Diego Tonus
PROCESSING AUTHORITIES
Contribution to an analysis of decision making
processes and visual representations of authority
Notebook 1
§ July 2012 -­‐ January 2013 INDEX
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Déjà vu…………………………………………………………………………………….......………..p.7
Introduction.............................................................................................…………..……......p.10
Hypothesis of work ......................................................................……....……......………..p.12
Fragments on hammer’s origin …………………………………………..………………..p.16
Sounds recording ……….………………………………………...………….……………..…..p.23
Consideration on sound recording. What am I evoking? …....……….......……..p.26
Transfer power of the gavel ……………………………....………….....……………..……p.31
Appendix …………………………………………………..………………………………………………………p.42 Elementary turning or ‘if you want to turn your gavel’ ………………...........…p.43
Extracts from ‘Elementary Turning, For Use In Manual Training Classes’ by Frank Henry Selden, Rand-­Mcnally & Co. Publishers, 1907 ‘•‹†‡”ƒ–‹‘•ƒˆ–‡”ϐ‹”•–ϐ‹†‹‰•ǥǥǥǥǥǥǥǥǤǤǤǤǥǥǥǥǥǥǥǤǥǥǤǤǥǥǤǤ’Ǥͷͳ
Hammers overview ………………………………………………………………….………....p.53
Interview with Jaap Kloosterman …………………………………………………...……p.57
Interview with Marien van der Heijden ……………………………....…………..……p.63
Henry Polak’s gavel ……….…………………………………………………………......……..p.77
Meeting with Dennis Bos and Adriaan van Veldhuizen ………………..…..….…p.81
References ………………………………………….……………………………………………………………..p.91
Amsterdam, November 25th, 2012 ”‹–‹‰‘–Š‡ϐ‹”•–˜‹•‹––‘
International Institute of Social History
Déjà vu
***
Tuesday, November 22nd, 2011; 11:30 am
[…] it wasn’t even possible to see the walls of the ac-­‐
–—ƒŽ”‘‘Ǥƒ”†„‘ƒ”†„‘š‡•ϐ‹ŽŽ‡†–Š‡•Š‡Ž˜‡•™Š‹…Š
could move mechanically to provide access. Endless ƒ‘›‘—•…ƒ”†„‘ƒ”†„‘š‡•ƒ”‡†™‹–Š‹†‡–‹ϐ‹…ƒ-­‐
tion numbers -­‐ literally forming walls of information in front of us: unknown facts, hidden facts, unrevealed facts. I overheard someone talking about the ‘mystical ex-­‐
perience of violence as product of history’ and how it was clearly present in that room. Silence. ”‡›•Š‹›Ž‹‘Ž‡—ϐŽ‘‘”Ǥ
Soft diffused yellow neon light. —ˆϐŽ‡†•–‡’•ƒŽŽƒ”‘—†—•Ǥ
After a glass showcase containing handwritten notes … the only thing I can remember is a long and silent walk through corridors and rooms. White walls. Neon lights. Warm air. We were trying to look inside the rooms we passed by. It was like a tracking shot of the same scene repeated several times. Small rooms, desks, glasses and books on tables. People were consulting materials in front of their computers. Professors. Researchers. An old man crossed the hall with a metal cart full of paper and books. Silence. The only sound was the squeaking wheel of the hand-­‐
cart. […]
7
[…] We took the elevator several times. We felt disoriented. Š‹”†ϐŽ‘‘”‘–Š‡”‹‰Š–Ǥ
Then another elevator. ‡…‘†ϐŽ‘‘”‘–Š‡Ž‡ˆ–Ǥ
Š‡„—‹Ž†‹‰™ƒ•ƒŽƒ„›”‹–ŠǤƒ…ŠϐŽ‘‘”™ƒ•ƒ†‹ˆˆ‡”-­‐
ent tableau, each room was a different store and each store was a different department. Following the woman, we didn’t realize that all of a sudden the atmosphere changed. We were listening to her voice. We passed through a dark corridor full of empty boxes. Documents with lists of names laid scattered on the ground. In the corner, two wheels of —…‘‹Ž‡†ϐ‹Ž™‡”‡…‘˜‡”‹‰ƒ‘‹–‘”’Žƒ…‡†‘–Š‡
ϐŽ‘‘”Ǥ–ƒ„Ž‡‘–Š‡Ž‡ˆ–ǡƒ‡’–›„Žƒ…‡–ƒŽ…‘ƒ–
hanger on the right. Her voice was a soft background in that moment. She was talking about the history of the building […]
[…] and her voice was still present. Before arriving in the reading room, we passed across several spaces. People were consulting original docu-­‐
ments. One of them was carefully examining an object ™‹–Šƒƒ‰‹ϐ‹‡”ǤŠ‡›™‡”‡ƒŽŽ…‘…‡–”ƒ–‡†‹–Š‡‹”
observations. They knew what they were doing.
Silence. Respectful greetings between us and them. They felt observed. As I can remember we were passing through glass walled corridors. People were looking at us. Rooms and actions were overlapping with the others as we were able to look at them through windows. ƒŽŽ•ǡ™‹†‘™•ǡ†‘‘”•ǡ‹•’‡…–‹‘•‘ˆϐ‹Ž‘–ƒ„Ž‡•ǡ
chairs, scanning of documents next to computers, metal lockers, shelves, microscopes, books, overhead projectors, people whispering …
In the meantime the woman we were following was talking with a man in a suit and tie. They were look-­‐
ing at us. The only thing we barely heard was: ‘Do you 8
think is it possible to show them that room?’ Then they turned their backs to us. […]
[…] The reading room felt like it was hanging in mid-­‐
air.
People were stooped; immersed in their investiga-­‐
tions and consulting materials next to green table lamps … Only a man in the back of the room raised his head to look at us. Then I remember an anteroom and after that a white door. The woman opened that door for us. Behind it was another small room … with a table and two chairs in the middle. Walls of grey metal lockers. ‘—”‘”ϐ‹˜‡„‹‰†‘—„Ž‡†‘‘”Ž‘…‡”•Ǥ‡–”‹‡†–‘‘’‡
‘‡‘ˆ–Š‡„—––Š‡›™‡”‡ƒŽŽ†‡ˆ‡…–‹˜‡ƒ††‹ˆϐ‹…—Ž––‘
open. One of us punched a locker. Then she kicked it. Finally we managed to open it and to look inside. Numerous shelves. Different kinds of objects … but my attention was kept by a group of hammers that was ϐ‹ŽŽ‹‰ŠƒŽˆ‘ˆ–Š‡Ž‘…‡”Ǥ
ƒ˜‡Ž•Ǥ›•–‡”‹‘—•‘„Œ‡…–•Ǥ
A meeting of meetings. They were all different but grouped together. Visibly they were from different years and derivations. Who used them? Were they used in courts or for auctions? Did they belong to es-­‐
tablished institutions or to secret societies? Were they a symbol of revolutionary acts?
The woman didn’t know how to answer my questions. The room was too small for all of us and I had to leave it at a certain point. […]
9
Introduction
Processing authorities is a research that evolves around an anony-­‐
mous and singular group of hammers owned by the International Institute of Social History (IISH) in Amsterdam. These gavels belonged to chairmen and heads of commissions of revolutionary and emancipatory movements mainly related to Dutch Trade Unions -­‐ labour movements, propaganda actions, agricultural organizations, religious groups, anti-­‐alcoholism com-­‐
missions, Esperanto movements, sport associations, feminist movements to name some of them. They were accidentally grouped over the years by the Institute, without full knowledge of their histories and derivations. –Š‡ƒ––‡’––‘•Š‘™–Š‡ˆ‘”–Š‡ϐ‹”•––‹‡–‘–Š‡’—„Ž‹…ƒ•ƒ…‘ŽŽ‡…–‹‘
-­‐ or as a fragment of a collection that doesn’t exist yet as such, but that could be particularly rich because of the variety and the number of the objects involved in it -­‐ I’m researching their micro-­‐ or macro-­‐histories and their shifting symbolic meanings, to shed some light on Western cultural decision-­‐making processes and on the visual representation of authori-­‐
ties.
I’m studying the shape, history and potentiality of these hammers -­‐ dating back from the Nineteenth Century to nowadays -­‐ to turn them into objects of observation and discussion throughout their anthropological, psycho-­‐
analytical, social and political perspectives, re-­‐thinking their meaning and questioning them in relation to nowadays. The following pages are conceived as introduction to a wider re-­‐
•‡ƒ”…Šƒ†‡—’‘ˆ…‘•‹†‡”ƒ–‹‘•ƒ†ϐ‹†‹‰•‘–Š‹•‰”‘—’‘ˆ‘„Œ‡…–•Ǣ
‹’ƒ”–‹…—Žƒ”–Š‹•’ƒ’‡”’”‡•‡–•’”‡Ž‹‹ƒ”›‡••ƒ›•ƒ†ϐ‹”•–ƒ–‡”‹ƒŽ•
collected within the period July-­‐December 2012 and focuses on historical and physical considerations on gavels as objects of power. With the intent of understanding what these hammers and their sounds meant for workers of labour movements and to clarify their role within Trade Unions’ decisional processes, this on going research shall be con-­‐
tainer for non-­‐written hidden information based on testimonies and inter-­‐
˜‹‡™•ǡŠ‡”‡’—„Ž‹•Š‡†ˆ‘”–Š‡ϐ‹”•––‹‡ǡƒ†’”‡•‡–‡†‹ƒ–‡š––Š‘—‰Š––‘
be a draft for a manual of Undercover Strategies for Revolutions.
This documentary text is far from being conclusive or decisive. It presents ƒ‘Ǧϐ‹‹•Š‡†”‡•‡ƒ”…Š™”‹––‡ˆ‘”ƒ”‡ƒ†‡”–Šƒ–‹‰Š–†‹•…‘˜‡”–Š‡•‡
pages inside some folders in an archive as notes for a book that doesn’t ex-­‐
ist yet.
10
The purpose of this text is to saving all histories and oral memories re-­‐
lated to these hammers and disclosing theories and practices related to the gavel ‹‹–•‡Žˆ‘„•‡”˜‡†ƒ•‘„Œ‡…–‘ˆ†‡…‹•‹‘ƒ‹‰ƒ††‡ϐ‹‹–‹‘‘ˆ
authority, with particular interest in nowadays outcome of these aspects. Since there are no existing publications on this subject, the intent of this –‡š–‹•–‘„‡–Š‡ϐ‹”•–”‡•‡ƒ”…Š–Š‘—‰Š–ƒ•…‘–”‹„—–‹‘–‘ƒ”‡ϐŽ‡…–‹‘
around these tools of power in the Western culture. Š‡’ƒ’‡”‹•†‹˜‹†‡†‹–™‘ƒ‹’ƒ”–•ǣ–Š‡ϐ‹”•–’”‡•‡–•…‘•‹†‡”-­‐
ations and essayistic texts and opens with an hypothesis of work introduc-­‐
ing to a possible structure for further developments in the research and a more accurate organization of the inquiry materials; the second part contains appendix notes and information, interviews, documentation of ϐ‹†‹‰•ǡ…‘””‡•’‘†‡…‡•™‹–Š–Š‡–‡”ƒ–‹‘ƒŽ•–‹–—–‡‘ˆ‘…‹ƒŽ‹•-­‐
–‘”›ƒ†ϐ‹”•–”‡’‘”–•ƒ„‘—–Šƒ‡”ǯ•Š‹•–‘”‹‡•Ǥ
Containing considerations about gavels and their effectiveness on an ad-­‐
dressee the chapters are presented as follows: Fragments on hammers’ or-­
igin introduces to a possible contribution for a history of gavel organized around both supposed symbolic properties and functional capacities. Sounds recording and Consideration on sound recordings. What am I evok-­
ing? reconsider the gavel as a musical instrument comparing its sound with Congolian drums and harps used by players to recount stories to an audience evoking spirits of ancestors or using them as voices against the presence of demons or other threatening spirits. Ending with Transfer power in handing over the hammer (temporarily pre-­‐
sented as last chapter) that considers the gavel as a tool -­‐ medium for the handler’s message -­‐ through which a law or a word is inscribed on bodies of listeners in order to make them legible texts and political bodies. The appendix materials imply some of few correspondences with IISH of •–‡”†ƒƒ„‘—–ϐ‹”•–‘˜‡”˜‹‡™•‘ˆ‰ƒ˜‡Ž•‹–Š‡‹”ƒ”…Š‹˜‡ǡ‘„Œ‡…–•ǯ’‹…-­‐
tures and notes presented as technical sheets, as well as transcriptions of interviews and meetings I had with researchers and IISH’s responsible during the course of 2012. Turning into a collector and a researcher I’m gathering information related to hammers left from workers’ meetings and strikes letting them become an ideal platform of meaning by transforming their history into an active element. This process is redrawing many workers’ memories, mainly to don’t lose them and to reactivate them in front of a contempo-­‐
rary audience. Indeed this method creates the situation for those objects to regain an inedited history confronting their past with the present. 11
Hypothesis of work ‹–Š‘—––Š‡‹–‡–‹‘‘ˆ…Ž‘•‹‰–Š‡”‡•‡ƒ”…Š‹ƒ†‡ϐ‹‡†‡–Š‘†
or a precise form of outcome having experienced the process of investiga-­‐
–‹‘ƒ†–Š‡ϐ‹†‹‰‘ˆ…Ž—‡•ǦƒŽ•‘”‡Žƒ–‡†–‘…‹”…—•–ƒ…‡•ƒ†…Šƒ…‡•‘ˆ
‡‡–‹‰•ƒ†–‡•–‹‘‹‡•Ǧ‹–ǯ•’‘••‹„Ž‡–‘†‡ϐ‹‹–‡–Š”‡‡ƒ•’‡…–•‘ˆƒ‹
interest, as lenses through which look at IISH’s hammers. My aim would be to elaborate an ‘anthropology of hammers’ related both to their sym-­
bolic meaning and function within ceremonies (such as courts’ meeting) that happen to be in a frame of shared and recognized gestures and rites, as well as to hammers as useful tools, implying singular and precise ways of approach by handling and using it in a functional way. •ϐ‹”•–ƒ•’‡…–…‘—Ž†„‡‡˜ƒŽ—ƒ–‡†–Š‡–Š‡‘”›–Šƒ–ǯ•„‡Š‹†ƒ–‘‘Žƒ••—…Š
‹–Š‡”‡Žƒ–‹‘•Š‹’„‡–™‡‡ϐ‹…–‹‘ƒ†”‡ƒŽ‹–›‘ˆ‹–•—•‡ƒ†™‹–Š‹‹–•
power of affection and shaping thought of an addressee. Indeed the ham-­‐
‡”‹’Ž‹‡•‹‹–•‡Žˆ–™‘ƒ•’‡…–•ǤŠ‡ˆ‘”‡”‹•ϐ‹…–‹‘ƒŽǣ–Š‡ƒ„•—”†ǡ—•‡-­‐
Ž‡••‰‡•–—”‡‘ˆ•Žƒ‹‰ƒŠƒ‡”‘ƒ–ƒ„Ž‡–‘‡‡’‘”†‡”ƒ††‡ϐ‹‡ƒ
point or a judgment, that has to be believed and accepted by an addressee as a mandatory decision, especially after its sound and the words of a Chairman that has the authority to use it and to pronounce determined verdicts. The latter aspect, on the other hand, is a physical act; in reality, it corresponds to a functional gesture and a real action in which the ham-­‐
‡”‹•ƒ—•‡ˆ—Ž–‘‘Žǡ™‹–Š•’‡…‹ϐ‹……Šƒ”ƒ…–‡”‹•–‹…•ƒ†…Šƒ”‰‡•ǤŠƒ–†‘‡•
a hammer do at the end? It beats, it clearly ‘is’ and at the same time ‘sym-­‐
bolizes’ a beat between two parts, one on each other; a collision of objects as well as individuals or subjects within a confrontation. As I’m dealing with symbolic hammers, the second aspect to develop is the physical and esthetical description of each of the items belonging to this group of gavels, looking into their symbols, shapes, inscriptions, par-­‐
ticulars and visual characteristics, comparing them with the visual repre-­‐
sentations of the groups or organizations they belonged to, observing the realm of visual testimony related to their functions and strategies of active participation in society they used in contexts and forms such as strikes for example. Thus I shall look at how ways of representations could be-­‐
come contents in themselves, to activate the point of view of an audience. Physical and esthetical analysis will be conducted with notes, sketches, drawings, recording of sounds of the hammers, photographs capturing -­‐ in their impossibility -­‐ visible testimonies of the past, present on their sur-­‐
12
faces within scratches, wear or missing parts, as they are archives of signs and traces of resistances. This iconographic study will be followed by the third aspect, dig-­‐
ging into micro-­‐ and macro-­‐histories related to these objects. This will be researched within testimonies and meetings with people who actu-­‐
ally used the hammers, with specialists and with witnesses of a certain episode or aspect that could reveal part of the nature of a particular gavel. Tracing hammers’ histories also means tracing each of them back to the organization, association, Institution or self organized group they belonged to -­‐ as soon as I can reach them, if they still exist. Most of the information or testimonies I can collect are not written; what happened is presented in oral forms of transmission, in the nature of groups such as Trade Union movements, revolutionary movements and emancipatory movements. These hammers are symbols of the counterpart to forms of oppressions in society. They visualize clearly an active power, which al-­‐
™ƒ›•†‡ϐ‹‡•‹–•‡Žˆ‹”‡ƒ…–‹‘–‘ƒ•‹–—ƒ–‹‘ǤŠ‡”‡ƒ”‡ǯ–ƒ›”‡…‘”†‹‰•
‘ˆˆƒ…–•‘”ˆ‘”ƒŽ†‘…—‡–•‹™Š‹…Š‹•’‘••‹„Ž‡–‘ϐ‹†–”ƒ•…”‹’–‹‘•‘ˆ
most of the actions, events or speeches because originally these groups never used to compile forms or protocols of meetings. No one was taking any protocol even if in time there was a sort of disciplining of the move-­‐
‡–•„›–Š‡•‡Ž˜‡•ǡ™Š‹…Šƒ†‡–Š‡‘”‡‡ˆϐ‹…‹‡–ƒ†‘”‡‡ˆˆ‡…–‹˜‡
in what they wanted to achieve.
But isn’t the idea of writing on these hammers and their histories a para-­‐
dox in itself?
Writing on them means to produce a written core of thoughts and tes-­‐
–‹‘‹‡•–Šƒ–™‡”‡‘–‡ƒ––‘„‡’”‘†—…‡†ƒ–ϐ‹”•–‹•–ƒ…‡Ǥƒ™ƒ›ǡ
writing something about their histories or actions means to let them been form of authorities, which is completely against their nature and their purposes. But from this aspect could emerge a inner contrast or characteristic of these groups: even if -­‐ as opposition -­‐ they implied either struggle or more disciplined way of approaching situations in their ac-­‐
tions, they always took distance from an ‘other’ power and from its way of representing an authority in relation to a group of people within society. At the same time they were using a similar kind of organization and distri-­‐
bution of powers within the ‘group’, for example, with someone that used the hammer as a chairman in a session and someone else that was part of an audience. Even in the visual presentation these meetings were recog-­‐
nizably based on the same organization of ceremonies of decision-­‐making and distributions of roles as in courts, for example. 13
This is particularly important to observe because it underlines how they operated and used an already existing system of representation of ƒ—–Š‘”‹–‹‡•ǡƒ‡•–ƒ„Ž‹•Š‡††‡ϐ‹‹–‹‘‘ˆ’‘™‡”ǡ–‘•Š‘™–Šƒ––Š‡”‡™‡”‡
procedures within movements and practically to be able to achieve what –Š‡›™ƒ–‡†Ǥˆ…‘—”•‡–Š‡‹”ƒ‹ǡ–Š‡‹”…‘•–‹–—–‹‘•ƒ†ϐ‹ƒŽ‹–‹‡•™‡”‡
remarkably singular and different from other kind of organizations. –ǯ•ƒ‹†‘ˆǮ…ƒ‘—ϐŽƒ‰‡ǯ’”‘…‡••Ǧ…‘–‹—‘—•Ž›•–”‡–…Š‹‰–Š‡„‘—†ƒ”-­‐
ies of systems of powers -­‐ in which they assumed already existing meth-­‐
ods or models to move inside a complicate range of settled rules, in order to activate a voice within society, thereby legitimizing changes in favour of citizens and workers. Their important action was to represent the institu-­
tion of the voice of workers and citizens throughout their representatives. In terms of the ‘visual domain’ of labour movements, this gives a clue about the modern notion of representation, linking what is represented to the perceiving subject in an act of opposition, even of confrontation: †‡ϐ‹‹‰‹†‹˜‹†—ƒŽ‹–›ƒ•–Š‡’”‘…‡••„›™Š‹…Š‘‡’Žƒ…‡•‘‡•‡Žˆ‹”‡-­‐
lationship to something other, as a form of taking up position. The cor-­‐
responding concept of perception is based on the capacity of images to establish and validate a space in which the mise-­en scène of a subject can take place. This is also visible in moments such as strikes, used as disci-­‐
’Ž‹‡†‡–Š‘†•†‡ϐ‹‡†ƒ•ƒ…‘…”‡–‡ǡ‹–‹ƒ–‡ƒ†ƒ––Š‡•ƒ‡–‹‡…‘Ž-­‐
lective strength to transform and shape society. Strikes are not conceived as ‘violent’ actions or an abuse of power but as a responsible and disci-­‐
plined form extended to hundred of workers conscious of their power and without the necessity of manifesting with violence or picketing. These •–”ƒ–‡‰‹‡•ƒŽ•‘‹ϐŽ—‡…‡†ˆ‘”•‘ˆ–”ƒ•‹••‹‘‘ˆ–Š‡Šƒ‡”•ǯȋƒ†
their wielders’) stories; therefore the form of the work will be shaped in reaction to characteristics of these objects and following the facts I will discover within the process.
It’s a leap in the unknown; from the onset I can tell there will be no ‘truth’ or ending point but only the moment ‘in between’, in which I will be in the research and both me and the reader will see myself in the moment of observation, mainly to let these thoughts become tools for the reader, ready to use as a hammer in itself. The unsolved would remain unsolved, Ž‹‡‹ƒƒϐ‹ƒ’”‘…‡••‹™Š‹…Š–Š‡’‡”•‘‘–”‹ƒŽ†‘‡•ǯ–‘™–Š‡
motivation of the judgment and the more he searches for it, the more he †‘‡•ǯ–ϐ‹†‡˜‹†‡…‡•Ǥ
A collection of thoughts, recordings, interviews, notes, texts, sketch-­‐
es and materials are going to constitute the chapters of a book in the form 14
of an anthropological research in fragments, as pages of a diary. Reports of ϐ‹†‹‰•™‹ŽŽ…‘ŽŽ‡…–‹˜‡Ž›ˆ‘”ƒǮƒ–Š”‘’‘Ž‘‰›‘ˆ–Š‡Šƒ‡”ǯǡ†‡–ƒ‹Ž‹‰
how this object could deal with the use of language of creation or how it could be used as a tool for destruction within speech. The cultural act of creating a collection will allow me to reveal hidden aspects of the forms of knowledge related to these hammers, at the same time occasioning a dis-­‐
cussion of their strongly paradoxical character of disciplining in the anti-­‐
discipline, of resistance as a form of opposition. 15
***
‹…‡›ϐ‹”•–‡…‘—–‡”™‹–Š–Š‹•’‡…—Ž‹ƒ”‰”‘—’‘ˆŠƒ‡”•–Šƒ–
happened to be by chance in 2011, visiting the Archives of the Internatio-­‐
nal Institute of Social History in Amsterdam, I have had to question why I was so drawn to that collection? What was so interesting about it and what was the power that they had on me? I got in touch with different –‡š–•–Šƒ–‹…”‡ƒ•‡†›…—”‹‘•‹–›„—–‡˜‡”ˆ‘—†ƒ›–Š‹‰–Šƒ–•’‡…‹ϐ‹…ƒŽ-­‐
ly answered my questions or would consider what it meant for these ham-­‐
mers to be assorted in one single collection. At this point, I hadn’t touched them; I hadn’t had the chance to hammer them and to hear their ‘voices’. In this silent moment, a vast series of questions arose. Were they part of a unique collection? First of all, were they a collection? Why did that woman in the Institute of Social History not know anything about these objects? Where did they come from? How were they used, for judgments or consents? Where they used by a consituative authority, and if yes, which one? What was the history of these hammers and what kind of micro/macro-­‐histories were they hiding? Was it the act of looking at them that made me aware of their power or do I need also to listen to their sounds? I wondered whether they designed to make a particular sound? As they are inevitably tool for the executive power used by the Chairmen, Judges and Lawmakers of the past, what is their power now? Can these hammers still have a power now and what would it mean to re-­‐
animate them today?
During the summer of 2012 I carried out more general research on the topic of hammers to understand more about these tools before focus-­‐
•‹‰‘”‡•’‡…‹ϐ‹…ƒŽŽ›‘–Š‡…‘ŽŽ‡…–‹‘Š‡Ž†„›–Š‡•–‹–—–‡Ǥˆ‘…—•‡†›
interest on courts Chairmen’s hammers, the so-­‐called gavel. I understood from my readings that hammers were both as tools of pure value of use or ‘working tool’ but what I was also interested in was their status as symbo-­‐
lic objects touching on abstract ideas of strength and power.
Comparing different sources and texts I’ve discovered that the gavel do-­‐
esn’t has a clear origin. Some would say that it has its origins in America, –Š‹••’‡…‹ϐ‹…–‡”™ƒ•‘–—•‡†‹‰Žƒ†„‡ˆ‘”‡–Š‡‹–Š‡‡–Š…‡–—”›Ǥ
Robert A. Doyle -­‐ in his article Auction Hammers and Gavels in National Auction List (2006) -­‐ has related the gavel to an English tradition, saying that it is very likely that the name ‘gavel’ was applied to the hammer that had to settle rent disputes. There is evidence that there were many unruly 16
rent disputes in the English Court system in the eighteenth century and so the rise of the ‘gavel’ in popular parlance increased. This blurred range of information inspired me to go on searching for pos-­‐
sible uses and derivations of these objects -­‐ always paying attention to aspects related to decision-­‐making and how they are perceived from the viewer or the listener.
Searching for a history of gavels I’ve noticed that there’s very little written on this subject -­‐ either related to courts’ hammers or auctioneers’ hammers. Also the historical derivation of the word ‘gavel’ is unkown. Apparently in Middle English this word was used to describe a rent or a tribute paid to a superior or landlord. Also spelled ‘gabel’, this word was used by non-­‐native Americans in terms like gavel-­‐corn, gavel-­‐malt, etc. when it was related to a payment in kind as an alternative to money. From this root we can trace the development of other words such as ‘gavelet’ -­‐ a legal warrant used to recover rent -­‐ and ‘gavelman’ -­‐ a tenant liable for rent. There are many other similar terms all related to the rental scena-­‐
rio but we can be sure that this term is used also in reference to objects otherwise called hammers, mallets, mallots, setting mauls, etc. According to the Oxford Dictionary (1901) there are seven meanings for the word gavel. The most important to us is the following meaning: Gavel ȋ‰ƒ‡Ǥ˜‡ŽȌǤDzƒ•‘ǯ••‡––‹‰ƒ—Ždz‘”Dzƒ’”‡•‹†‹‰‘ˆϐ‹…‡”ǯ•Šƒ‡”dzǤ
Other derivations of the term ‘gavel’ could be related to alterations of the word ‘cavel’ that was a stone mason’s hammer or to ‘gabel’ -­‐ coming from the German word ‘gipfel’ which means summit, top or peak. It also refers to the construction term for a wall that encloses the end of a pitched roof in a building. This construction term allowed me to think about the gavel as a tool used for all the tasks during the stages of the construction of a building; from the setting of the rough stones for the foundation to the carving of the decorations on the superstructure. The gavel is the simplest and most verstile of the working tools beacuse it’s used to break, cut, sha-­‐
pe, drive, set stones and usually it works with a chisel that could not carve without it. Without the gavel, the chisel is not able to direct itself; the chi-­‐
sel is the medium through which the blow of the gavel is directed to a par-­‐
–‹…—Žƒ”’‘‹–Ǥ–Š‹••‡•‡–Š‡‰ƒ˜‡ŽǦ‹…‘•–”—…–‹‘ϐ‹‡Ž†‹•…‘””‡…––‘—•‡
the term ‘maul’ -­‐ is an instrument used by masons to break off the corners ‘ˆ”‘—‰Š•–‘‡•ǡ‹‘”†‡”–‘ϐ‹––Š‡ˆ‘”–Š‡”‡“—‹”‡†—•‡Ǥ Taking a quick step forward in time, regarding the use of the wor-­‐
kers’ hammer as a revolutionary symbol in western culture brought me to the Fifth Soviet Congress of Russia in July 1918 -­‐ where the Constitution 17
for the New Socialist Republic was agreed upon. This is the birthplace of the iconic symbol of a hammer and a sickle crossed together on red background, surrounded by rays and a wreath made of ears of corn, in-­‐
cluding proclomations of ‘Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic’ and ‘Workers of the world, unite!’. The hammer -­‐ also used with a spade, ‹”‡˜‘Ž—–‹‘ƒ”›‹†‡‘Ž‘‰›‘ϐŽƒ‰•ǡ„ƒ‡”•ƒ†‹ƒ‰‡•Ǧ™ƒ•…Š‘•‡„›
a comission supervised by Lenin and Lunaçarski as representive of the working tool of the farmers and workers of the new Republic. It was a ma-­‐
sculine entity associated with the power of the worker and symbolising industry, machinery, energy and future. Additionally, the sickle related to the feminine, symbolising agricultural traditions, personal experience and fertility. These associations were important to establish the equality between men and women within society and the importance of both for the various parts of the revolution. As depicted in the XVII century in the ‘Forge of Hephaestus’ by ƒ‡–ƒ‘
ƒ†‘Žϐ‹ƒ†‡˜‡„‡ˆ‘”‡ƒ••›„‘Ž‘ˆ–Š‡–”—•…ƒ†‡‘Šƒ-­‐
”——•‡†„›‘ƒŠ–‘‹†—…‡ƒ”‡Ž—…–ƒ–ϐ‹•Š–‘‡–‡”Š‹•ƒ”•–”‹‹‰‹–‘
–Š‡Š‡ƒ†‹ˆ”—•–”ƒ–‹‘ƒ–‹–•ƒ––‹–—†‡ȋ–Šƒ–ϐ‹•Š…ƒ‡–‘„‡‘™ƒ•–Š‡
ϐŽƒ–Š‡ƒ†ȌǦ–Š‡Šƒ‡”‹•–Š‡‘Ž†‡•–™‘”‹‰–‘‘Ž—•‡†„›ƒǤ–‹•‹ŽŽ—-­‐
strated in stories of Scandinavian mythology where Thor, the principal god, was given a special hammer or mallet which always struck its targets with great force and then returned to the thrower without any injury to himself. Symbolically, as the hammer of Thor destroyed his enemies so it should continue to be used to destroy the enemies of that which is good and true.
[…] In Northen mythology, Thor was always represented with a mallet, called Mijolnir. Its origins are is as follows: Loki, one of the Norse deities, made a wager with a dwarf that he could not forge certain things which would compare with the mechanical skill of other dwarfts. Certain conditions were agreed upon, and the dwarf began to labor indu-­‐
•–”‹‘—•Ž›ƒ–Š‹•ˆ‘”‰‡Ǥ•—‹–ƒ„Ž‡–‹‡Šƒ˜‹‰‡Žƒ’•‡†ǡŠ‡–‘‘ˆ”‘–Š‡ϐ‹”‡ǡƒ‘‰
other articles, a hammer, called Mijolnir. The things forged were produced before before the three principal gods of Asgard -­‐ Odin, Thor and Frey -­‐ who were selected as arbiters of their relative value. After careful tests, it was unanimously decided that the hammer was superior to all. This implement possessed the virtue of stri-­‐
king with unerring certainty any objects at which it was thrown, and however se-­‐
vere a blow was struck, no injury ensued to the person wielding the hammer. The Scandinavian divinities at this time were waging a bitter warfare against rebellious frost giants, and hailed the acquisition of Mijolnir, as a powerful weapon of defense, with unaffected delight. To Thor was given the mallet, a gift of especial applicabi-­‐
18
lity, as he was, according to the prose Edda, the strongest of Norse gods; and when belted with the gridle of prowess -­‐ meginjardir -­‐ with hammer in hand, he was ir-­‐
resistible. Scaldic songs recite numerous adventures in which Thor manifested Mi-­‐
Œ‘Ž‹”ǯ•†‹˜‹‡ƒ––”‹„—–‡•Ǥ‘‡‘……ƒ•‹‘ǡ„›ƒ„Ž‘™‘ˆ–Š‹•ƒŽŽǦ’‘™‡”ϐŽ‹’Ž‡‡–ǡ
he shattered into fragments a rocky mountain; and in a train of strength, nearly lossed the Medgard serpent, which, in Northen or Teutonic mythology, was deline-­‐
ƒ–‡†ƒ•‡…‹”…Ž‹‰–Š‡‡ƒ”–Šƒ†’”‡•‡”˜‹‰‹–‹–ƒ…–Ǥ‡†‰ƒ”†™ƒ•ϐ‹ƒŽŽ›•Žƒ‹„›
this terrible weapon. In the recovery of his mallet, which lay eight miles beneath Jotunheim’s congealed rocks, Thor slew, with a single blow of redoubted Mijolnir, the giant Thrym and his followers. In the struggle with Hrungir, the mallet’s highest •›„‘Ž‘ˆ’‘™‡”‹••‡–ˆ‘”–ŠǤŠ‡–Š‡•‡‰‹‰ƒ–‹…”‹˜ƒŽ•ƒ’’”‘ƒ…Š‡†ǡŠ‘”ϐŽƒ•Š‡†
in divine force, represented by the hammer. Hrungir hurled his club at the Asgard god, but the irresistible power of Mijolnir fell with crushing weight upon his anta-­‐
gonist and killed him. Thor’s mallet was the resistless thunderbolt, emblematically represented by this implement; hence the derivation of thunder, from Thor, Tho-­‐
nar, Donnar. Whenever the god of thunder was not possessed of his terrible wea-­‐
pon, he was not well mathed with his opponents. It was the marvellous property of Miolner, after having been launched upon a voyage of destruction, that it invariably returned to its owner. According to the traditions of Scandinavan mythology, when this deity once lost that emblem of power, his anxiety to regain it was extreme. […]1 In Masonic symbolism, again relating to working with stone for construc-­‐
tion, the gavel is used to smooth edges of stones for the creation of the foundation of the spiritual temple of soul. Therefore, these characteristics of the gavel are strictly related to the force of conscience. For all Masons in the lodge to which the common gavel was shown when they were Entered Apprentices, the hammer enables the individual to remove the vices and •—’‡”ˆ—Ž‹–‹‡•‘ˆŽ‹ˆ‡™‹…Š”‡†‡”Š‹—ϐ‹–ˆ‘”ƒ’Žƒ…‡‹–Š‡•’‹”‹–—ƒŽ–‡-­‐
ple of soul. As opposed to the pen that records, the gavel strikes. The blow †‡ϐ‹‹‰ƒ†‡ϐ‹‹–‹˜‡’‘‹–ƒ…–‹‰ƒ•ƒ˜‹•—ƒŽ‹•ƒ–‹‘‘ˆ‡š‡…—–‹˜‡’‘™‡”Ǥ
‘’ƒ”‡†–‘–Š‡–Š”‡‡†‡’ƒ”–‡–•‘ˆƒ‰‘˜‡”‡–™‡ϐ‹†–Šƒ–‘Ž›–Š‡
gavel is the executive instrument; the instrument that acts. The other tools symbolising the legislative and judicial functions prescribe methods or lay down principles, but do not act. After the strike of the gavel, the decision is taken and the audience are no longer able to intervene. The strike of the Šƒ‡”™ƒ•—•‡†–‘•Š‘™ϐ‹ƒŽ‹–›‡˜‡‹‡†‹‡˜ƒŽ‹•–‹–—–‹‘••—…Šƒ•‹
the Elizabethan Guild of Exeter where the governor would strike a speci-­‐
ϐ‹…ƒŽŽ›ƒ†‡Šƒ‡”ƒ‰ƒ‹•–ƒ™‘‘†‡„ƒ•‡†‡ƒ†‹‰‘”†‡”ǤŠ‘‡˜‡”
–ƒŽ‡†ƒˆ–‡”–Š‡•‡…‘†„Ž‘™™ƒ•ϐ‹‡†–™‘’‡…‡™‹–Š‘—––”‹ƒŽǤ
1
Joseph F. Ford, Early History and Antiquities of Freemasonry in Charles Clyde
Hunt, Masonic Symbolism, Laurence Press Co., Iowa, 1939
19
In the Masonic lodge the written texts are delivered by the Master and is symbolically projected onto the audience that emobodies the text on itself ƒ•Žƒ™ǤŠ‹•‹•ƒŽ•‘–Š‡’”‘…‡••–Šƒ–†‡ϐ‹‡–Š‡”‡Žƒ–‹‘•Š‹’„‡–™‡‡ƒ›
President of comissions or Chairman and audiences in courts. Analising the use of the gavel in Freemasonry which is a secret or esoteric society that had obscure origins in the late 16th to early 17th century in Scotland but is still present and active nowadays in Western society, it’s possible to notice that it has both practical and symbolic uses. Sometimes called Hiram in honour of Hiram Abiff, an architect who had charged of the construction of King Solomon’s Temple at Jersualem gover-­‐
ning Crafts and preserving order among brethren -­‐ the gavel in Masonic lodges stands alone as a symbol of authority without a master needing to use it. The device is struck upon the table by the Chairman to open and close meetings, conclude sessions, call for questions, set the rules and will of members, announce the results of votes and otherwise punctuate actions of the group. Originally it was not used to try to stop noise and keep order within a meeting because it was perceived as a mistake of the ’”‡•‹†‹‰‘ˆϐ‹…‡”ǤŠ‡Šƒ‡”•–ƒ†•—’”‹‰Š–•‘–Šƒ––Š‡Šƒ†Ž‡‹••‡–
‘ƒ”‘—†„ƒ•‡†™Š‹…Š‹•ϐŽƒ––‡‘–Š‡„‘––‘ǤŠ‡‹–‹•—’”‹‰Š–ǡ–Š‡
lodge is in session, when it lays in its cradle the lodge is in recess. In fre-­‐
emasonry, the aim of unity and harmony is realised symbolically through the gavel. Used repeatedly, the gavel represents the collective will power through which it is possible to govern actions and free oneself from cor-­‐
”—’–‹‰‹ϐŽ—‡…‡•Ǥ”‘‹–•˜‹”‹Ž‹–›ƒ†…”‡ƒ–‹˜‡‡‡”‰›ǡ‹–•‹‰‹ϐ‹‡•–Šƒ–ƒ…–
of creation is directed by intelligence. However, in Freemasonry, neither the gavel nor the collective will power represented by it, are of any worth unless they are put into action. Perhaps no lodge appliance or symbol in possessed of such deep and absorbing interest to the craft as the Master’s mallet or gavel. Nothing in the entire range of Masonic paraphernalia and formulary can boast of an antiquity so unequivocally remote. At the installation of a Master, he is informed, upon being tendered this implement, that it constitutes the essential element of his authority over the as-­‐
sembled brethen, without which his efforts to preserve order and subordination must be ineffectual. He is further instructed that the gavel is an emblem of power, ƒ†–Š‡‰‘˜‡”‹‰‹•–”—‡–‘ˆŠ‹•‘ˆϐ‹…‡Ǥ–‹•ƒŽ•‘ˆƒ‹”Ž›‹–‡”’”‡–‡†–‘„‡–Š‡
symbol that inducts or establishes him into possession of a lodge of Masons. As an emblem of extraordinary power, the mallet has preserved its typical character during successive ages, and as such has come down to our day. So early as the year 1462, it was clearly recognised to be a Masonic symbol, whose use regulated ƒ††‡ϐ‹‡†–‡””‹–‘”›•—””‘—†‹‰ƒŽ‘†‰‡ǤŠ‡‘”†‹ƒ…‡‘ˆ–Šƒ–†ƒ–‡‡š’”‡••Ž›
20
declared that lewd women should remain as far from the sacred enclosure as a hammer could be hurled. This implement was a religious symbol in the Middle Ages, and made use of to establish proprietary rights over land and water. It was accomplished by throwing the mallet at full swing, and all ground traversed was acnkowleged as immediately reduced to the person’s possession casting the same. –Š‡ϐ‹ˆ–Š‡‡–Š…‡–—”›ǡ–Š‡”‡ˆ‘”‡ǡ–Š‹•…—•–‘™ƒ•’”ƒ…–‹…‡†„›–Š‡ƒ•‘‹…ˆ”ƒ-­‐
ternity, and symbolised proprietorschip. In modern Freemasonry, it still survives as an emblematic pledge of a Master’s ownership over his lodge. It is true, the gavel now is no longer hurled in order o limit the outlying territory contiguous to the hallowed precinets, but the use of that implement perpetuates the medieval idea of possession. The hammer was, in very early ages, used as signal by which Gothic courts were convened. In districts where judges ordered tribunals to as-­‐
semble, a mallet was carried around among the inhabitants, who, upon seeing this emblem of juducual authority, instantly collected at the designated place. The gavel in the hand of the Mater of Masonic lodge directly alludes to this ancient usage, and when it sounds the decision of a question submitted, that blow is me-­‐
rely the re-­‐echo of a power current many centuries ago, in the administration of justice. The judges of our modern courts of law wield the gavel with a no less em-­‐
blematic power than a Master of Masons. […]2 It’s important to set distinctions between the different uses of mauls and gavels -­‐ and also different types of auctioneer’s or court’s hammers parti-­‐
cularly because of the different effects and possibilities of their use. Indeed, the ceremonial use of mauls also contains a negative sense of this implement as the weapon with which the Master was traditionally slain. It was an emblem of violent death and assassination. In the Bible, Proverbs ǡͳͺ‹–‹•’‘••‹„Ž‡–‘ϐ‹†–Š‹•…—”‹‘—•ϐ‹‰—”‡‘ˆ•’‡‡…ŠǣDzƒ–Šƒ–
beareth false witness against his neighbour is a maul, and a sword, and a sharp arrow.” Even during the year 732 the hammer was used as a weapon by Charles Martel and his soldiers to violently hit Muslim troops during bloody bat-­‐
tles in France in which he created a reign of terror and fear in the so called period of the ‘Slacker kings’. His symbolically ill matched used of the ham-­‐
‡”‡ƒ––Šƒ–Š‡”‡‹‰‡†‹ŽŽ‡‰ƒŽŽ›ǡ…‘•–ƒ–Ž›ϐ‹‰Š–‹‰ƒ‰ƒ‹•–—’”‹•‹‰•
until his untimely death. •‹ˆ–Š‹•™‡”‡ˆ”‹‰Š–‡‹‰‡‘—‰Šǡ–Š‡•‡•–‘”‹‡•ϐ‹ƒŽŽ›Ž‡ƒ†‡–‘
the American Senate. •‹†‡ˆ”‘”‡‡ƒ•‘”›ǡ‘–Š‡”‹’‘”–ƒ–ϐ‹‰—”‡•™‡”‡Ž‹‡†™‹–Š†‹ˆ-­‐
ferent secret societies such as Charles Baudelaire, Marchel Duchamp, 2
Joseph F. Ford, Early History and Antiquities of Freemasonry in Charles Clyde
Hunt, Masonic Symbolism, Laurence Press Co., Iowa, 1939
21
Giorgio De Chirico amongst others. Interestingly, George Washington was a member of the Masons since 1752. In Freemasonry and other secret me-­‐
etings, ceremonies and rites of the hammer entered the Senate for which it again represented the force of conscience. As documented by Silvio Bedini in his text The Mace and the Gavel: Symbols of Government in Ame-­
rica (1997) the Senate’s new gavel replaced the original ivory gavel that is one of the most precious articles in the Senate’s collection. According to –”ƒ†‹–‹‘ǡ‹…‡”‡•‹†‡–‘Š†ƒ•ǡ–Š‡ϐ‹”•–”‡•‹†‡–‘ˆ–Š‡‡”‹…ƒ
Senate used this gavel to call the Senate to order in New York in the spring of 1789 (although he seems to have preferred the attention-­‐getting device of tapping his pencil on a water glass). In the late 1940s the old gavel be-­‐
gan to deteriorate so silver tips were added to each end to strengthen and preserve it. In 1954, as Vice President Richard Nixon presided over a hea-­‐
ted discussion about atomic energy, the precious gavel fell apart owing to ‹š‘ǯ•”ƒ–Š‡”Š‡ƒ˜›Šƒ†Ǥ‡ƒ–‡‘ˆϐ‹…‹ƒŽ•™ƒ–‡†–‘”‡…”‡ƒ–‡–Š‡‘”‹‰‹ƒŽ
ƒ•‡šƒ…–Ž›ƒ•’‘••‹„Ž‡„—–™Š‡‘‹˜‘”›‘ˆ•—ˆϐ‹…‹‡–•‹œ‡…‘—Ž†„‡ˆ‘—†
commercially the Indian embassy provided the ivory and had the new ga-­‐
vel hand-­‐carved in exactly the same dimensions as the new one but with ƒƒ††‹–‹‘ƒŽϐŽ‘”ƒŽ„ƒ†…ƒ”˜‡†ƒ”‘—†‹–•…‡–‡”Ǥ‘˜‡„‡”ͳ͹ǡͳͻͷͶ
the Indian vice president presented this new gavel which is still used to-­‐
day with the hope that it would inspire senators to debate ‘with freedom from passion and prejudice’. At the end of each long day of service, this new gavel, is placed in a box beside the repaired original. It was not used with excessive force according to witnesses on Charles Fairbank’s trials (vice president from 1905 to 1909) saying that he didn’t hit it very hard, but when things started to get noisy in the room, he’d lean over the desk just tapping a few times on the thin part of the desk. Wihout Nixon’s excessive bangs, Fairbank called order and achieved silence with a different tone. This soft sound relates more to reasoned decision-­‐making which in Western Culture has its obscure origins medieval commissions or se-­‐
cret societies in which the blow of the hammer could be a secret code representing different decisions for its members. Today, in most countries, it is related to a gavel that is used less and less in formal settings and has become a symbol of authority rather then a tool of the trade. 22
Sounds recording
Monday 10th -­‐ Wednesday 12th August 2012 IISH -­‐ International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam (NL)
1. Selected frame from video documentation during audio-­‐recordings
23
2. Selected frame from video documentation during audio-­‐recordings
3. Selected frame from video documentation during audio-­‐recordings
24
4. Selected frame from video documentation during audio-­‐recordings
5. Selected frame from video documentation during audio-­‐recordings 25
***
After three days of recording the sounds of the gavels I’ve discovered that ‡ƒ…Š‘ˆ–Š‡’”‘†—…‡ƒ†‹ˆˆ‡”‡–•‘—††‡’‡†‹‰‘•’‡…‹ϐ‹…†‹•–‹…–‹‘•
between them. I would like to consider the possibility that they all have a different voice. ‹”•–Ž›ǡ–Š‡–›’‡‘ˆ™‘‘†–Š‡›ƒ”‡ƒ†‡‘ˆ•‡‡•–‘‹ϐŽ—‡…‡–Š‡˜‘Ž—‡ǡ
making either loud or softer noises. Henry Polak’s gavel for example, is made from pear wood which is a sonorous material that, along with ma-­‐
ple, is mainly used in the manufacture of musical instruments such as ϐŽ—–‡•ǡ„‡…ƒ—•‡‘ˆ‹–••’‡…‹ϐ‹…—•‹…ƒŽ“—ƒŽ‹–‹‡•ǤŠƒ‡”‹•ƒ’‡”…—••‹˜‡
musical instrument that owes its sound also to its shape and also depen-­‐
ding on the dimensions of the handle and the head. The more distant that the hand grip is away from the hammers’ head, the more wide the sound is. The resonance follows the characteristics of the wood or the material which the hammer is made of. An important aspect to take in consideration is the shape of the gavel’s Š‡ƒ†–Šƒ–…‘—Ž†„‡†‹˜‹†‡†Žƒ”‰‡Ž›‹–‘–™‘…ƒ–‡‰‘”‹‡•ǢϐŽƒ–ƒ†•“—ƒ”‡‘”
round and convex. It has a circular shape divided in two parts, notably different from the fun-­‐
ctional hammer in which each side of the head serves a different purpose. As a general rule, the more extended the area which beats the table the more high-­‐pitched the sound produced. Conversely, the smaller the area, the more pizzicato and low. Further to this, another key aspect is the force exerted by the bearer, or ‘player’ of the gavel. It is the through the posi-­‐
tioning of the hand and the tension on the handle that the sound can be ‘†‹ϐ‹‡†Ǥˆ–Š‡”‡ǯ•ƒŽ‘–‘ˆ–‡•‹‘–Š‡•‘—†‹•‘”‡•Šƒ”’ƒ†…Ž‡ƒ”ƒ†
…‘˜‡”•‡Ž›ǡ‹ˆ–Š‡–‡•‹‘‹•Ž‘‘•‡”ǡ–Š‡•‘—†„‡…‘‡•Ž‘™ƒ†—ˆϐŽ‡†Ǥ
Obviously, the sound also changes in relation to the type of wooden based that is used to strike the gavel upon. If, for example, it is hammered on a table covered with a table-­‐cloth the sound won’t be loud. This explains how the archival photos I’ve found relating to the IISH’s collection de-­‐
picted within archive were more representative and were showing staged situation more then realistic ones. While I was recording sounds of different gavel in that small room of the IISH, I stopped for a moment to consider what it was exactly that I might be evoking? I was thinking of African, Oceanic or Indian-­‐American tribes and those 26
that produce their musical instruments and organizations of sounds in a completely different way from the West. Following western attitudes of isolating objects under vitrines, if we enter a museum we probably could ϐ‹†ˆ‘”‡šƒ’Ž‡ƒ‘‰‘Ž‹ƒZande’s harp3‹ƒ•Š‘™Ǧ…ƒ•‡…Žƒ••‹ϐ‹‡†ƒ•
a ‘musical instrument with anthropomorphic decorations on its handle’. This is an erroneous description related to its nature. Certainly Zande’s harp is an instrument and its unusually characterized by anthropomorphic or animal decorations that distinguish it from other instruments but it is not a western musical instrument and therefore ne-­‐
cessary to understand its relation to the production of sound in order to fully understand and categorise its characteristics. My point here is that the instrument represents its sound through its visible appearance. As in other instruments such as Congolese drums (bamilekè drums, banum abd and luba-­‐shaba) that take shapes of animals or ancestors, it is possible to say that it is the idea of these artifacts that is most important; the image dominates the actual sonorous emission. In fact, the ‘carved ancestor’ lends his face to the sound of the drum or the harp and by so doing this transforms for the listener the musical instru-­‐
‡–ǯ•˜‘‹…‡ǤŠƒ–ƒ‡•‘‰‘Ž‡•‡†”—•ƒ†Šƒ”’••’‡…‹ϐ‹…ƒŽŽ›‹’‘”-­‐
–ƒ–Š‡”‡‹•–Šƒ––Š‡‹•–”—‡–‹•–—‡†•’‡…‹ϐ‹…ƒŽŽ›–‘–Š‡…Šƒ”ƒ…–‡”‹•–‹…•
of the player’s voice and not vice-­‐versa. Therefore, there is an distinctive link between the sound of the instrument and the “face” of the instrument that makes a certain scenario possible to the listener: the actual presence of a dead ancestor through their voice or a voice against the presence of demons or other threatening spirits. The Congolese harp is an individual instrument linked to both its player and maker through its voice: in this sense it pronounces the voice of the maker. Zande’s harp could be said to be a ritual image of the voice even be-­‐
fore it starts to be played by its owner. In this object the sculpted head is permeated by music, the carving becomes the enunciator. The presence of the voice is alive in each plucked string and this is practically visible and understandable due to the nature of the instrument. Before it becomes an instrument, the harp itself has to die as a body before it could start to play. It is only after a ceremony which marks the death of the body of the harp that the maker (or to further the metaphor, the executor) could infuse the players voice to the instrument and become a unique body symbiotically with it. So, only after the symbolic death of the instrument can the player 3
Carlo Severi, Il percorso e la voce, Un’antropolgia della memoria, Einaudi,
Turin, 2004
27
give it a new life.
‹–Š‹–Š‹•…‘ϐ‹‰—”ƒ–‹‘ǡ–Š‡‹•–”—‡–‹•ƒ…–—ƒŽŽ›ƒ”‡’Ž‹…ƒ‘ˆ–Š‡Ž‹˜‹‰
body and is intended as a symbiotic ‘object-­‐voice’ in which its status as a symbolic object is indivisible from its sound. The harp becomes an exten-­‐
sion of the body of the player and consequentially of his voice. Its sound is named kpolò meaning ‘voice’ and it is through following this example that I would like to continue to understand the ‘voice’ of the gavels. This is exactly how the voice of the executioner or player that has ‘cleaned’ the instrument from its original sound can in turn ‘tune’ it to his personal and individual voice. Within the ceremony in which the voice is attributed to the instrument ,the player sings while recounting stories to the audience. The stories will be part of the groups rich oral history and therefore the ceremonies form a key part of the process of passing on the historical narrative to future generations. I am proposing to use this lens through which to see the gavels that I am examining. In this way, we can construct a completely different way of understanding the gavels, not as tools or symbolic objects but as potentially magical voices that are part of a mystical reading of the ritual of law, power and performance that are embodied by the hammers use in western culture. My thesis here is to understand these hammers as cultural artefacts and practice an anthropological perspective of my own cultural position. In the limbo of the archive, gavels are without a use, like uniden-­‐
–‹ϐ‹‡†…‘”’•‡•”‡Žƒ–‹‰–‘’‡”•‘•‘”‡˜‡–•—‘™ǡ…‘…‡‹˜‡†™‹–Š‹
ceremonies and western rites of decision-­‐making but disconnected and silenced. However, just like Zande’s harp, they function as visual represen-­‐
tations of the voice of their players and their strong visual presence for today’s viewer is related to the presence of an authority or a person who is in charge of making the verdict. They are like quotations of past events but at the same time tools of power imbued with the possibility to create action. They exist within this potentiality and bring with them all the signs and symbols representative of the different groups for which these objects once spoke. I consider that these gavels relate to the space, the player and the audien-­‐
ce in the same way as the Congolese Zande’s harps. Therefore, showing a hammer in a museum in a vitrine, underlines the obsolescence of this object, related to the loss of its potentiality and the masculine expression of power in a context in which these things have rapidly changed.
A green star once represented an Esperantist movement, a red falcon sto-­‐
28
‘†ˆ‘”ƒ›‘—–Š™‘”‡”•‰”‘—’ǤŠ‡”‡‹•ƒˆƒ…‡ƒ†ƒϐ‹‰—”‡‘ˆƒƒ™‹–Š
ƒϐŽƒ‰…ƒ”˜‡†‹–Š‡™‘‘†ǡƒ‹‰Š–‘Š‘”•‡„ƒ…ϐ‹‰Š–‹‰™‹–Šƒ†”ƒ‰‘ǡ
symbolizing the Saint to which a religious group is devoted, a gavel sha-­‐
’‡†ƒ•ƒϐŽƒ‡ƒ†•‘‘ǤŽŽ‘ˆ–Š‡ǯ•‰ƒ˜‡Ž•Šƒ˜‡ƒ’ƒ”–‹…—Žƒ”…Šƒ-­‐
racter and meaning that differentiate one from each other but they also have something in common, they symbolize the monopoly of power and conscience that has been dominated by men. Their current impotence a symbol of their lack of place in a contemporary. It is interesting to see the ”‡ϐŽ‡…–‹‘‘ˆ•‘…‹ƒŽ’”‘‰”‡••‹‘‹–Š‡™‡–‹‡–Š‡–—”›–Š‡…‘ŽŽ‡…–‹‘
lists gavels belonging to feminist and communist women’s movements for –Š‡ϐ‹”•––‹‡Ǥ
As I explore the hammers further, I wonder how many years these gavels have not been played? I wonder which one of them struck the last blow?
Some of the gavels I have played had a different voice that was conceived ˆ‘”ƒ’ƒ”–‹…—Žƒ”’Žƒ…‡ǡƒ•‹–‡Ǧ•’‡…‹ϐ‹…‘‹•‡™‘—Ž†Šƒ˜‡„‡‡’”‘†—…‡†
™‹–Š‹ƒ†‡ϐ‹‡†•’ƒ…‡Ǥ–Š‡”•™‡”‡…”‡ƒ–‡†‘”‡‰‡‡”ƒŽŽ›ƒ†™‹–Š‘—–
any particular conception of the space around them. With each gavel I looked into whether it was designed to produce a particular sound? Its relation to sound is really singular because as I have described previously it was an object conceived primarily to achieve silence. It is a paradoxical object that produces a sound in order to have no response. I think it is ra-­‐
ther a mistake for the head of the commission to use the hammer with the intention of ordering silence. In fact, to be tangential perhaps it doesn’t really make sense to produce a sound in order to achieve silence. After the meeting I had with Leiden’s professor Dennis Bos and his colle-­‐
ague Adriaan van Veldhuizen I’ve understood that in a lot of cases a gavel is designed by the same architect who conceived the building in which the gavel is used. It could be designed in honour of a particular person or related to a speci-­‐
ϐ‹…‡˜‡–‘”†‹•–‹…–‰”‘—’‘ˆ’‡‘’Ž‡ǤŠ‡–›’‡‘ˆ™‘‘†‹™Š‹…Š‹–‹•ƒ†‡ǡ
its shape, inscriptions upon it, style of the letters, minimal or baroque decorations all are sometimes directly linked to the building in which it is used. In Amsterdam there were two guilds for craftspeople, the Nederlandse Vereeniging voor Ambachts -­ en Nijverheidskunst (VANK) (Dutch society for Craftsman and Artisians) and Vereniging Kunst aan het Volk (Art to the pe-­‐
ople society) some of whose often social democrat artisans and craftspe-­‐
ople produced gavels for labour movements and Trade Unions in the Ne-­‐
29
therlands. Jan Eisenloeffel, for example, was a member of both guilds and exhibited his work internationally including Germany, France, Italy among other countries. He was also a good friend of Henry Polak who commissio-­‐
ned him to design sections of the interior of ANDB headquarters and seve-­‐
ral Trade Union buildings. Between 1880 and 1900 these artisans began to refer to themselves as product designers. I understand this change as ƒ‘’’‘”–—‹–›ˆ‘”–Š‡‰”‘—’–‘…Šƒ‰‡–Š‡™ƒ›–Š‡›†‡ϐ‹‡–Š‡•‡Ž˜‡•‹
‘”†‡”–‘—•‡–Š‡‹”•‹ŽŽ•ˆ‘”‰”‡ƒ–‡”•‘…‹ƒŽ‹ϐŽ—‡…‡Ǥ
Gavels weren’t only designed by craftsmen or architects however, they could be ‘self-­‐made’ by a craftsperson or a group to the order of a spe-­‐
…‹ϐ‹……‘—‹–›Ǥ–Š‡•ƒ‡™ƒ›ƒ•ƒŽŽ‰ƒ˜‡Ž•ǡ–Š‡•‡™‘—Ž††”ƒ™‘–Š‡
symbols that distinguish whichever club required it or for whatever pur-­‐
pose it would be put to.
In exactly the same way as a tribal ceremony in which a precise space is ”‡“—‹”‡†ˆ‘”–Š‡”‹–—ƒŽǡƒŒ—†‰‡‘”ƒ…Šƒ‹”ƒ—•‡•–Š‡‰ƒ˜‡Ž‹ƒ†‡ϐ‹‡†
space and within a ceremonial context using this symbolic tool to add a •’‡…‹ϐ‹…Ž‡‰ƒŽ•‹‰‹ϐ‹…ƒ…‡–‘™Šƒ–‡˜‡”‡••ƒ‰‡‘”Œ—†‰‡‡–Š‡†‡Ž‹˜‡”•Ǥ
Š”‘—‰Š–Š‡‰ƒ˜‡Žǡ–Š‡…Šƒ‹”ƒǯ•˜‘‹…‡ƒ†‡ƒ‹‰‹•Dzƒ’Ž‹ϐ‹‡†dz™‹–Š‹
the ceremonial space. Rather poetically, the sound is heard through a bone in our ears also referred to as the hammer. When the hammer works toge-­‐
ther with anvil, stirrup and the tympanic membrane we are able to hear the sound waves arriving from the eardrum. This tiny process is obviously only a very small way in which we understand the ‘voice’ of the judge’s gavel.
Š‡‰ƒ˜‡Ž•’‡…‹ϐ‹…‹–›‹•‹–‡”‡•–‹‰–‘‡ǡ‹–Šƒ•–‘„‡•‡‡ƒ†
Š‡ƒ”†„›ƒ•’‡…‹ϐ‹…‰”‘—’‘ˆ’‡‘’Ž‡ƒ†—•‡†„›ƒ…Šƒ‹”ƒǤ–™‘—Ž†‘–
have any potency or meaning to strike a gavel in an empty room, simi-­‐
larly if the person using it was not appointed for the purpose. For exam-­‐
ple, what would it mean to strike the gavel while alone in a room. If it is ‡’–‹‡†‘ˆ•‹‰‹ϐ‹…ƒ…‡ǡ’‡”Šƒ’•‹–™‘—Ž†”‡“—‹”‡ƒ‘–Š‡”…‡”‡‘›Ž‹‡
that for the Congolese harp. Perhaps it would have to die a second time in order for a new voice to be attributed to it. 30
***
6. Mug les ANDB’s former president (Dutch Trade Union of the Diamond Workers) carries the gavel over ANMB (Dutch Trade Union of the Metal Workers). Mug (right), 1958
Aside form their obvious sculptural quality, I am also considering the ga-­‐
˜‡Ž•ƒ•–‘‘Ž•‘ˆ’‘™‡”–Šƒ–‹‘”†‡”–‘„‡ƒ…–‹˜ƒ–‡†‡‡†ƒŒ—†‰‡ǡƒ•’‡…‹ϐ‹…
context and an audience.
Regarding them only as sculptures means missing one of their most im-­‐
portant aspects: their ability to produce an action, symbolise a transfer of power or become a medium for a message. As I have discussed earlier, their ability to have a ‘voice’ gives them a sin-­‐
gularity that is at the heart of my enquiry. For example, presenting them together in an exhibition could signify their power and authority, however, including these gavels within the museum 31
would also underline their obsolescence as potent symbolic objects that produce actions. I am particularly interested in raising the following que-­‐
stions;
Ȉ–Š‡‹”…—””‡–•–ƒ–‡‘ˆ—•‡‘Ž‘‰‹…ƒŽ‘„•‘Ž‡•…‡…‡™Šƒ–ƒ”‡–Š‡
possibilities for the gavels to be ‘reactivated’?
Ȉ•‹–’‘••‹„Ž‡ˆ‘”–Š‡•‡‘„Œ‡…–•–‘’Žƒ›ƒ’ƒ”–‹–Š‡–”ƒ•‹••‹‘
of oral history across generations?
Ȉ”‡–Š‡•‡‘„Œ‡…–•ƒ’’”‘’”‹ƒ–‡ˆ‘”–Š‡’”‡˜‹‘—•–™‘‡“—‹”‹‡•ƒ†
in which case could be considered ‘ready to use’?
ȈŠƒ–™‘—Ž†‹–‡ƒ–‘‡šŠ‹„‹––Š‡‰ƒ˜‡Ž•–‘ƒ…‘–‡’‘”ƒ”›ƒ—†‹-­‐
ence and how could this be staged?
These tools, although being grouped together for their shared characteri-­‐
stics, constantly oscillate between a state of ruin and that of a utilitarian tool. Gavels are performative objects, their performativity even visible and re-­‐
cognizable through our shared understanding of the theatricality of the context in which they are used.
In the same way as the Congolese Zande’s harps, a gavel could be exhi-­‐
bited in a vitrine -­‐ following the western tradition of isolating objects in museums. However, considering the nature of this tool, this might actually isolate its most important characteristic; its relationship to the person that used it and the purpose it was used for. Hypothetically, what messa-­‐
‰‡•™‡”‡…‘ϐ‹”‡†„›•–”‹‹‰‡ƒ…ŠŠƒ‡”ǫ–Š‡…ƒ•‡‘ˆ–Š‡ǯ•‰ƒ-­‐
vels, they represent the relational moment that connects a judge to one or more addressee while in presence of an audience that recognize publicly –Š‡’ƒ••ƒ‰‡‘ˆ’‘™‡”‡š‹•–‹‰‹–Š‹••’‡…‹ϐ‹…•’‡‡…Šƒ…–Ǥ‘–Š‹–Š‡…‘—”–•
and the boardroom, the gavel is used as a tool through which a law or a word is in some way almost inscribed on the bodies of listeners in order to make them the text. Practically, an addressee embodies words of a chai-­‐
”ƒ™‹–Š–Š‡‰ƒ˜‡Ž–Šƒ–ǡ–Š”‘—‰Š‹–••‘—†ǡ†‡ϐ‹‡•ƒ’‘‹–ƒ†ƒ†‡…‹•‹‘
after which silence is mandatory. Originally, Dutch labour movements had to invent their way of me-­‐
32
eting and their position within their society. To do so, they used already existing methods but turned them to their favour in a sense, writing back upon Parliament’s “body”. They performed a legal retaliation in the best interests of the union members. These methods belonged to institutionali-­‐
zed powers and organizations that used law or decision-­‐making processes to transform listeners into a living tableaux of rules and customs. They be-­‐
come literally transforming into actors in the drama of everyday life.
The gavel, in systems like Parliament or the Courts, is a tool through which the law articulates subjects in juridical corpus, making its book out of them4. The gavel is an object that functions as a tool for the writing ’”‘…‡••Ǧ‡’–›‘ˆ—‹˜‡”•ƒŽ‡ƒ‹‰„—–”ƒ–Š‡”–Š‡›ƒ”‡’—”‡•‹‰‹ϐ‹‡”•‘ˆ
social communication and power. They are a tool that makes it possible to inscribe law and knowledge on the human body like a tattoo when socio-­‐
’‘Ž‹–‹…ƒŽ–‡š–„‡…‘‡•ϐŽ‡•ŠǤ–Š‹••‡•‡ǡ–Š‡›ƒ”‡’ƒ”–‘ˆ–Š‡Šƒ”†™ƒ”‡
that constitutes the ‘voice’ of the law and its ability to produce marks on its subject making them a physical “copy” of the law -­‐ making the norm legible. The gavel is a form that functions on the basis of a tripartite system cha-­‐
”ƒ…–‡”‹œ‡†„›ƒǮϐ‹…–‹‘ǯ‘”text; an instrument that functions for its appli-­‐
cation or a tool, and the subject, the body of an addressee. In revolutionary or emancipatory ‘movements’ there are many varieties of –Š‡•‡”‡Žƒ–‹‘•™Š‡”‡ƒ•‘”–‘ˆϐ‹…–‹‘†‡–‡”‹‡†„›ƒǮ•›„‘Ž‹…ǯ•›•–‡
ƒ…–•ƒ†‹•”‡’”‡•‡–‡†„›ƒ„‘†›‹ƒǮ•ƒ›‹‰ǯˆ‘”ǤŠ‡–‡š–—ƒŽϐ‹…–‹‘‘ˆƒ
judge’s words are embodied by the individual and reproduced outside of the ceremonial space. In this sense, the word becomes real and acts out-­‐
•‹†‡‘ˆ–Š‡ϐ‹…–‹‘ƒŽ…‡”‡‘‹ƒŽ•’ƒ…‡‡–‡”‹‰Ǯ”‡ƒŽŽ‹ˆ‡ǯǤ
This machinery is what transforms individual bodies into a body politic. It makes these bodies produce the text of a law as others become witnesses to the body’s testimony.
The writing practice becomes like an archaeology, its names and mea-­‐
nings unknowable as they exist deep within the body of listeners who car-­‐
ry with them their testimony. As I mentioned before, the main difference between gavels in courts used in this way to render the law as opposed to the gavels of re-­‐
volutionary and emancipatory movements is that the latter don’t use the tool to instrumentalize their power in a biological way -­‐ by isolating a body (the individual) from society. Instead, as a collective, they use the ga-­‐
4
Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1984
33
vel in an almost undercover way as a weapon writing back upon society’s body; creating a transformation of what constitutes the ‘political body’. They didn’t and don’t act as singularities but as collectives both visually and conceptually. The individual subject within these groups is part of a community and therefore is able to take a collective position against op-­‐
position.
They don’t isolate the individual in a juridical isolation. They act in an altogether different way to the institutional methods and the law making process in which singularity is seen only as part of a fragmented system that is easier to control. In Courts, the gavel is one of the tools controlling the power and establishing who has the right to speak. But who is handling the hammer and who’s behind the decision making process? Who’s in charge of using it and how? Søren Kierkegaard, stated that ‘the instant of decision is madness’5, summarising the idea that only when one choice is not clearly superior to another, when reason fails to indicate which option is better, that a real choice will need to be made. It is in this moment that forms of madness appear. Even in an instant, non-­‐rational aspects of decision-­‐
making emerge in everyday life. The same instant needed by a judge or a …Šƒ‹”ƒ–‘•Žƒ–Š‡Šƒ‡”ƒ††‡ϐ‹‡ƒ’‘‹–”‡Žƒ–‡†–‘ƒ†‡…‹•‹‘Ǥˆ-­‐
ter the sound of the hammer the decision is taken and the audience could not intervene anymore. In this complex and fascinating process, words are imbued in subjects and are transferred to witnesses that carry testimonies within themselves.
–Š‹••‡•‡–Š‡‰ƒ˜‡Ž‹•ƒ–‘‘Ž–Šƒ–‡–‡”•†‡ϐ‹‹–‹˜‡Ž›‹–Š‹•†‡-­‐
velopment of quiet madness -­‐ one that remains hidden in the course of everyday life -­‐ both related to who makes a decision and who receives the ˜‡”†‹…–ǤŠ‹•‹•ƒƒ†‡••–Šƒ–‹•‘–‘Ž›‘„Œ‡…–‹ϐ‹‡†„‡…ƒ—•‡–Š‹•‘„Œ‡…–‹• about madness or is related to it, but rather, it could be used with madness thus implying a subjective experience that always tries to reveal itself di-­‐
stancing itself from a personal judgment. In contrast to the image of decay suggested by the term ‘dementia’, many of the early-­‐twentieth century psychiatrists developed their observations of a kind of madness in which all the psychotic subject’s faculties were intact. Thought disor-­‐
ders would only become apparent, if at all, when areas of particular sensitivity 5
Jacques Derrida, Cogito and the History of Madness from Writing and Difference, trans. Alan Bass, London & New York, Routeledge, 1978
34
were approached. Thus Daniel Paul Schreber, a German judge whose memoirs of Š‹•Ǯ‡”˜‘—•‹ŽŽ‡••ǯ™‡”‡ϐ‹”•–’—„Ž‹•Š‡†‹ͳͻͲ͵Ǥ†™Š‘„‡Ž‹‡˜‡†Š‡™ƒ•„‡‹‰
transformed into the begetter of a new race, inhabiting a bizarre universe of divine ”ƒ›•ƒ†ϐ‹Žƒ‡–•ǡ…‘—Ž†•–‹ŽŽ†‡Ž‹˜‡”ƒ…—–‡Ž‡‰ƒŽƒ”‰—‡–ƒ†‡š’‡”–‹•‡ǡ‘–Ž‡ƒ•–
concerning his own tutelage.6 The gavel is a transitory object, a magical tool of power which is able to transfer a decision -­‐ conditioned or not -­‐ or to carry a history within itself. Even when the gavel is a useless object perhaps it could still carry out this ‘transfer’ acting as a mnemonic that reminds us of an event. The minor history that animates the object in itself happens in the mind of the observer through its use in the hands of a performer. A gavel could potentially carry within it both a ‘quotation’ of all the past verdicts that it Šƒ††‡ϐ‹‡†ƒ†ƒ”‡’”‡•‡–ƒ–‹‘‘ˆ–Š‡‡˜‡–‘”–Š‡•‹–—ƒ–‹‘ˆ‘”™Š‹…Š‹–
was realized. However, in the hands of a performer a gavel taken from an archive and then played could invoke a past event but also a new occurrence. For example in the mind of an audience, sounds of the IISH’s gavel could beco-­‐
me soundtracks to new revolutions. Their symbolic power could be reacti-­‐
vated putting in discussion their status. Used as prop to activate a new discourse the gavel could be seen as per-­‐
formative tool needed by the handler to enunciate and articulate his speech related to a new decision.
In an article titled The Vanishing Sound of the Rap of the Gavel (in New York Law Journal, June 11, 1992) Deborah Pines reveals that ‘nowa-­‐
days only few judges use the gavel that is displayed on their courtroom bench. The same is true of many auctioneers. Perhaps, this is a good trend. ƒ–Š‡”–Šƒ–Š‡‹ϐŽ‡š‹„Ž‡ǡϐ‹ƒŽǡŠƒ”•Š”ƒ’‘ˆ–Š‡‰ƒ˜‡Ž–‘•‡ƒŽƒ†‡…‹•‹‘ǡ
humanity is evolving its systems into more compassionate, and reaso-­‐
ƒ„Ž›ϐŽ‡š‹„Ž‡‹•–‹–—–‹‘•–Šƒ–ƒŽŽ‘™•ˆ‘”appeals and perhaps a second chance.’
Š‹•”‡ϐŽ‡…–•›—†‡”•–ƒ†‹‰‘ˆ–Š‡‘„•‘Ž‡•…‡…‡‘ˆ–Š‹•–‘‘Ž‘™ǡ†‡-­‐
‘•–”ƒ–‹‰–Š‡‡’Š‡‡”ƒŽƒ–—”‡‘ˆ–Š‡Žƒ™‹–•”‡ϐŽ‡…–‹‘‘ˆƒ’”‘…‡••ƒ•
changing as politics and as volatile as public opinion. Evidence that gavels are falling out of use is also visible in some of the ga-­‐
vels held by the IISH in Amsterdam. In journals and television recordings, 6
Leader Darian What is madness?, Hamish Hamilton, Penguin Books,
England, 2011
35
gavels are portrayed mostly when they were handed over to a new chai-­‐
rman or president of a commission -­‐ something that is continues to this day.
Mostly, the gavel is used as a symbolic representation of a group of people ‘”ƒ•’‡…‹ϐ‹…ƒ—–Š‘”‹–›ƒ†˜‹•—ƒŽ‹•‡•–Š‡’”‘‰”‡••‹‘‘ˆ’‘™‡”Ǥ‘™‡˜‡”ǡ
this tool is falling out of use in boardrooms and within meetings. It is now kept in its box until the moment in which it will be given to another per-­‐
son. It’s becomes a magical and symbolic interaction which is completely staged for the moment of handing over the power in front of a camera. This staged event could be televised or documented by a newspaper, done purely to produce an image for an interested audience. Power is being exchanged -­‐ the gavel becomes a medium. This production of images con-­‐
stitutes the visual representation of authority that makes who has the po-­‐
wer and the right to speak recognizable. 7. Reception on the occasion of the 60th Anniversary of ‘CNV Industry and Power’. JW Kruithof (left) transfers the gavel to J. Anbeek (right), Netherlands, 1959
36
This magical status of the gavel is also particularly visible within ceremo-­‐
‹‡•‹™Š‹…Š‹–‹•Šƒ†‡†‘˜‡”Ǥ•‹†‡ƒ†‡ϐ‹‡•‡–‘ˆ”—Ž‡•ƒ†ƒ…–‹‘•–Š‡
former and the new chairman shake hands with each other (right hand) and use the other (left) hand to pass or receive the gavel, forming a chain in which the most important connection is the hammer in itself. This rite of passage implies that all the rights who had the former chai-­‐
rman pass to the new head of commission, investing him of the power of ”‡’”‡•‡–‹‰Š‹•‰”‘—’–ƒ‹‰ϐ‹ƒŽ†‡…‹•‹‘•ƒ†‰‹˜‹‰˜‘‹…‡–‘–Š‡ƒŒ‘-­‐
rity he represents. I believe this is an animist practise that could be related to other cere-­‐
monies but could also be applied to gavels preserved in the ‘limbo’ of an archive. Reactivating these other gavels would be a performative act that ™‘—Ž†—•‡ƒ‹‹•ǯ•’”ƒ…–‹…‡•‘ˆˆ‡–‹•Š‡•‘”–‘–‡•‹‘”†‡”–‘ϐ‹†–Š‡•‡
in our own culture. Perhaps gavels could become the medium through which seeing what Latour refers to as the ‘middle ground’ -­‐ practices which happen on the fringes of modern thought, things that modernity implements but also transgresses. According to Bruno Latour, the division of the nature and …—Ž–—”‡ǡƒ†–Š‡•—„•‡“—‡–’—”‹ϐ‹…ƒ–‹‘‘ˆ–Š‡–™‘†‘ƒ‹•‘ˆ•—„Œ‡…–•
on the one side, and things on the other, is only possible by a repression of the middle ground, the mediation that connects subjects with objects in multiple forms.
‘Everything happens in the middle, everything passes between the two, everything happens by way of mediation, translation and networks, but this space does not exists, it has no place. It is unthinkable, the unconscious of the moderns. Objecti-­‐
ϐ‹…ƒ–‹‘ǡ–Šƒ–‹•ǡ–Š‡’—”‹ϐ‹…ƒ–‹‘‘ˆ–Š‡†‘ƒ‹•‘ˆ•—„Œ‡…–•ƒ†–Š‹‰•ǡ‘ˆŽ‹ˆ‡ƒ†
non-­‐life, is made possible by suppressing mediation, symbolic meanings, and ima-­‐
ges: the moderns ‘had in common a hatred of intermediaries and a desire for an immediate world, emptied of its mediators’.7
–™‘—Ž†„‡‹ƒ•’ƒ…‡™Š‡”‡Œ—†‰‡‡–‹••—•’‡†‡†ƒ†–Šƒ–‹•‹†‡ϐ‹ƒ-­‐
ble, lets refer to it as a state of exception of powers where the IISH’s gavels …‘—Ž†ƒ‰ƒ‹ϐ‹†ƒ‘‡––‘„‡’—–‹–‘ƒ…–‹‘ǤŠ‡‰ƒ˜‡Ž…‘—Ž†„‡ƒ‹-­‐
ƒ–‡†‹–Š‹•‘Ǧ†‡ϐ‹ƒ„Ž‡•’ƒ…‡™Š‹…Š†‡ϐ‹‡•ƒƒ…–‹‘ƒ†•‹–—ƒ–‡•‹–
7
Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern, Harvard University Press,
1993
37
within a continuous tension between its symbolic value and its functional use.
A relation that in philosophical terms could be found in Nietzschean and Heideggerian theoretical visions of the hammer.
In fact for Friedrich Nietzsche in Twilight of the Idols, or, How to Philoso-­
phize with a Hammer (1888), the hammer is a tool of destruction within language. It is seen as a symbolic object, closely related to the revelation of a hidden truth or concept. The hammer is introduced metaphorically as symbol of revolt. As Nietzsche’s moves closer to his construction of the Ǯ—’‡”ƒǯǡ–Š—•–Š‡Šƒ‡”‹••–”—…ƒ‰ƒ‹•––Š‡”‘…–‘ϐ‹†–Š‡‹ƒ‰‡
that is hidden behind it. The ‘image’ of all images is hidden in the hardest and most shapeless stone. Thanks to the hammer, the rock crumbles away to reveal what was underneath its hard exterior. As a mineralogist or a stonecutter, the philosopher walks in the mountain, to listen to the sounds of rocks, knocking them with the hammer and discovering which of them hides the image of the ‘Superman’ and be able to not suffer from the divine death. The hammer speaks
“Why so hard?” the kitchen coal once said to the diamond. “After all, are we not close kin?”
Why so soft? O my brothers, thus I ask you: are you not after all my brothers?
Why so soft, so pliant and yielding? Why is there so much denial, self-­‐denial, in your hearts? So little destiny in your eyes?
And if you do not want to be destinies and inexorable ones, how can you one day triumph with me?
†‹ˆ›‘—”Šƒ”†‡••†‘‡•‘–™‹•Š–‘ϐŽƒ•Šƒ†…—––Š”‘—‰ŠǡŠ‘™…ƒ›‘—‘‡†ƒ›
create with me?
For all creators are hard. And it must seem blessedness to you to impress your hand on millennia as on wax. Blessedness to write on the will of millennia as on bronze -­‐ harder than bronze, nobler than bronze. Only the noblest is altogether hard.
This new tablet, O my brothers, I place over you: Become hard!
Zarathustra, III: On Old and New Tablets, 29
If, for Nietzsche, the hammer is tha tool that is used to destroy the surface of reality to reveal a hidden image, for Martin Heidegger in Being and Time 38
ȋͳͻʹ͹Ȍ–Š‡Šƒ‡”‹•†‡ϐ‹‡††‹”‡…–Ž›„›‹–•—•‡Ǥ‘”‡‹†‡‰‰‡”–Š‡Šƒ-­‐
mer exists not in itself but through its use. When a hammer strikes a nail, ‹–‹•‹–•ƒ…–‹‘–Šƒ–†‡ϐ‹‡•‹–Ǥ
From a Heideggerian perspective, the hammer is reduced to a physical-­‐
chemical compound not subject to any human prejudice and ready to be utilised for any physical purpose it could perform.
What if we were to use the hammer for a purpose different to that of the original intention? For example; the hammer as a projectile, the hammer as a microphone, the hammer as an object in a game. Curiously the thing in itself ‹•†‡ϐ‹ƒ„Ž‡ƒ††‡–‡…–ƒ„Ž‡™‹–Š‹ƒ‘–Š‡”—•‡‘ˆ–Š‡–‘‘Žǡ‹–Ǯis as it is’. There is a new understanding of the object produced through the endless possible meanings the hammer could have. However, using a ham-­‐
mer as a microphone would also potentially be a symptom of madness. To ”‡–—”–‘–Š‡–‘‘Žǯ•‘”‹‰‹•ǡ‹–‹•ϐ‹”•–‡…‡••ƒ”›–‘†‹•–ƒ…‡‘‡•‡Žˆˆ”‘‹–ǡ
deactivating it by breaking the hammer up, dividing the handle from the head. A stick is no longer a hammer for example but could potentially al-­‐
lude to its previous life. This process could help the observer rearticulate the relation between the object and the world around it. The gavels I’m looking at in the IISH’s archive could be said to be observed in the moment between their symbolic status and their functio-­‐
nal purpose. In this way they would become available to use again for a new purpose. As I have described, I feel that they don’t constitute a collec-­‐
tion in themselves as they are merely ‘fragments’ of the larger context in which they existed. How then could they be exhibited? Their eventual exhibition could be considered as a mental landscape reve-­‐
aling hidden aspects of the forms of knowledge such objects hold -­‐ minor histories, ceremonies and gestures -­‐ while, at the same time, questioning their‹ϐŽ—‡…‡‘–Š‡‘„•‡”˜‡”ǡ–Š‡‹”’ƒ”ƒ†‘š‹…ƒŽƒ–—”‡‘ˆ†‹•…‹’Ž‹‹‰‹
the counter-­‐power, of invoking resistance as a form of opposition. This exhibition would also stand in a paradoxical relationship to the natu-­‐
re of revolutionary and emancipatory movements these gavels belonged to. Showing them or writing about them produces thoughts and testimo-­‐
‹‡•–Šƒ–™‡”‡‘–‹–‡†‡†–‘„‡’”‘†—…‡†™Š‡–Š‡Šƒ‡”•™‡”‡ϐ‹”•–
made. This has to deal with censorship that these groups had to avoid in time and self-­‐organized ways of meeting that they to invent to be able to express themselves. These strategies are used today by opposition groups that are engaged in either struggle or systemic reform. They create a di-­‐
39
stance from an ‘other’ power and its way of representing an authority ϐ‹-­‐
ding autonomous ways of organising power relations and society.
Showing them, or writing about them, making their histories or actions ’—„Ž‹…ǡ‹•…”‹„‡•–Š‡‹ƒ†‹•…‘—”•‡–Šƒ––—”•–Š‡‹–‘ƒ—–Š‘”‹–›ϐ‹‰—-­‐
res -­‐ which is completely against their nature. Yet it is in this way only that the contradictions and characteristics these hammers embody can emer-­‐
ge: they become weapons, staged through a combination of investigation and actions questioning their forms of power. Just as these hammers were used by labour movements in the past, fol-­‐
lowing self-­‐organized strategies in order to activate their own voice within society, the exhibition will be shaped and choreographed by the experien-­‐
ces that relate these tools to the ceremonies they belonged to. Although the stories connected with these hammers only exist by word of mouth and in an unwritten collective memory, they contain a potential new body of information, ‘ready to use’ for the spectator.
The natural outcome of this work in progress will be an exhibition presenting these objects’ visual and performative characteristics within ƒ•’‡…‹ϐ‹…ƒŽŽ›†‡•‹‰‡†‡˜‹”‘‡–ǡ‹…‘”’‘”ƒ–‹‰‡Ž‡‡–••—…Šƒ•–Š‡
recording of their sounds played by a performer. This presentation will be enriched by a publication that will be a necessary complement to the •Š‘™ǣƒ’‘••‹„Ž‡Š‹•–‘”›‘ˆ‰ƒ˜‡Ž•ǡƒ”‡ϐŽ‡…–‹‘‘–Š‡†‡…‹•‹‘ƒŽ’”‘…‡•-­‐
•‡•–Š‡›‡„‘†›ǡ‘–Š‡‹”‹†‡–‹ϐ‹…ƒ–‹‘ƒ††‡ϐ‹‹–‹‘‘ˆƒ—–Š‘”‹–‹‡•Ǥ The sounds -­‐ and other fragments or actions that could be presented -­‐ will compose an exhibition conceived as an observation of these tools and allu-­‐
de to their potential power. It won’t serve as a closure or an ending point of a research, but will instead open to the public thoughts and strategies that could themselves become tools that are ‘ready to use’ for the public.
Š‡‡šŠ‹„‹–‹‘ǯ•’‡”ˆ‘”ƒ–‹˜‹–›™‹ŽŽ”‡ϐŽ‡…–‘–Š‡’”ƒ…–‹…‡‘ˆǮ’‡”ˆ‘”ƒ-­‐
ce’ as an oral tradition in which testimonies are passed on to spectators.
Since no existing publication is devoted to these objects -­‐ nor to hammers in Western culture in general -­‐ the exhibition and the publica-­‐
–‹‘‘ˆ›ϐ‹†‹‰•ƒ‹•ƒ–†‹•…Ž‘•‹‰ƒŠ‹††‡Š‹•–‘”›ǡ™Š‹Ž‡‘ˆˆ‡”‹‰ƒ
example of how these gavels -­‐ articulating a language on their own -­‐ can „‡—•‡†ƒ•–‘‘Ž•ˆ‘”…”‡ƒ–‹‘‘”†‡•–”—…–‹‘™‹–Š‹ƒ•’‡…‹ϐ‹…†‹•…‘—”•‡Ǥ
40
41
APPENDIX
Elementary turning or ‘if you want to turn your gavel’ ………………..….…..…p.43
Extracts from ‘Elementary Turning, For Use In Manual Training Classes’ by Frank Henry Selden, Rand-­Mcnally & Co. Publishers, 1907 ‘•‹†‡”ƒ–‹‘•ƒˆ–‡”ϐ‹”•–ϐ‹†‹‰•ǥǥǥǥǥǥǥǥǥǥǥǥǥǥǥǤǤǤǤǤǤǤǤǥǤǤǥǥǤǤ’Ǥͷͳ
Hammers overview ………………………….………………………………………………....p.53
Interview with Jaap Kloosterman …………………………………………………...……p.57
Interview with Marien van der Heijden …………….....………....……………….……p.63
Henry Polak’s gavel ……….……………………………………………………………………p.77
Meeting with Dennis Bos and Adriaan van Veldhuizen ……….............…..….…p.81
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
***
Ž–Š‘—‰Š‡™ƒŽ‹––Ž‡‘”‡ƒ„‘—–‰ƒ˜‡Ž•ǡ”‡ƒŽ‹•‡–Šƒ––Š‡•‡–Š‡•‡ϐ‹-­‐
†‹‰•Šƒ†‘–Š‹‰•’‡…‹ϐ‹…ƒŽŽ›–‘†‘™‹–Š–Š‡Šƒ‡”•™ƒ•…‘…‡”‡†
with -­‐ my enquiry is still completely open. Somehow, I also felt that this was partly the point of my enquiry. I wanted to explore the unknown sto-­‐
ries of these hammers. The very nature of this almost miraculous and un-­‐
der researched collection was the cause for my fascination in them. I con-­‐
sidered whether it related to their histories or their physical appearance. I needed to get in touch with them in a physical, tactile way, take note of their symbols, shapes, scratches, etc. and all of the information I could ga-­‐
ther at this stage.
While I was considering of presenting myself to the board of the Institute as a researcher aiming to gather more information about these hammers, I realised that this position wasn’t appropriate. I was like a foreigner, in unkown territory. At this point, I wasn’t even sure if the Institute would allow me to look at these objects because of their insurance value -­‐ in fact, what was their value?
†‡…‹†‡†–‘•‡†ƒ‡Ǧƒ‹Ž™‹–Š‘—–‰‘‹‰–‘‘—…Š‹–‘ƒ›•’‡…‹ϐ‹…‹†‡ƒ
or concept: 51
From: Diego Tonus [email protected]
To: [email protected]
Date: 03 August 2012, h 10:55am
Object: Diego Tonus, request about viewing objects in the archive
Hi, DLJŶĂŵĞŝƐŝĞŐŽdŽŶƵƐ͘/ĐĂůůĞĚƚŚĞ/ŶƐƟƚƵƚĞŝŶƚŚĞůĂƐƚĚĂLJƐĨŽƌƚŚŝƐƌĞƋƵĞƐƚ͘ ^ŝŶĐĞŵLJĮƌƐƚǀŝƐŝƚŝŶ//^,͛ƐĂƌĐŚŝǀĞ͕/͛ǀĞďĞĞŶŝŶƚĞƌĞƐƚĞĚŝŶĂŐƌŽƵƉŽĨŐĂǀĞůƐͬŚĂŵŵĞƌƐ
ƚŚĂƚͲŝĨŝƚ͛ƐƉŽƐƐŝďůĞͲ/ǁĂŶƚƚŽƐĞĞĂŐĂŝŶ͘ /ǁŽƵůĚďĞƌĞĂůůLJŝŶƚĞƌĞƐƚĞĚŝŶůŽŽŬŝŶŐĂƚƚŚĞŵĂŐĂŝŶďĞĐĂƵƐĞ/͛ŵƌĞƐĞĂƌĐŚŝŶŐŽŶĚŝīĞ-­‐
ƌĞŶƚƚLJƉĞƐŽĨŚĂŵŵĞƌƐ;ũƵĚŐĞƐ͛ŐĂǀĞůƐ͕ĂƵĐƟŽŶĞĞƌƐ͛ŐĂǀĞůƐ͕DĂƐŽŶŝĐŐĂǀĞůƐ͕ŚĂŵŵĞƌ
ŽĨƐĞĐƌĞƚƐŽĐŝĞƟĞƐ͕ĞƚĐ͘ͿĂůƐŽĨƌŽŵĂŶĂƌƟƐƟĐƉŽŝŶƚŽĨǀŝĞǁͲĂƐƐĐƵůƉƚƵƌĞƐǁŝƚŚĂĨŽƌŵ
ŽĨƉŽǁĞƌ͘&ŽƌŶŽǁ/ǁĂŶƚƚŽĂƐŬLJŽƵŝĨŝƚ͛ƐƉŽƐƐŝďůĞƚŽůŽŽŬĂƚƚŚĞŵĨŽƌƌĞĂůƚŽƚĂŬĞ
ŶŽƚĞƐŽŶƚŚĞŝƌƐŚĂƉĞƐ͕ĐŚĂƌĂĐƚĞƌŝƐƟĐƐ͕ĚĞƌŝǀĂƟŽŶƐĂŶĚĂŐĞƐ;ŝĨŝƚ͛ƐŬŶŽǁŶͿ͖ƐŽďĂƐŝĐĂůůLJ
ƐƚƵĚLJƚŚĞƐĞŽďũĞĐƚƐƚŚĂƚĂƌĞƐƵďũĞĐƚƐŽĨŵLJĐƵƌƌĞŶƚƌĞƐĞĂƌĐŚŽŶĐŽŶƚĞŵƉŽƌĂƌLJƚŽŽůƐ
ĂŶĚƐLJŵďŽůƐŽĨƉŽǁĞƌ͘ ƚƚŚŝƐƐƚĂŐĞŝƚĐŽƵůĚďĞƌĞĂůůLJŝŵƉŽƌƚĂŶƚĨŽƌŵĞƚŽƐĞĞĂƚƚŚŝƐƐĞƌŝĞƐŽĨŽďũĞĐƚƐĨŽƌ
ƌĞĂů͘/ƐŝƚƉŽƐƐŝďůĞƚŽďŽŽŬĂŵĞĞƟŶŐĂƐĂƌĞƐĞĂƌĐŚĞƌĂŶĚĐŽŵĞƚŽƚŚĞ/ŶƐƟƚƵƚĞŝŶƚŚŝƐ
ƉĞƌŝŽĚ͍ >ŽŽŬŝŶŐĨŽƌǁĂƌĚƚŽLJŽƵƌĂŶƐǁĞƌ͘ dŚĂŶŬƐĨŽƌLJŽƵƌĂƩĞŶƟŽŶ͕ Best Regards
Diego Tonus
52
Hammers overview
Wednesday 08th -­‐ Thursday 09th August 2012 Reading room
IISH -­‐ International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam (NL)
8. Overview in IISH’s reading room
53
9. Locker n.1 -­‐ Particular
10. Locker n.2 -­‐ Particular
54
11. Box to consult hammers 55
12. Postcard from IISH, (Front) 13. Postcard from IISH, (Back)
56
1st Meeting
Jaap Kloosterman
Tuesday 23rd October 2012, h 14pm
IISH, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam (NL)
Diego Tonus: […] I’ve prepared a few questions relating to the group of hammers I’ve found in the Institute.
Š‡ϐ‹”•–‡…‘—–‡”Šƒ†™‹–Š–Š‡™ƒ•„›…Šƒ…‡Žƒ•–›‡ƒ”ǤŠ‡”‡™‡”‡
only few of them at that moment and I saw them quickly in between other objects within a metal locker … they kept my attention and this summer I came back to take pictures, notes and also to sketch all of them. I think they are an amazing group of objects, especially from my point of view looking at them as sculptures with a form of power in themselves. I think –Šƒ––Š‹•’‘™‡”‹••‘‡–Š‹‰–Šƒ–™‡ƒŽŽ”‡…‘‰‹œ‡ƒ–ϐ‹”•–ǤŠ‡›ƒ”‡”‡ƒŽŽ›
interesting from an anthropological, political and social point of view and also that the collection is predominantly from western cultures, I’m gues-­‐
sing that they are not so prevalent in other cultures. But why did you start to group them or -­‐ let’s say -­‐ to collect them? Were them part of other collections?
Jaap Kloosterman: We didn’t ever collect hammers as such but we do collect basically everything that could be considered a document of social historical value. So, if we talk to organizations like Trade Unions and about their cultural heritage, we talk about … not just their papers but also things they might have in all their respects and … that’s in the case of the Trade Unions for instance which offered quite a lot. I mean they usually have a lot of propaganda materials which can range from a little spoon or ƒ•Š–”ƒ…‡•ǡ–‘„ƒŽŽ‘‘•ƒ†ϐŽƒ‰•ǥƒŽŽ‹†‘ˆ–Š‹‰•Ǥ†‹•‘‡…ƒ•‡•™‡
also collected, for instance, their banners -­‐ we have a large collection of banners -­‐ very elaborate and sometimes their Chairmen’s hammers …
DT: What kind of selection process do you have? Is there a commission that selected these hammers in particular?
JK: … not for the hammers but we have special criteria for collection of ϐ‹Ž•ƒ†ƒŽ™ƒ›•Šƒ˜‡•‹…‡–Š‡„‡‰‹‹‰Ǥ‡Šƒ˜‡’‡‘’Ž‡™Š‘ƒ”‡•’‡-­‐
cialized in different collections … they have their networks among orga-­‐
nizations and people in Social movements that we are collecting from and 57
they are specialists themselves; they know what to look for and what to discard. DT: Talking about this group of hammers, do you know if there is a parti-­‐
cular period in which the Institute is interested in? Are they from Eighteen Century up to nowadays or especially from a particular range of years?
JK: Well … there is not a special range of years, no. We were founded in ͳͻ͵ͷ„—–™‡„—‹Ž–‘—”…‘ŽŽ‡…–‹‘‘‡ƒ”Ž‹‡”…‘ŽŽ‡…–‘”•‹–Š‹•ϐ‹‡Ž†ƒ†
especially on the Netherlands Economic History Archive, which was founded by the same person who founded this Institute, but much earlier at the beginning of the Century. This archive itself was built on earlier col-­‐
lectors of materials on the Labour Movement and the basic reason for ga-­‐
thering this was that at the beginning of the Century … Let’s put it in this way: at the end of the Nineteenth Century, beginning of the Twentieth the-­‐
”‡™ƒ•ˆ‘”–Š‡ϐ‹”•––‹‡ƒ–ƒŽ‘ˆ†‹•…‹’Ž‹‡™Š‹…Š™ƒ•”‡ƒŽŽ›‹–‡”‡•–‡†‹
–Š‡‡…‘‘‹…ƒŽƒ†•‘…‹ƒŽ•‹†‡•‘ˆŠ‹•–‘”›ƒ†–Š‡ϐ‹”•–Šƒ‹”‹–Š‡…‘‘-­‐
mic History in the Netherlands for instance was only founded in 1913; the person who was in charge of that was the founder of this Institute as well ƒ†Š‡™ƒ•ƒƒ™Š‘™ƒ•Œ—•–ϐ‹†‹‰‘—––Šƒ––Š‡”‡™‡”‡‘•‘—”…‡•‘
which to base research, except of course in Municipal archives. He himself has worked a lot on Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century papers from Lei-­‐
den’s archives. His name is Posthumus.
[…] what we are interested in is basically everything that is related to la-­‐
bour organizations, labour movements from the Nineteenth Century on. But since we are really interested in the topic as such, there’s also a lot of earlier material especially from revolutionary movements of Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries in France, Britain, …
DT: Which kind of organizations are these hammers related to? Did they belong to different kind of organizations and associations like agricultural groups, courts, secret organizations, social groups, religious groups etc.?
JK: I think, if I’m not mistaken most of them are from Trade Unions and you have two types: the majority will be hammers that were the property of Trade Unions and they were used by Chairmen of meetings but there are few hammers I think that were especially made for a particular person DT: I see, actually I’ve recognized some names on them. I was analysing 58
their symbols. There is a hammer that was used by a commission to pre-­‐
vent alcoholism, with all the names of the people who hammered it. Are they all related to revolutionary and emancipatory movements or ac-­‐
tions? JK: Revolutionary in the sense that they are …
DT: … to ‘resist’ to a kind of form of other power?
JK: Yes. They are basically these Trade Union movements that were the ‘opposition’ in society. DT: Where do they come from? Are them mainly from Holland or from other parts of the world too? JK: I think that our hammer collection is really mainly from Holland.
DT: I saw that there are few of them from propaganda actions, also few of them related to religious movements with symbols of St. Raphael for example …
JK: You know better then I do. But often you should realize that Trade Unions -­‐ especially Catholic Trade Union were often named as the same. So there were particular signs that were considered to be the protectors of certain professions and often the Trade Union was named after that ’ƒ”–‹…—Žƒ”•‹‰Ǥ‘‹ˆ›‘—ϐ‹†ƒ•‹‰™‹–Šƒƒ‡‹‹–ǡ‹–ƒ›ƒ•™‡ŽŽ„‡‡
from a Trade Union. DT: This is important to know because there are other kinds of hammers related to Secret Societies and Masonic groups that also have those type of symbols. As soon as I’m looking at them as sculptural objects to reveal and make them visible starting from another point of view, I got in touch with a restorer of contemporary works of art that sent me forms he uses to cata-­‐
logue and archive an object as a contemporary work of art. There are two forms: the one related to the ‘nowadays state of the object’ that includes a description of the object and its physical properties (weight, height, descriptions of scratches and missing parts, etc… ). The other one relates mainly to the history of the object that is possible to describe in words. 59
Each restorer has their own technique to describe a work of art in the most objective way they can, it’s a completely distinguished form of wri-­‐
ting in itself. Is it possible to know where they come from? I’m asking this, mainly be-­‐
cause for me each hammer is related to a possible trip to go back in histo-­‐
ry and discover hidden or unrevealed facts. JK: –Š‹–Šƒ–™‹ŽŽ„‡†‹ˆϐ‹…—Ž–„—–›‘—…ƒ™‘”‘—–•‘‡–Š‹‰ǤŠ‡’”‘-­‐
blem is … as in most libraries or archives, a lot of materials and particular …‘ŽŽ‡…–‹‘•ƒ”‡‡’––‘‰‡–Š‡”™‹–Š‘—–•’‡…‹ϐ‹…‹ˆ‘”ƒ–‹‘ǤŠƒ–‹•ƒ‹Ž›
for reasons of preservation. What we used to do -­‐ because now we keep traces of what we do -­‐ is that when a collection enters into the building it’s divided between the things that are split into the different store ro-­‐
oms we have (serials, bookstore, archive, …) and things that are perhaps photographed or posters that have to be kept in different climate control systems and so on and so forth. So the material is split out but usually this is not recorded and what you can do -­‐ it’s some work but is doable -­‐ is to ϐ‹†‘—–™Š‹…Š’ƒ”–‹…—Žƒ”Šƒ‡”›‘—Šƒ˜‡ƒ†•‡‡‹ˆ™‡Šƒ˜‡ƒƒ”…Š‹˜ƒŽ
collection of that particular Trade Union or whatever organization it is. I suppose that in many cases we do have that, otherwise we would not have –Š‡Šƒ‡”•Ǥ–Š‹Ǥ†–Š‡›‘—…ƒϐ‹†‘–‡•‘–Š‡Š‹•–‘”›‘ˆ–Šƒ–
particular organization in the archive that we have got. That’s what you can do … but about the histories of particular hammers, perhaps with few exceptions, is not known to us. DT: I’m asking this because there are no existing books on hammers and histories of hammers. In particular I’m interested in this group of objects because they are not related in general to courts or auctions but to revolu-­‐
tionary acts. They are meetings of meetings. They are not a collection yet. They are fragments of a collection as a col-­‐
lection usually is. So for me it could be interesting to use the essayistic form or the writing form to group them … looking at them as an alien that ‡‡––Š‡•‡’”‡•‡…‡•ˆ‘”–Š‡ϐ‹”•––‹‡Ǥ
I’m really at the beginning of my enquiry so I’m not clear where I’m going and how to relate myself them yet. I’m focusing mainly on two directions. Firstly, I am interested in the methods of research and states of exceptions of power in which we live especially relating to the mystical foundation of authorities and the 60
suspension of law. Secondly, I’m giving particular attention to the relation between madness and the moment of taking a decision as I think that the-­‐
se are strongly related; I’m focusing on who is behind the decision-­‐making process and behind each of these hammers.
Were they used mainly for judgments or consensus making? JK: There are certainly exceptions to the rule but if you would really stu-­‐
dy the topic historically you can probably also relate it to the creation of discipline within a labour movement. Since they were mostly used in meetings, it is rather interesting to think about the protocols of meetings that you sometimes have in workers organizations. Originally you never had protocols of meetings because no one was taking any protocol. Mainly it was a rather chaotic meeting but in the course of time there was some •‘”–‘ˆ†‹•…‹’Ž‹‹‰‘ˆ–Š‡‘˜‡‡–„›‹–•‡Žˆǡ™Š‹…Šƒ†‡‹–‘”‡‡ˆϐ‹…‹‡–
and more effective also in what it wanted to do. The hammer is probably part of this story in a way. At one point it appeared in these movements showing to the people that it was a real movement because there were other movements that used hammers before that Chairman, which pro-­‐
bably invested a person with some visible authority -­‐ from that point all the people knew that the hammer was used for that purpose and they are using it in this way also now. In actual practise in most cases -­‐ I suppose -­‐ these hammers were used symbolically at the beginning of a meeting and at the end of it, to mark these points. Normally if there was nothing special it was not used in between; it would be used only in moments when you really want to mark a point or if there was for instance a debate that was becoming chaotic … then the Chairman would use the hammer to keep silence. Of course there are other situations in where you might see the hammer being used but I think that in the most cases this was the main point; the Chairman’s ham-­‐
mer. DT: Some of the hammers are beautiful because they are handmade and when I was looking at them I was trying to imagine in which kind of situa-­‐
tion they were using them …
JK: In that case or aspect they are really related to the banners of mani-­‐
festations or movements that are extremely elaborated. And somehow at the same point these hammers are the status symbol of a thought and of a group of people. 61
Now I was thinking that there is a person, he’s abroad at the moment … maybe you would like to talk to him. His name is Marien van der Heijden. It seems to me that he should know at least the story of one hammer … I’m talking about the hammer of Henri Polak who was one of the most famous Trade Union leaders in the Netherlands at the beginning of the Twentieth Century. He got his personal hammer at one point. If what I’m thinking is true, Marien should know. Anyhow I think that he would be a person that you might want to talk to. DT: Do you think my approach is strange? I wanted to know what you thought when you received the email with my request because I don’t know if someone starts research like this or whether you were used to pe-­‐
ople with the same aim as me… I’m also asking these questions to myself as a way of understanding my relationship to them… JK: …ƒ—†‡”•–ƒ†™Šƒ–›‘—ǯ”‡•ƒ›‹‰ƒ†…ƒϐ‹‰—”‡‘—–›‘—”–‘’‹…Ǥ
It’s clear what you want to do … we would have collected them for nothing otherwise. You know … I sometimes try to explain to people how collections work in ƒ™ƒ›–Šƒ–‹ˆ›‘—Šƒ˜‡–Š”‡‡Šƒ‡”•‹–ǯ•‘ǡ„—–‹ˆ›‘—Šƒ˜‡‘”‡–Š‡ϐ‹ˆ-­‐
ty hammers certainly it’s interesting and strong … that’s the case with al-­‐
most any type of object … it’s not always necessarily because in some case you need much more before it becomes interesting and sometime three items are already enough but in a case like this we have typically a kind of collection that starts to be big enough to be interesting as such. But we got it by accident because we never collected hammers; we collected Trade Unions and they happened to have hammers. It’s interesting that somebo-­‐
dy from outside looks at this suddenly as a collection. DT: That’s certainly the case for me. I’m talking about them as a way to start to create an understanding of this as a collection and it’s also a pro-­‐
cess to re-­‐think the meaning of these objects. There are a lot of hidden aspects that we don’t know about them and there are possible investiga-­‐
tions about certain forms of knowledge and thought. I think that to exhibit them would be an opportunity to look at and raise questions about them and their relation to the present world. In that scenario, they would be be-­‐
coming objects for observation and discussion. 62
2nd Meeting
Marien van der Heijden
Tuesday 13rd November 2012, h 10am
IISH -­‐ International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam (NL)
Diego Tonus: […] I would like to work with this group of gavels held by the Institute. I’ve found them, as I have said to Jaap Kloosterman by chan-­‐
ce last year. This summer I came back to look at them mainly because I was researching them as a group. Because this is s a group of objects that doesn’t constitute a collection yet, I think they are really potentially very interesting because of their relationship to revolutionary and emancipa-­‐
tory movements. It’s not simply a collection of hammers used by judges or auctioneers for example. What I’m focusing on with my research is the contemporary process of †‡…‹•‹‘Ǧƒ‹‰ƒ††‡ϐ‹‹‰ƒ—–Š‘”‹–›ƒ†Š‘™–Š‹•…ƒ„‡—†‡”•–‘‘†
through the gavels. I’m starting to research their individual histories and what they’re hiding. Each of them opens up a potential to discover so-­‐
mething more. Each person who sees these hammers can recognise their particular po-­‐
wer, I think that it is also visible when they are together. It’s not that the-­‐
re’s only one of them but it’s a group of ‘meetings’ if you like…
Marien van der Heijden: How many do we have?
DT: Almost ninety …
MVDH: I see -­ Laughter -­
DT: I really like this idea that I could be a researcher… to somehow make these objects visible again. Having this possibility to talk about Henry Po-­‐
lak ‘s hammer is very important for me. First of all, is this hammer here in the Institute or not? MVDH: The beautiful one you mean?
DT: Mr. Kloosterman suggested talking with you about this hammer. I have all pictures of them but I don’t know which one it is …
63
MVDH: The one I hope he meant is … -­‐ Laughter -­‐ it can only be one right? DT: Is it the one in ivory and ebony?
MVDH: Let me see in the server … DT: If you want I have pictures of them … MVDH: Maybe quicker
DT: Ok … I had few days in which I took pictures this summer and I’ve divided photos in few folders as you can see … This is the one of the anti-­‐
alcoholism commission … maybe this one, no?
MVDH: No. It’s a nice one but it’s not Henry Polak’s hammer. DT: And this one?
MVDH: No … I think it’s not here. If these are the pictures of hammers you found here, it’s not there because it will be in this … former Unions buil-­‐
ding.
DT: Which one?
MVDH: It’s close to the Artis Zoo. -­‐ He takes a catalogue of the Trade Unions Museum -­‐It’s the Trade Unions building. Formally Trade Unions Museum where I’ve worked at that time and I was involved in exhibitions. I looked quickly but there are no pictures of the hammer in this book but ™‡•Š‘—Ž†Šƒ˜‡‘‡‹–Š‡…ƒ–ƒŽ‘‰—‡ǥ™‡ŽŽǡǯŽŽ–”›–‘ϐ‹†‹–ǥ
DT: If it help, I was searching for pictures of Henry Polak and I’ve found this picture of him within a Commission with this hammer, but maybe is not the one we are talking about … MVDH: Probably it’s a different one …
DT: Is it a personal hammer that was made in his honour after his death? MVDH: ™‹ŽŽ–‡ŽŽ›‘—Ǥƒ›„‡ϐ‹”•–ǡ›‘—•ƒ›”‡˜‘Ž—–‹‘ƒ”›‘”‰ƒ‹œƒ–‹‘•ǥ
64
think most of them would be hammers from Trade Unions and Dutch
14. Group portrait -­‐ ANDB (Dutch Trade Union of the Diamond Workers ): V.l.n.r. Bernard Wins, D.P. de Vries, H. Polak, Jan Van Zutphen, C.A. Van der Velde. Netherlands, 1900
Trade Unions … well some of them were revolutionary but many of them ™‡”‡‘–ǤŠ‡›™‡”‡–”›‹‰–‘ϐ‹†–Š‡‹”™ƒ›‹ƒ”Ž‹ƒ‡–ƒ”›†‡‘…”ƒ…›Ǥ
They were not about violently overthrowing capitalist society. And often when people talk about these hammers they say … well they must have used quite a lot and banged the table with them! I think it might be just the opposite. The hammer was perhaps more … Well, as you said, judges had them, Presidents of Parliament had them; these hammers were showing they were becoming civilized in a way also. I’m putting that in too strong a way now. It was adopting things that already were there and showing ‘we have this tool’ and this one hammer of Henry Polak has a story I know about. If you see it, it is really an exquisite thing and between the head and the 65
handle is extremely thin. So if you would used it, it would be broken im-­‐
mediately. Most of the times they would just do -­‐ gently knocks the table with his hand -­‐ and the order would be restored because it was a civilized organization. It’s more or less the opposite of revolutionaries shouting, screaming and throwing chairs etc. This was like … we have procedures. DT: Ok, it was more gentle …
MVDH: ‡ƒŠǤˆ…‘—”•‡–Š‡”‡™‡”‡‘‡–‘ˆ˜‹‘Ž‡–…‘ϐŽ‹…–•‡–…Ǥ„—–
think this is another side of the coin so to speak. And this particular ham-­‐
‡”ǥ‘Ǩ—•––”›–‘ϐ‹†‹–‹–Š‡…ƒ–ƒŽ‘‰—‡„‡…ƒ—•‡ǥ
DT: Ok …
MVDH: You must know what I’m talking about. -­‐ Laughter -­‐
If I remember well once upon a time we made pictures of these hammers and of things that were in the Trade Unions’ building to catalogue them before they went back in there. DT: … ah so some of them are in the Trade Union’s building -­‐ there are even more hammers … MVDH: Yes, most of them were presented or related to some occasions. I think Jaap already explained to you that we never consciously started collecting hammers. We collect all this kind of materials related to these organizations and sometimes a photo collection comes alone, sometimes banners, sometimes a hammer and well … after sometime several appear. A group of ninety hammers! -­‐ Laughter -­‐
DT: An accidental group of objects that are really strong as a group … MVDH: If I remember well it was one of the few within a box … no I can’t ϐ‹†‹–ǡ•‘•Š‘—Ž†Ž‡ƒ˜‡‹–ƒ†–”›–‘ϐ‹†ƒ‘–Š‡”’Žƒ…‡ǥ
[…] this Diamond Workers Union was a special Union in the Netherlands’s history development of the Dutch Labour Movement. Diamond history was concentrated in Amsterdam and at one point Am-­‐
sterdam was the biggest centre in the world for diamond cutting and poli-­‐
shing etc. 66
–™ƒ•‘–‡š…Ž—•‹˜‡Ž›‡™‹•Š„—–‘˜‡”ϐ‹ˆ–›’‡”…‡–™‡”‡‡™‹•Š’‡‘’Ž‡
working as diamond workers. It was a very specialized Industry with a lot of subdivisions. You had very high paid people doing very experts things and you would have low paid people doing production work or certain parts of the production process. This Diamond Workers Union was founded on the basis of a strike. A big strike in 1894 if I’m right; and due to coming together of several cir-­‐
cumstances they succeeded in really stopping the diamond industry. It was a full strike and they got their way. They wanted ... well probably they wanted increase of wage etc. and they succeeded in everything. And this created a massive enthusiasm that within a very brief period went from an industry with few small, not even Trade Unions but professional associations, to a Trade Unions that effectively dominated the Industry because it had probably over three quarters of the people working in this industry that were in this Union, so they had a huge power base. One of the founding members was this Henry Polak who was Jewish himself also and he was quite a character. He had high ambitions. From the start not just economics and politics but also culture was extremely important to him. To teach culture to workers not as goal in itself but to give the possibility for workers to develop themselves as people who were appreciating culture like civilized human beings – the cultural Ideal -­‐ the ideal of rising yourself to a higher level. In order to do this he made a lot of things. They had a library from the very start where they had all kinds of workers courses, lectures etc.
If they did anything, they wanted to make it beautiful, so if they published a newspaper they would pay close attention to the design of the newspa-­‐
per’s head and if they built a building they wanted to have a very good architect to design the building and they really wanted to spend money on this because it was for the workers. If it’s for the workers you should really spend money because you want to give them good things, you want to improve their taste. You can’t do that with cheap stuff that is ugly, you must do the best of the best. It was not just making art lovers. It was cre-­‐
ating civilization, emancipation and also more or less to represent the co-­‐
ming new society in which beauty would be available for everyone in daily life instead of the ugly industrial environment. They wanted to visualize utopia already. These are not things made up by people later. They were the ones that said things like this. Henry Polak was friend with the archi-­‐
tect Berlage who was at that time the upcoming big young star of Dutch architecture and who was socialist already. Polak asked Berlage to design 67
–Š‹•„—‹Ž†‹‰ǤŠ‹•™ƒ•–Š‡ϐ‹”•––‹‡–Šƒ–ƒ—–…Š”ƒ†‡‹‘Šƒ†ƒ†‡
or designed a building for itself. This massive fortress was almost a provo-­‐
cation. It has a big symbolic meaning … the location where it is is not in a workers neighbourhood. It’s in a very good neighbourhood. ‘Workers are here to stay!’ The building has this fortress appearance. This is strong, this has a defen-­‐
sive strength and if you go inside … beauty, colours, light and space.
They had a big meeting hall decorated with mural paintings. They really did everything to make this building like a fortress on the outside and a palace on the inside. The building was built in 1900 and at that time the industry did not go very well. There was huge unemployment so members decided to protest against throwing away this money on this thing … not all but some. Polak said ‘No, this is an investment for the future. You will see. The money has been reserved. We can afford this. This will pay off.’ It took time before the Union members came to really see it as ‘their’ buil-­‐
ding and to develop pride in it. It was of course an elite organization; bolt workers, for example, couldn’t afford a building like this but diamonds workers could. They felt they were quite something, which they were. After some point this was no longer just an initiative of the board of the Union but it was shared by members. When they had jubilees etc. members would give presents to the board of the Union and they would really use their taste to give beautiful presents and on one occasion which was around 1910/11 -­‐ I have to check -­‐ the ‹‘ǡ–Š‡˜‡”›ϐ‹”•–‘‡•‡…—”‡†–Š‡‡‹‰Š–Š‘—”™‘”‹‰†ƒ›Ǥ
They achieved this in 1911 which was extremely early and of course there were a lot of festivals, jubilees, concerts and triumphal marches. Not de-­‐
monstrations but pride and happiness. Then the members of the Unions decided to offer a meeting room for the board which is still in the building today-­‐ he looks at the catalogue. ‡ˆ‘”‡‹–™ƒ•Œ—•–ƒ‘ˆϐ‹…‡ƒ†–Š‡›†‡…‹†‡†–‘…‘ŽŽ‡…–‘‡›ƒ†‰‹˜‡
commissions to make a beautifully decorated room with wall panelling, wall paintings and furniture. This was all designed either by Berlage or by interior architects closely connected to him. DT: Is it the space in which Polak was … let’s say … hammering?
MVDH: I think that before they did this, it was the place where he had his ‘ˆϐ‹…‡ǡ–Š‡‹–„‡…ƒ‡–Š‡„‘ƒ”†”‘‘ƒ†ǯ‘–•—”‡‹ˆ‹–™ƒ•—•‡†„›
68
one individual; I think not. But after the Second World War they put Hen-­‐
ry Polak’s own desk in the room as a sort of homage. I don’t think he was usually working in when it was a boardroom but the hammer was part of ƒŽŽ‘ˆ–Š‹•ǤŠ‡‰”‘—’‘ˆ‡„‡”•ǡ–Š‡‘ˆϐ‹…‡•–ƒˆˆǥ–Š‡›Šƒ†ƒ•ƒŽŽ…‘ŽŽ‡…-­‐
tion of their own hammers and they gave money to Berlage to design this ‘‡Šƒ‡”™Š‹…Š™ƒ•’”‡•‡–‡†‘„‡ŠƒŽˆ‘ˆ–Š‡‘ˆϐ‹…‡•–ƒˆˆ‘ˆ–Š‡‹‘
to Henry Polak and the board of the Union. DT: … ah, so it was designed by this architect …
MVDH: Yes, yes. And it was part of this collection of gifts that members gave to their leaders -­‐ so to speak -­‐ out of gratitude and in order to provi-­‐
de them with a beautiful environment in which they could continue wor-­‐
king for the future. DT: For me it’s important to understand this. Also to understand what an object could represent, if you get my meaning? MVDH: ... but this is one of the few hammers with such a story behind it of course. DT: Yes because most of them have minor histories. I still think it could be interesting to look more closely at the others. […] I’ve read about the library you mentioned while I was reading about Henry Polak’s history. I thought it was a really important thing for wor-­‐
kers.
MVDH: Yeah. They had a big library …
DT: I would like to see it. MVDH: I’m not sure when they are open because it used to be a Museum and isn’t anymore; it’s a kind of conference centre but the monumental rooms are still open to visitors. DT: ǯ”‡ƒŽŽ›…—”‹‘—•–‘•‡‡–Š‹•Šƒ‡”Ǥ“—‹–‡Ž‹‡–Šƒ–™‡†‹†ǯ–ϐ‹†
pictures of it during our conversation MVDH: -­ Laughter -­ So I stop looking for it. But it should be there in the 69
room. DT: Was this hammer used in the decision-­‐making process? The problem ™ƒ–‡†–‘ϐ‹‰—”‡‘—–™ƒ•‹ˆ–Š‡•‡Šƒ‡”•™‡”‡ƒ‹Ž›—•‡†ˆ‘”Œ—†‰-­‐
ments or consents. When I look at this object I think I can recognize that it represents a form of executive power. What interests me about them is both their symbolic meaning and their histories. If I look at an object like this only as a sculpture I think that there is a dan-­‐
ger to ignore its history, looking mainly at its symbolic meaning, I would Ž‹‡–‘ƒŽ•‘ϐ‹†‘—–‹–•Š‹•–‘”›Ǥ–Š‹–Šƒ–”‡•‡ƒ”…Š‹‰–Š‡•‡Šƒ‡”•ƒ•
a collection could produce interesting knowledge. Certainly this object exists in its relation to a user and a viewer. MVDH: I think most of the time they were used in a formal way. -­‐ he knocks the table with his hand -­‐ ‘meeting open’. DT: … to open and close meetings. MVDH: … and maybe at some point ‘Please round off now …’ DT: Was it a way to create a discipline within the meeting? MVDH: Yes, to maintain order … and of course it’s a symbolic thing becau-­‐
se -­ Laughter -­ why would you believe in this -­‐ he knocks the table again -­‐ … you can continue talking I mean … never mind … Yes. It’s abstract and you have to believe in it. Like in money. -­ Laughter -­ But there were of course times when they really banged hammers and they really used them to create a noise. But in our case I think that most of the time it would not been about volume but just being present like that. -­‐ he knocks the table again -­‐ DT: ‘›‘—–Š‹…ƒϐ‹†‹ˆ‘”ƒ–‹‘ƒ„‘—––Š‹•Šƒ‡”‹–Š‡”ƒ†‡
Union building?
MVDH: … information I’m not sure. DT: ǥ›‘—•ƒ‹†–Šƒ–‡”Žƒ‰‡†‡•‹‰‡†–Š‡Šƒ‡”Ǥƒ›„‡…ƒϐ‹†‘—–
who made it. Because when I look at these objects there’s always another question that comes to my mind. Who made them? Some of them are 70
hand made and they are really fascinating as self-­‐made objects made by self-­‐organized associations but some of them are industrial or produced ‹ƒ–‡”‹ƒŽ••—…Šƒ•”‡•‹•Ǥ–•‘–•‘‡ƒ•›–‘ϐ‹†‹ˆ‘”ƒ–‹‘•’‡…‹ϐ‹…ƒŽŽ›
ƒ„‘—––Š‡„—–ˆ‘”–Š‡‘‡•…ƒϐ‹†…Ž—‡•ƒ„‘—–ǡ–Š‡•‡ƒ•’‡…–•…‘—Ž†„‡
interesting in order to understand where they came from. MVDH: Šƒ–…‘—Ž†’”‘„ƒ„Ž›„‡†‹ˆϐ‹…—Ž–Ǥˆ›‘—™‘—Ž†Šƒ˜‡•ƒ‹†ǥǯ™‡ŽŽǡǯ
interested in Trade Union banners …’ that has been documented and rese-­‐
arched much more. In any case as far as I know I’ve never seen a publica-­‐
tion about hammers. DT: I wonder if the reason there are no publications about hammers in the Western culture is because it’s something that belongs in particular to –Š‡‡•–‡”…—Ž–—”‡Ǥ™‘—Ž†Ž‹‡–‘ƒ‡–Š‡ϐ‹”•–’—„Ž‹…ƒ–‹‘ƒ„‘—––Š‡•‡
objects looking at them from a contemporary point of view. MVDH: -­‐ he moves to the computer ǦǥŒ—•–Šƒ†ƒ„”‹ŽŽ‹ƒ–‹†‡ƒ–‘ϐ‹†‘ˆ
Henry Polak’s hammer. I’m searching in the server for the word ‘voorzit-­‐
tershamer’ or ‘hammer of presidents’. DT: I see. I have to write down that word, because all of these pictures … MVDH: Oh yes sure! That is a good one. Transfer of power by handing over the hammer to the new one … Handing over power invested in the hammer. -­‐ in the same while he’s looking at pictures of hammers -­‐ Perhaps this is the hammer… No, I don’t recognize it… maybe it’s a different one. Anyway you’ll see it. 15. Hammer of the Dutch Society for the Abolition of Alcoholic Beverages, Netherlands, 1917
71
DT: Š‹Ž‡™ƒ••‡ƒ”…Š‹‰‹ˆ‘”ƒ–‹‘ƒ„‘—––Š‡ϐ‹”•–Šƒ‡””‡Žƒ–‡†–‘
the Dutch Society for the Abolition of Alcoholic Beverages, I’ve found a picture of the commission and it’s quite beautiful because I can discover somehow the state of the object itself. As you can see there’s this picture in which the hammer is depicted … 16. Dutch Society for the Abolition of Alcoholic Beverages. Central Administration: Hillebrand, M. Wil-­‐
lemse, Arie H. Meulen, P. van der. Jansonius, J.G. Heide, A. van der. Graaf, H.T. de. Gerhardt, Jan. Schmidt, F.U. Graalsma, B.J. Hingst, W., Netherlands, 1916-­‐17
MVDH: … a portrait of hammers with people as the background -­ Lau-­
ghter -­‐
DT: … yes, also if you can see, I noticed that there is no wooden on which to hit the hammers? There is only the table. And comparing this picture with the photo I took last summer, I also noticed that there is no longer a metal ball on it. It has simply disappeared. I thought that noticing these things was a way to trace their past.
[…] Collecting is a cultural act. It’s more than just putting things together, 72
in this case it’s a way to look at these objects as a group. MVDH: I think Jaap told me he gave you this book titled ‘Rebel with a cau-­‐
se’. Maybe it is a interesting background for connecting … how collections are being formed -­‐ in the meanwhile he is searching for images of Henry Polak’s hammer in slides within a box -­‐ […] I’m getting desperate … you see, ˆ‘”›‘—‹–ǯ•‹–‡”‡•–‹‰„—–ˆ‘”‡‹–ǯ•ƒ–‘”–—”‡–‘‘–ϐ‹†‹–Ǥ
DT: -­ Laughter -­ MVDH: It’s stupid … the one most important hammer … no pictures …
DT: But if it is a hammer that is preserved in a box or a sack … I think I’ve seen it ... is it a black hammer with silver decorations? -­‐ pictures of ham-­
mers are running on the monitor of my computer -­
MVDH: … this is a nice one … just a chunk of wood cut with a pocketknife or something …
17. Hammer of AJC. Afdeling Zeist -­‐ Youth Workers Central, Netherlands, 1925-­‐1949
73
DT: … yes exactly. It’s beautifully hand-­‐made. In the beginning I was thin-­‐
king … why not make a new hammer myself, or reproduce one from the archive? However, the original one has this power through the possibility of it producing an action -­‐ the produce of a decision. All this is done while in front of an audience which I also think is interesting when conside-­‐
ring its performance. As I understand it, they hide or have this power in themselves which it just doesn’t feel right to replicate. Somehow I’m resi-­‐
sting the temptation to create something new from them in this way …
MVDH: Have you been looking for other collections of hammers? If you want I can think of possible other collections of this type of hammers ™‹–Š‹‘–Š‡”•–‹–—–‹‘•‹–Š‡ϐ‹‡Ž†‘ˆ•‘…‹ƒŽŠ‹•–‘”›ƒ†Žƒ„‘—”Š‹•–‘”›Ǥˆ
it’s of interest … if you think ‘no, I have hammers enough already’ …
DT: I think they are enough for now. If I want to research in each of them and their derivations, it will be a long-­‐term project. So I’m selecting this ‰”‘—’ϐ‹”•–ƒ†™‹ŽŽ…‘•‹†‡”–ƒŽƒ„‘—–ƒŽƒ”‰‡”‰”‘—’‘ˆ‘„Œ‡…–•Žƒ–‡”Ǥ
I’m also thinking about a way of exhibiting them in a space maybe in a space that people walk through in which aspects of the hammers and the groups they are related to can be displayed … MVDH: … and the sound they made when you use them … DT: … maybe talking about them is, for me, a way to strike them again wi-­‐
thout hitting them for real … to let them … MVDH: … to let them speak? I wonder if the sound they made was ever consciously designed… the form of the hammer as an application for the sound. Would this be a conscious thing when you design one? DT: †‘ǯ–‘™ǨŠ‡›†‡ϐ‹‹–‡Ž›ƒŽŽŠƒ˜‡†‹ˆˆ‡”‡–•‘—†•Ǥ
MVDH: They must. DT: When I was thinking to collect information about them and write their actual states, I was thinking also to record their sounds. MVDH: –Š‹™‡…‘—Ž†’”‘„ƒ„Ž›ϐ‹†ƒ™ƒ›–‘ƒŽŽ‘™›‘—–‘†‘–Šƒ–-­ Lau-­
ghter -­
74
DT: […] as last question I would like to ask you if you know something about the character of Henry. When I look at a hammer I have often asked myself ‘Who was behind it? Who used it?’ MVDH: I’m not a specialist. I’m just trying to remember and repeat things specialists have found. When he was young we was very clever. He was not too shy. He was working as a diamond cutter and he was working in the industry himself. He made good money and spent it. He enjoyed the good life. He came into contact with socialism and socialists and this had ƒˆ‘”ƒ–‹˜‡‹ϐŽ—‡…‡‘Š‹Ǥ‡•–ƒ”–‡†–‘„‡…‘‡ƒ•‘…‹ƒŽ‹•–Š‹•‡Žˆƒ†
he became part of a small group of bright young guys in Amsterdam who, more or less, became the center of what would become the social demo-­‐
crat organization in the Netherlands, the party, the Trade Union and the Trade Unions Confederation. Literally a small group of guys. He had, I be-­‐
lieve, a special combination of qualities: he was very gifted intellectually. He could write and speak extremely well; he had a good sense of tactics and politics. He had charisma and especially in this Amsterdam surroun-­‐
ding -­‐ to put it simply – he replaced a rabbi. He was as a father to his members. And he was not acting, I mean he was arrogant and could offend people but at the same time he loved them and they loved him back. There are all kinds of funny stories about, for example, what he would do to a few members of the diamond workers when there was heavy drin-­‐
king. One of the wives would come to Unions building saying ‘Oh Mr. Polak my husband has been missing for six days, I think he’s drunk all the time’. And then Polak sent someone to fetch him and bring him to –Š‡‘ˆϐ‹…‡ƒ†‰‹˜‡Š‹ƒ‰‘‘†•…‘Ž†‹‰Ǩ
Especially after the First World War the diamond history in Amsterdam really went down and he was not the nucleus of optimist Workers Unions ƒ›‘”‡Ǥ‡™ƒ•™‘”‹‰‘”‡‘•‘…‹ƒŽ™‡Žˆƒ”‡ƒ†•‘…‹ƒŽ„‡‡ϐ‹–•ˆ‘”
his members to try to keep them alive and well set with income and so on. He was protecting more than building a new society. And he became ‡˜‡”‘”‡ƒ—–Š‘”‹–ƒ–‹˜‡‹…‡”–ƒ‹ϐ‹‡Ž†•Ǣˆ‘”‹•–ƒ…‡ǥ‘–”‡ƒŽŽ›–Š‡‡-­‐
vironment… but the protection of natural beauty and the protection of the cityscape against new buildings in old neighbourhoods and against buil-­‐
ding railway tracks over natural areas. He was very much into language, the purity of language. He was against Gallicism, Anglicism … he protected the real proper nature of the good 75
language and he was very pedantic in a way in this. He wrote on this very much and he was really more or less an authority for this. Then of course, in the late 1920s and 1930s with developments in Germany and other parts of Europe he became one of the most authoritative anti-­‐Nazi and anti-­‐Fascist speakers and writers. He wrote things in newspapers that made it clear that it was not true what was set up afterwards and that the Dutch didn’t know. They knew, and we knew before, this is something he has written about. He was one of the most explicit speakers and writers of this and he knew what was going to happen because he saw it coming, like many people … but he said it. When the war came he was arrested very soon and put in prison. Not into the harshest of conditions. He was never transported into a concentration camp. He spent sometime in prison. He was old and he got house arrest several time, so he was at home and he was old and it was winter and he wasn’t allowed to turn the heating system on. He was subjected to those kinds of humiliations. But he kept some prison diaries even during those days and he continued writing about Dutch language and the proper use of it. He wrote them in prison in 1940-­‐41. So he was extraordinary active and a powerful person. There have been more then rumours that he had his love affairs, that he took certain liber-­‐
ties with women that we would not appreciate today anymore but at the same time he stayed married and faithful … in another way faithful to his wife that he married when he was very young and they must have been very fond of each other even though he had affairs with pretty young girls also. So he was a big personality and he travelled a lot. He had contacts also with Ghandi for example. The International Trade Union of diamond workers had international contacts in the Unions abroad and for those days he travelled quite a lot. I forgot to tell you also that he died in 1944.
76
77
Henry Polak’s gavel
Thursday 22nd November 2012, h 14pm
Meeting with Suzanne Heideman
Trade Unions Building, Amsterdam (NL)
Henry Polak’s gavel
Designed by the architect Hendrik Petrus Berlage
Location: Vakbondsmuseum -­‐ Trade Unions Building, Amsterdam
Year: 1911
18. Henry Polak’s gavel Notes. Pear wood it’s a type of wood that is very dense (dry density 700 kg / m³), Šƒ”†ǡ…Šƒ”ƒ…–‡”‹œ‡†„›ϐ‹‡‰”ƒ‹ƒ†
uniformed streaks. It could be easily and cleanly worked and, thanks to its uniform structure, is particularly sui-­‐
table for milling, turning and carving.
Pear wood, along with maple, it’s mainly used in the manufacture of —•‹…ƒŽ‹•–”—‡–••—…Šƒ•ϐŽ—–‡•ǡ
because of his musicality -­‐ it serves also as wood to realize measuring and drawing tools for designers. Physical description:
Weight: 80 gr. approximately -­‐ Weight distributed mainly on the head
Dimensions: Height 28 x width 12,7 x depth 4 cm
The piece is divided in two parts:
Head: h18 x w12,7 x d4 cm Handle: h13,2 x w4 x d4 cm
ANDB Symbol
Type of wood: Pear wood
Inscription:
Diamond cut
· BY OFFICE STAFF · A · N · D · B · THE INTRODUCTION OF THE 8-­‐HOURS WORKING DAY 1 OCT. 1911 Material related to the hammer
19. Bestuurskamer -­‐ Trade Unions’ boardroom
20. Bestuurskamer -­‐ Trade Unions’ boardroom
Extract from a discussion with Suzanne Heideman: […]
Diego Tonus: Are there any kind of information related to this hammer? Are there photos of the hammer while Polak was using it or Berlage’s project of the hammer?
Suzanne Heideman: I think everything is in the mind of people … Mainly the thing we know is that it was designed by the architect Berlage -­‐ the same architect that built Beurs van Berlage in Amsterdam -­‐ in honour of the establishment of the ‘eight hours working day’ in 1911. The-­‐
re are no pictures depicting Polak with this hammer but it’s known that he used it in Trade Unions’ Conference room. […]
Notes. I’m discovering stories through witnesses and word of mouth that could be discovered only talking and meeting people. The testimony is not implied in written texts but in oral language and in the transmission of it.
21. Conference room
3nd Meeting
Dennis Bos and Adriaan van Veldhuizen Monday 10st December 2012, h 15pm
IISH -­‐ International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam (NL)
Dennis Bos: I think that a project like yours can make the group of ham-­‐
mers at the IISH into a collection. Diego Tonus: Mainly I’m creating a surrounding landscape around them through testimonies and witnesses. There is not a lot of documents rela-­‐
ted to these groups …
DB: … right. DT: … also because it seems to me to be in the nature of the groups they belonged to. As counter part and opposition to another power they were focusing on resistance so they didn’t follow any kind of protocol for me-­‐
etings. Over a few years they developed a kind of discipline in the move-­‐
ments themselves. Do you think that the hammer is one of the elements that helped in this process of introducing discipline? DB: Yes, it’s a symbol of the disciplinisation of the labour movements. My research for my doctoral thesis was about the origins of early socialist ‘˜‡‡–•™‹–Š‹•–‡”†ƒƒ†™Šƒ–ˆ‘—†‹•–Šƒ––Š‡ϐ‹”•–‰”‘—’•‘ˆ
socialists had to invent their own routine for meetings. How is a meeting staged? ‘”‹•–ƒ…‡‘‡‘ˆ–Š‡ϐ‹”•–’—„Ž‹…‡‡–‹‰•‘ˆ•‘…‹ƒŽ‹•–•‹•–‡”†ƒ
was found in a report afterwards in which the socialists themselves com-­‐
plained about the way the meeting proceeded because they had forgotten that they had rented a public space -­‐ a beer house -­‐ and they had forgotten to instruct the waiters to stop serving beer during the meeting. There were people ordering drinks and waiters walking through the public etc.! They realized ‘Ok. Next time we need to have a break for drinks and in between we’ll have the meeting’.
So this kind of very practical matters had to be invented because the pu-­‐
blic sphere of meetings and organizing and public speech was something belonging to the middle class. So when these workers started to organize themselves they had to learn how to do it. I think that the hammer is a 81
perfect symbol of the end of this development. When modern social de-­‐
mocracy developed in the Netherlands it was in the last years before the turn of the Century so in the 1890s when there was a struggle between what later became anarchism and what later became social democracy within the socialist movement. This struggle, of course, was about parlia-­‐
ment and revolution. Primarily, I think it was a struggle between different styles of organizing and styles of experiencing what the social movement was about. Then they developed disciplinary schools that became social democracy in a more rebellious and activist way. DT: Do you know if the hammer is still in use today within these groups? DB: That’s a good question. That would be an interesting question. I doubt if they are still in use because in the Netherlands at least they be-­‐
came, I think, also a symbol to ridicule. It’s overformal and we don’t need that. It’s too much, too authoritarian, too much authority coming from a symbol that in Dutch political culture, that is very proud of this harmony model in which all counterparts talk and they come to an agreement, we do not need a president with a hammer. DT: ‡…ƒ—•‡™ƒ•–Š‹‹‰–Šƒ–‹–™ƒ•ƒ‹†‘ˆ…ƒ‘—ϐŽƒ‰‡†™‡ƒ’‘
DB: Yeah sure DT: ƒ‹†‘ˆ…ƒ‘—ϐŽƒ‰‡†™ƒ›ǡ–Š‡•‡‰”‘—’•–‘‘‡–Š‘†•‘”‘†‡Ž•
from other Institutions or organizations to help them organize their own meetings in order to achieve what they needed. ™‘—Ž†Ž‹‡–‘ϐ‹†–Š‡˜‹•—ƒŽ‹ƒ‰‹ƒ”›‘ˆŽƒ„‘—”‘˜‡‡–•–‘†ƒ›ƒ†ǡ‹ˆ
there are no gavels anymore, what kind of object could replace them.
ǯŽ‘‘‹‰ƒ––Š‡•‡Šƒ‡”•ˆ”‘†‹ˆˆ‡”‡–’‡”•’‡…–‹˜‡•ǤǢϐ‹”•–Ž›ǡ‹–‡”•
of symbolism, for example the ceremonial aspect of their use, and the requirement for a group or an addressee to subscribe to the authority of the ceremony; secondly, the functional aspect of the hammer. For now, I’m studying the gavel in itself but I would like to trace back their micro or macro histories mainly through what I can discover through testimonies and interviews because there seems to be no documentation of their me-­‐
etings. 82
DB: Š‡”‡‹‰Š–„‡•‘‡…Ž—‡•„—–›‘—Šƒ˜‡–‘ϐ‹†ƒƒ••‹•–ƒ–™Š‘”‡-­‐
ads dutch because we have a lot of newspapers from the Nineteenth and Twentieth Century that have been digitalized; also Socio Democratic Daily and you could look thorough them, looking for hammers because when these hammers were handed over to the board, because the movement existed for ten years and they changed organization, probably there were some reports in the paper. Adriaan van Veldhuizen: ‡ƒŠ†‡ϐ‹‹–‡Ž›Ǥ…–—ƒŽŽ›‘™•‘‡‘ˆ–Š‡•‡
reports on the ceremony of handing over the hammer. DB: Question was, whether hammers like these are still in use… you pro-­‐
bably know better then I do…
AVV: Well, just as ceremonies… these kind of ceremonies still happen all the time within labour movements, even in Youth movements. Basically, the idea that the hammer represents someone who is ‘in charge’ is still very common. DT: What about these Youth groups? Are they youth workers groups? I was looking at some of the hand-­‐made hammers -­‐ like the hammer of AJC (Afdeling Zeist -­‐ Youth Workers Central) and I was asking myself what the-­‐
se groups were for. 22. Hammer of AJC. Afdeling Zeist -­‐ Youth Workers Central, Ne-­‐
therlands, 1925-­‐1949
83
DB: AJC is a general working youth or socio-­‐democratic youth movement. On the head of the hammer you can see the Red Falcon. They were the children groups or the youngest members of the AJC. AVV: I think that in Germany and in Belgium they still exist. DB: But this is also typical for socio-­‐democratic craftwork.
AVV: And in general, for these kind of hammers, there’s always some sort of hand work. DB: But there are a lot of them that are really stylish and very rich. Adriaan, you said that they are still in use but don’t you think are they a really an object of ridicule? AVV: Yes, I think so, but I know of groups that still have these kinds of hammers and they never actually use them. They are in use only to per-­‐
form this hand over ceremony. I know stories about people who say: ‘ Ok I’m not the chairman anymore but tomorrow there will be the meeting and now I have to hand over this hammer … where is it? Where is my po-­‐
wer?’ -­‐ Laughter -­‐ those kind of stories! DT: It is as a magic wand!
AVV: Exactly. They have to use it twice: once when they get it and once when they give it away. And that’s the moment in which a lot of organiza-­‐
tions really realize that they still have those objects. So they are not in use in that sense, but just there in order to hand them over. DT: I was interested to know if today’s Trade Unions use gavels …
DB: That would be an interesting question to pose just to some Unions. Go –‘–Š‡„‘ƒ”†ƒ†ƒ•–Š‡ǡ‹–•Š‘—Ž†ǯ–„‡–‘‘†‹ˆϐ‹…—Ž–Ǥ
AVV: In Parliament they are still in use. There is a strange round rubber hammer that they have and I think that hammer is designed by the archi-­‐
tect Pi de Bruijn that designed the building of the New Parliament.
When the New Parliament was in use there was also a new hammer in use. 84
23. S. Weidenaar (left) Chairman of ‘CNV Industry and Power’ hands over the gavel to F.W. Hanko, 1987
DT: Just like Henry Polak’s hammer that was designed by the architect Berlage … DB: Yes that is a beautiful work of design AVV: I think there might be other quite famous craftsmen that made ham-­‐
mers as well. I’ve seen so many different tools, lamps, objects made by artisans.
DB: Modern socio-­‐democracy from the Nineteen-­‐hundred onwards always had groups of designers that were oriented in object making.
AVV: Especially product designers. There were a few groups located in Amsterdam such as Nederlandse Vereeniging voor Ambachts-­ en Nijverheidskunst (VANK) (Dutch society for Craftsman and Artisans) and Vereniging Kunst aan het Volk (Society ‘Art to the people’). 85
They were artisans, not product designers but somewhere in between, and they are not around anymore but there might be some archives about them. There are other ‘product designers.’ I mean that’s how they called themselves. Between Eighteen-­‐eighty and Nineteen-­‐hundred the name product designer became common and many of these people started to call themselves product designers. Many of them were socialist and they also designed these kind of. It might seem unusual that an architect made this kind of thing but it was actually very common at the time. DTǣ–ǯ•‹–‡”‡•–‹‰–‘•‡‡–Šƒ––Š‡‹”…ƒ‘—ϐŽƒ‰‡’”ƒ…–‹•‡‡–‡”‡†ƒŽ•‘‹
the way they named themselves.
DB: Berlage for example also made also the furniture for the Trade Union building and he designed the logo that you have here. It’s also the logo of the Union: ANDB.
From the lettering to the decorations these people tried to design their world. 24. ANDB’s symbol (Dutch Trade Union of the Diamond Workers), 1911
DT: In the three days I’ll be here, I was going to record the sound of the hammers present in the Institute AVV: Recording their sounds is very interesting because actually when a hammer is designed for a building then you cannot reproduce the sound 86
in the way it is meant because the sound could only be reproduced inside the building. It’s particularly designed for that space. DT: –ǯ•“—‹–‡•‹–‡Ǧ•’‡…‹ϐ‹…–Š‡Ǥ
AVV: Yes, and ANDB or the Trade Union building you were mentioning be-­‐
fore … even the table related to that hammer is still there.
DT: Dennis, earlier you was saying that within the Trade Unions or other emancipatory or revolutionary groups there wasn’t any original plan of how to organise meetings.
DB: … they had to invent it. It was not organized, there was no tradition and people didn’t know how to meet or how to proceed. That was learned pretty quickly of course just by doing and I think somewhere in this pro-­‐
…‡••–Š‡ϐ‹”•–Šƒ‡”•Šƒ˜‡–‘„‡‹–”‘†—…‡†„—–™‘—Ž†ǯ–‘™™Š‡Ǥ
That’s why I’m so excited about your project because it as a blind spot for me and I never came up with the question but now the question is there … when was it introduced? AVV: ™‘†‡”™Š‡‹–™ƒ•‹–”‘†—…‡†‹–‡”ƒ–‹‘ƒŽŽ›ǫŠ‡™ƒ•–Š‡ϐ‹”•–
hammer ever discovered?
DT: Well from what I gather, there is a blurry history about this type of hammer, also the very origin of the term gavel is uncertain. I’ve written a text that draws together fragments about the hammer’s origin from the Internet and also books. I was more interested in producing a partial re-­‐
…‘ŽŽ‡…–‹‘–Šƒϐ‹†‹‰Ǯ–Š‡ǯŠ‹•–‘”›‘ˆ–Š‡Šƒ‡”Ǥ
As far as I know, you could relate its origin to America or England but also, there are sources that mention the word gavel being used instead of the word money in the last part of 17th Century and beginning of the 18th. It was also used in commercial exchanges in terms such as ‘gavel-­‐corn’ or ǯ‰ƒ˜‡ŽǦƒŽ–ǯ‡–…Ǥ–ǯ•’‘••‹„Ž‡–‘†‡ϐ‹‡‘”Š›’‘–Š‡•‹œ‡‘”‹‰‹•”‡Žƒ–‡†–‘–Š‡
tool itself like in Masonic symbolism within secret societies. There’s a de-­‐
rivation of the word gavel related to a workers’ mallet that is used to sha-­‐
pe stones -­‐ in Masonic symbolism means to build the soul of the members this literally referred to shaping the souls of the members.
DB: I was thinking about one meeting, and as we are talking I’m getting 87
more and more sure that there was a meeting in Amsterdam in the 1880s of a socio-­‐democratic branch where the public and the president quarrel-­‐
led for hours and then, at one stage, the turmoil got so big that the Presi-­‐
dent lost his hammer and he couldn’t end the meeting -­‐ Laughter -­‐ AVV: There is also this moment in which the head of the commission, when there was a lot of turmoil in the meeting, puts down the hammer and sits in the audience as if to say ‘whatever, it is not my business anymo-­‐
re!’ The hammer is a great symbol and it’s very performative. DB: -­‐ Laughter -­‐ To come back to Masonic groups though there is of course ƒŽ‹„‡–™‡‡”‡‡ƒ•‘”›ƒ†–Š‡ϐ‹”•–•‘…‹ƒŽ‹•–‰”‘—’•Ǥ
DT: Actually, there is a link also between Freemasonry and the American Senate too because George Washington and John Adams were Masons and they introduced the hammer within the Institutional way of representing authority in Parliament and in society. So there is this kind of obscure background.
DB: Also, for early labour movements, this circle of radical Freemasons developed in atheist movements of Freethinkers and around the 1860s –Š‡›™‡”‡‹ϐŽ—‡–‹ƒŽ‹ˆ‘”‹‰–Š‡—–…Š•‡…–‹‘‘ˆ–Š‡‹”•––‡”ƒ–‹‘-­‐
nal. They tried to introduce a lot of their ritual into the socialist movement but then these new workers movements were refusing them and they took distance from those practises.
Also the Russian guy who developed the hammer and sickle symbol in So-­‐
viet Russia in Nineteen-­‐seventeen was also a former Freemason so there the hammer comes through the same back door. AVV: But that is a great parallel between America and Russia. Both ham-­‐
mer, but with completely different symbols. DB: I think in the group you’re looking at there are not only socialist ham-­‐
mers but also catholic Unions and there’s also a beautiful hammer from –Š‡•’‡”ƒ–‹•–‘˜‡‡–™‹–Š–Š‡‰”‡‡•–ƒ”Ǥ–Šƒ•ϐ‹˜‡•‹†‡••‘–Šƒ–›‘—
…ƒ†‹˜‹†‡–Š‡™‘”Ž†‹ƒ†‡‘…”ƒ–‹…™ƒ›™‹–Šϐ‹˜‡’‘••‹„Ž‡…Š‘‹…‡•Ǥ
DT: Š‹•ƒ‡‡–Š‹ƒ„‘—––Š‡ϐ‹”•–•‘—†•ƒ†‡™Š‹Ž‡–ƒ’’‹‰–Š‡
88
hammers for a recording. I started to wonder ‘what am I evoking?’ For example, in some African tribes, playing a drum can evoke a demon or a ghost but with these hammers there’s a different function. I wanted to situate the hammers in relation to the contemporary world, its labour movements and so forth. I was thinking about the workers strike as a con-­‐
temporary ceremonial activity especially with the recent calls for general strikes across Europe starting from Spain, Portugal, Greece, etc.
DB: The great thing in a project like this is that you stumble upon so-­‐
mething that is present everywhere and also in history. We are also rese-­‐
arching but we never saw the past and so rarely problematize it. AVV: I suppose this is such an inner part of what you’re doing that it isn’t often described as the ‘elephant in the room.’
89
90
References
Chapter 2: Fragments on hammers’ origin
Bedini Silvio, The Mace and the Gavel: Symbols of Government in America, Ameri-­‐
can Philosophical Society, USA, 1997
Coil Henry W., Coil’s Masonic Encyclopedia, Macoy Publishing and Masonic Supply Company, New York, 1961
Haywood H. L., Symbolical Masonry: An Interpretations of the Three Degrees, Geor-­‐
ge H. Doran Company, New York, 1923
Hunt Charles C., Masonic Symbolism, Laurance Press Co., Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1939
Jones Bernard E., Freemasons’ Guide and Compendium, Macoy Publishing and Ma-­‐
sonic Supply Company, New York, 1950
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