounds different or exotic to them.
Despite a small number of examples, such as this one with D’Brickashaw Ferguson, there
was not a great difference in the way black or white players were called. Black players
were referred to by their first name slightly more frequently; however both races were
mostly named using either their last name or both names. Using either last name or both
names seemed to be the most natural way for the announcers to name the athletes.
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Overall, the frequency counts and qualitative examples of this study showed that
NFL broadcasts may characterize black athletes as the stereotypical naturally gifted
athlete. At the same time the results showed that NFL commentators seemed to be more
likely to describe white players in terms of their intellect, work ethic, or personal life. In
addition to these findings, the data seemed to show that there was no difference in the
way that announcers used black and white players’ names.
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Discussion
The data generated in this study is congruent with prior studies on sports
broadcasting. It indicates a clear racial bias in the way announcers comment on black and
white players. This bias is revealed primarily in the stereotyping of black players as
naturally gifted athletes lacking the intellect or work ethic of their white peers. The
commentary of NFL announcers across all the networks reinforces this stereotype
through the ways in which they describe black athletes vs. the way they describe white
athletes. This racial bias may be very powerful especially because of the prominence and
popularity of football in today’s American society (Rada, 1996). This study provides
further evidence of the continuing racial bias that seems to be entrenched deeply in sports
media, and particularly in National Football League broadcasts.
The most telling part of this study is the apparent discrepancy between the type of
descriptions that black players and white players receive from announcers. First of all,
black players receive more comments in general than do white players (232 for black
athletes to 151 for whites), so the problem is not a matter of lack of attention or praise for
black players. The problem arises in the type of comments made about black players and
the way in which these descriptions reinforce societal stereotypes or limit black players to
certain roles. As is evident in the findings, black athletes received far more positive
comments about their physical abilities (160 for blacks to 63 for whites), while their
positive cognitive or personal attributes were described much less than their white
counterparts (29 for blacks to 62 for whites). NFL broadcasts continue to stereotype black
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players as merely athletes blessed with natural ability and largely without other
redeeming qualities. Eastman and Billings (2001) also found that the sports media
reinforce these societal stereotypes, such as assuming that black people are very fast or
strong. Black athletes are typically portrayed positively as player-as-athlete, while the
rest of his or her characteristics and personality (the player-as-person) are largely ignored
or demeaned (Rada & Wulfemeyer, 2005). According to Wenner (1995), “This is
troubling because the focus on the sports star role limits both blacks and whites in their
thinking. Confronted by media to focus on black men as athletes, we miss out on seeing
the diversity of everyday successes by African American men” (p.228). This kind of bias
and stereotyping is seemingly repeated numerous times on all of the various networks
that air football games.
Prior studies have considered this type of stereotyping to be “covert racism” on
the part of the broadcasters and networks (Billings, 2004; Murrell & Curtis, 1994; Rada,
1996; Rainville & McCormick, 1977). By using the term covert racism, researchers seem
to suggest that the announcers, or even the networks for which they work, are racist in
their intent. By using the word “covert”, the researchers imply that announcers want to
plant stereotypes and racial bias into their broadcast and into the minds of audiences. This
intention may not actually exist for broadcasters or network executives. This study seems
to suggest that the stereotypes that are reinforced and the biases that are conveyed may
not be a conscious act on the part of the individuals or stations involved.
In fact, because the stereotypical portrayals of black athletes as pure, physical
machines is a consistent theme put forward by announcers, it would seem that it is an
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unintentional racial bias. All of the NFL games examined in this study exhibit similar
patterns in the type of comments used in describing black and white athletes. So, barring
some kind of conspiracy amongst television professionals, the racial bias must be
unintended. Because such bias is unintended, however, does not make it acceptable. The
consistency of stereotypical and sometimes potentially degrading portrayals of black
athletes across NFL broadcasts is troubling. If the bias is intentional, it is a personal
choice and can thus be easily fixed by removing this individual from the air. As an
unintended and widespread trend, however, stereotyping during NFL broadcasts, as well
as in the general sports media, may be a systemic problem deeply ingrained in the
industry and society. This is problematic because it is much more difficult to identify.
This study of NFL broadcasts provides one piece of evidence that indicates that the
racism and stereotypes are internalized in America and in its media. Thus, they are
reinforced through the media. The larger issue is how to fix these subtle and widespread
media portrayals of black athletes.
A particular aspect of this study that must be mentioned is the impact that the
position of quarterback may have on game commentary and its results. The quarterback is
the primary leader of the team and is the central position in football. He is involved in
almost every single play in each game. This means that much of the commentary about
players is likely in reference to the quarterback. Quarterback is a position dominated by
white players. Thus, most comments about white players are derived from references to
the quarterback. In this study there were two black quarterbacks compared to seven white
quarterbacks. Much of the positive attention that white players received about their
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cognitive and personal attributes was directed towards quarterbacks because of their
leadership position and central role in the game. Quarterbacks have the most decision
making power on the field and essentially direct the game. As a result, they are probably
likely to receive more comments about their cognitive or personal attributes. The large
difference in the number of black and white quarterbacks may have an affect on the
cognitive/personal descriptor data, particularly by inflating the number of positive
cognitive/personal statements made about white athletes.
Black and white quarterbacks were also treated differently by announcers. This
exemplifies the trend of stereotyping black players. Prior studies (Murrell & Curtis, 1994;
Billings, 2004) specifically analyzed racial bias in commentary on quarterbacks. Both
studies found that black quarterbacks were depicted as being more likely to succeed
because of innate physical ability, while white quarterbacks were successful because of
hard work and intellect (Murrell & Curtis, 1994; Billings, 2004). In this study there also
seemed to be a difference in announcers’ portrayal of black and white quarterbacks. In a
game between the Jets and Raiders on CBS, for instance, the two quarterbacks seemed to
be described very differently. The Jets’ white quarterback Brett Favre was described as a
knowledgeable, experienced player and “the natural leader of the team”, while the
Raiders’ black quarterback, Jamarcus Russell, was described more frequently in terms of
his “cannon of an arm” and also criticized for not having the presence of mind to
correctly read the defense (NFL on CBS, 2008). In another game, the Buccaneers’ white
quarterback, Jeff Garcia, was described as “an emotional leader”, “really understanding
the game”, and “playing as if he had a chip on his shoulder” (NBC Sunday Night
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Football, 2008). Meanwhile, the Seahawks’ black quarterback, Seneca Wallace, barely
received any comments. Comments about the quarterback were consistent with the
overall findings in this study. The frequency with which quarterbacks are described may
have a large impact on the data of this study.
An important question to raise is that of the race of the announcers. In this study
there was only one black announcer, Mike Tirico of ESPN’s Monday Night Football. All
of the others were white. This is interesting because the results show that ESPN was
apparently one of the least biased networks in terms of stereotyping black players. The
network had 30 positive physical comments and 9 positive cognitive/personal comments
for black players. These results indicate that black players were still being portrayed as
naturally gifted physical machines, but the frequency counts for ESPN show less bias
than the other networks. For example, FOX had 45 positive physical comments with only
7 positive cognitive/personal comments for black players. This disparity was much
greater and the stereotype was much more noticeable on FOX than on ESPN. A reason
for this could be that ESPN had the only black commentator and the other games were
announced by an all white crew. It may not mean that the white commentators were
racist, but perhaps since they have likely lived their whole lives within white mainstream
culture they are less aware of the stereotypes which they are unintentionally perpetuating.
Perhaps Tirico is more cautious in the way he chooses to describe black players.
However, this study can only make note of a possible trend, it would require more in
depth research of announcers and race to come to a more definitive conclusion.
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The second part of this study focused on naming patterns in NFL broadcasts. An
earlier study done by Bruce (2004) found a racial hierarchy of naming in sports
broadcasts. White players were more frequently called by their last names, which is
considered most respectful, while black players were called by their first names, which is
considered a less respectful form of address. As mentioned earlier, the results of this
study did not support Bruce’s (2004) findings. Black and white players were almost
always called by only their last name or by both their first and last name. First names
were used only 21 times throughout all 5 games and there did not appear to be a racial
hierarchy of naming. A plausible explanation for the difference in results may be that
Bruce analyzed basketball while this study analyzed football. In basketball, there are only
five players from each team on the court at one time and the camera, press box, and
stands are all much closer to the players. Basketball players also do not wear helmets and
pads as do football players, so they are more exposed to viewing. This makes basketball a
more intimate sport and quite possibly creates an atmosphere where fans and
commentators feel personally close enough to the athletes to call them by their first
names or by nicknames. In football, the players are more distant and may be more likely
to be called by their last name. Using last or both names can provide a better way to
differentiate between players when their pads, uniforms, and helmets make them look
almost exactly the same on the field. This may be a reason why there was no data
indicating a racial hierarchy of naming in this study.
The trend of announcers to stereotype the black athlete as merely a naturally
gifted physical machine may also have implications for members of society who watch
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football, particularly youths. According to Wonsek (1992), young black males see sports
as the only opportunity for success and achievement largely because of this stereotype of
the black superstar who became wealthy and famous. Black players are generally not
depicted as anything other than natural athletes so young men may feel athletics are their
only option. According to Bierman (1990), “Sports media creates mistaken illusions for
impressionable black youths and produces a false sense of potential career success” (p.
413). This means that black youth may not pursue other avenues, like education, as
enthusiastically. However, only one in every 12,000 high school athletes reaches the pros,
so chances of becoming a superstar are much slimmer than they may seem on TV
(Wonsek, 1992). Because this study shows that every network airing NFL games portrays
black players in a stereotypical image, youth may be at an even greater risk for falling
into this trap.
The agenda setting function of the mass media is also relevant in this discussion.
This study suggests that there is racial bias in comments about black athletes during NFL
broadcasts and agenda setting may help to explain the impact that stereotyping may have
on audiences. As mentioned earlier, agenda setting is the idea that the media, including
television, tell people what to think about not necessarily what to think (McCombs &
Shaw, 1972). In this case, the commentary in NFL broadcasts may subtly provide cues as
to how viewers should think about differences between black and white athletes. Such
commentary may also present these differences in a stereotypical and biased fashion,
which may further influence the way in which audiences think about race in football and
athletics. This may be especially influential in NFL broadcasts because they are only
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aired on FOX, CBS, NBC, ESPN, and occasionally The NFL Network. Football
audiences must watch televised games on one of these limited sources. As this study
indicates, the stereotypical commentary common to all of the networks is nearly
unavoidable. It is easy to see how the stereotype of the black athlete as a pure physical
force without personality or intelligence can be allowed to persist in the media as well as
in the collective thought of society.
This study provides support for the thesis that a racial bias exists in National
Football League broadcasts. Black players appeared to be stereotyped according to
traditional preconceptions as natural athletes without other redeeming qualities. In
reflecting on the results and discussion, it is useful to analyze the study from a point of
view that understands the stereotyping as unintentional rather than covert. This viewpoint
does not assume that the announcers or networks are racist, but rather shows that this
problem is still ingrained in the sports television industry.
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Conclusion
The findings of this study indicate that despite recent improvements, a racial bias
remains in NFL commentary. Black players are described primarily in terms of their
physical characteristics, with less emphasis on their cognitive and personal characteristics
than their white peers. This is an issue that is still present in broadcasts today. All
networks airing NFL broadcasts seem to show a similar pattern in their commentary. This
study has also provided evidence that the problem of a racial naming hierarchy is nearly
nonexistent in NFL broadcasts. White and black players are called by the same names.
Obviously, like any research, this study has its limitations. Only five NFL games
were recorded from the first half of one season. It is a relatively small and convenient
sample which is probably not representative of every single NFL broadcast. This small
sample size was chosen because only one researcher was coding games. A larger sample
may have been able to provide more precise data and use a wider range of teams and
games. More games also would have meant a more varied and diverse sample of
announcers for analysis and allowed for a more extensive examination of the role of the
commentator’s race. It also would have been nice to have access to any NFL game that
was aired during the year rather than the convenient sample of just the games on Boston
College local cable. The study could have been more informative with an equal number
of games from each network that showcased games aired in all parts of the country.
However the limitation of having only one researcher hindered the ability to make use of
all these different resources.
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Despite the limitations, this study provided evidence to show the idea that
unintentional racial bias is found in sports broadcasting. It also suggests future studies. It
would be interesting to analyze commentary about coaches and race. Announcers
frequently described, criticized, and praised the head coaches during broadcasts.
Sometimes this type of talk made up a significant portion of the commentary. The NFL
has only a handful of black coaches and it is important to understand if they are also
depicted using harmful stereotypes. Another area of research could be to more thoroughly
analyze the role of the race of the announcers. There was only one black announcer in
this study. The data was not analyzed to see if there was a difference in his commentary
compared to the white announcers’ commentary. A useful study would be to determine if
unintentional bias and stereotypical comments are made with the same frequency by
black announcers as by white announcers. It would also be interesting to further compare
the networks as well as the announcers for NFL broadcasts.
This study suggests that NFL announcers unfairly describe black players as
merely stereotypical and naturally gifted athletes. It also suggests that white players
receive more comments in praise of their intellect or work ethic than do black players.
Hopefully this study will be a springboard for future research that might unveil the racial
bias in sports broadcasting and in turn promote equality in media portrayals of black
athletes.
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Appendix
Table 1: Physical and Cognitive/Personal Descriptors: FOX, Dallas vs. Arizona
Physical Descriptors
Cognitive/Personal Descriptors
Race
Positive
Negative
Positive
Negative
Black Player
45
3
7
6
White Player
10
7
16
5
Table 2: Physical and Cognitive/Personal Descriptors: CBS, New York vs. Oakland
Physical Descriptors
Cognitive/Personal Descriptors
Race
Positive
Negative
Positive
Negative
Black Player
30
3
6
5
White Player
20
1
10
1
Table 3: Physical and Cognitive/Personal Descriptors: NBC, Seattle vs. Tampa Bay
Physical Descriptors
Cognitive/Personal Descriptors
Race
Positive
Negative
Positive
Negative
Black Player
30
7
4
7
White Player
16
4
16
1
Brains versus Brawn
45
Table 4: Physical and Cognitive/Personal Descriptors: ESPN, Minnesota vs. New Orleans
Physical Descriptors
Cognitive/Personal Descriptors
Race
Positive
Negative
Positive
Negative
Black Player
30
4
9
5
White Player
12
3
16
2
Table 5: Physical and Cognitive/Personal Descriptors: CBS, Cincinnati vs. New York
Physical Descriptors
Cognitive/Personal Descriptors
Race
Positive
Negative
Positive
Negative
Black Player
25
0
3
3
White Player
5
1
4
1
Table 6: Total Physical and Cognitive/Personal Descriptors in General Commentary
Physical Descriptors
Cognitive/Personal Descriptors
Race
Positive
Negative
Positive
Negative
Black Player
160
17
29
26
White Player
63
16
62
10
Brains versus Brawn
Table 7: Name Use in Broadcast Commentary by Race: FOX, Dallas vs. Arizona
Name Use
Black Player
White Player
First Name
0
1
Last Name
35
31
Both Names
63
25
Nick Name
3
0
Table 8: Name Use in Broadcast Commentary by Race: CBS, New York vs. Oakland
Name Use
Black Player
White Player
First Name
6
0
Last Name
28
26
Both Names
33
15
Nick Name
1
0
Table 9: Name Use in Broadcast Commentary by Race: NBC, Seattle vs. Tampa Bay
Name Use
Black Player
White Player
First Name
4
1
Last Name
38
18
46
Brains versus Brawn
Both Names
42
13
Nick Name
0
0
47
Table 10: Name Use in Broadcast Commentary by Race: ESPN, Minnesota vs. New
Orleans
Name Use
Black Player
White Player
First Name
7
1
Last Name
18
24
Both Names
49
19
Nick Name
0
0
Table 11: Name Use in Broadcast Commentary by Race: CBS, Cincinnati vs. New York
Name Use
Black Player
White Player
First Name
1
0
Last Name
16
14
Both Names
21
12
Nick Name
3
0
Table 12: Total Name Use in Broadcast Commentary by Race
Name Use
Black Player
White Player
Brains versus Brawn
First Name
18
3
Last Name
135
113
Both Names
208
84
Nick Name
7
0
48
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