Shellharbour City Council Area
Aboriginal Heritage Study
Note: The original version of this document has been reviewed as it contains
sensitive material. Where text has been deleted the following has been
inserted.
Please see Aboriginal Community Liaison Officer - Shellharbour City Council
June 2000
Navin
Officer
heritage
consultants
102 Jervois St.
Deakin ACT 2600
A Report to Shellharbour City Council
ph 02 6282 9415
fx 02 6282 9416
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................1
1.1 THE PROJECT .................................................................................................................................1
1.2 STUDY METHODOLOGY ...................................................................................................................1
1.2.1 Aboriginal Consultation ..........................................................................................................1
1.2.2 Review of Existing Data .........................................................................................................2
1.2.3 Limitations of the Existing Archaeological Data.....................................................................2
1.2.4 Field Survey ...........................................................................................................................3
1.3 REPORT FORMAT ............................................................................................................................3
1.4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ......................................................................................................................3
2. ABORIGINAL PARTICIPATION, CONSULTATION AND ISSUES..................................................5
3. ENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT..........................................................................................................8
3.1 LOCATION .......................................................................................................................................8
3.2 BROAD LANDFORM UNITS ................................................................................................................8
3.2.1 Water Catchments .................................................................................................................8
3.2.2 Illawarra Escarpment and Associated Foothills .....................................................................8
3.2.3 Coastal Plain ..........................................................................................................................9
3.2.4 Lake Illawarra.......................................................................................................................10
3.2.5 The Coastline .......................................................................................................................11
3.3 VEGETATION .................................................................................................................................12
3.4 HISTORIC LANDUSE IMPACTS .........................................................................................................13
3.5 THE POTENTIAL IMPACT OF LANDUSE PRACTICES ON THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD........................15
4. ETHNO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT ...................................................................................................18
4.1 TRIBAL BOUNDARIES AND TRADITIONAL GROUPINGS.......................................................................18
4.2 ABORIGINAL SETTLEMENT AND RESERVES IN THE NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH CENTURIES ............18
4.3 REPORTED PLACES OF ABORIGINAL HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE ...............................20
PLEASE NOTE: PAGES 27 TO 33 HAVE BEEN OMITTED.
5. PREVIOUS CULTURAL HERITAGE STUDIES..............................................................................34
5.1 REGIONAL CONTEXT .....................................................................................................................34
5.2 SETTLEMENT PATTERNS ................................................................................................................35
5.3 SUMMARY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS IN THE SHELLHARBOUR CITY COUNCIL AREA ............
5.3.1 Shellharbour and Shell Cove ...................................................................................................
5.3.2 Bass Point ................................................................................................................................
5.3.3 The Dunmore/Minnamurra Area ..............................................................................................
5.3.4 Lake Illawarra and Islands .......................................................................................................
5.3.5 The Hinterland..........................................................................................................................
PLEASE NOTE: PAGES 37 TO 43 AND 45 TO 46 HAVE BEEN OMITTED.
6. KNOWN AND REPORTED ABORIGINAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES AND SIGNIFICANT
PLACES ...................................................................................................................................................
6.1 RECORDINGS AND INFORMATION SOURCES ........................................................................................
6.2 AREAS/SITES ON HERITAGE REGISTERS ............................................................................................
6.3 LIMITATIONS OF THE EXISTING SITE INVENTORY AND SURVEY BASE ....................................................
PLEASE NOTE: PAGES 47 TO 50 HAVE BEEN OMITTED.
7. PREDICTIVE MODEL FOR ABORIGINAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES ......................................51
7.1 GENERAL......................................................................................................................................51
7.2 PREDICTIVE SITE LOCATION STATEMENTS......................................................................................51
7.3 PROFILES OF SITE TYPE AND LOCATION
PLEASE NOTE: SOME TEXT ON PAGES 53 AND 54 HAVE BEEN OMITTED. .....................................................
8. MAPPING OF ABORIGINAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE SENSITIVITY .......................................56
9. CONSERVATION AND MANAGEMENT ISSUES ..........................................................................62
9.1 PROBLEMS IDENTIFIED FROM PAST AND CONTEMPORARY PRACTICE ...............................................62
9.2 RELEVANT HERITAGE & PLANNING LEGISLATION ............................................................................62
9.2.1 New South Wales Legislation ..............................................................................................62
9.2.2 Commonwealth Legislation..................................................................................................65
9.3 ISSUES RAISED BY ABORIGINAL GROUPS ........................................................................................68
10. RECOMMENDED HERITAGE POLICY OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGIES ...............................70
10.1 OBJECTIVES ...............................................................................................................................70
10.2 IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGIES ....................................................................................................70
11. REFERENCES...............................................................................................................................74
APPENDIX 1: ABORIGINAL STORY ABOUT THE ARRIVAL OF THE DHARAWAL
TRIBE IN AUSTRALIA (AND THE FORMATION OF WINDANG ISLAND).......................................80
APPENDIX 2: LISTING OF NSW NPWS SITE REGISTER RECORDINGS
FOR THE SHELLHARBOUR CITY COUNCIL AREA (10/11/99).......................................................85
PLEASE NOTE: THE ABOVE LISTINGS HAVE BEEN OMITTED.
APPENDIX 3: REGISTER OF NATIONAL ESTATE LISTINGS FOR
THE SHELLHARBOUR CITY COUNCIL AREA .................................................................................92
PLEASE NOTE: THE ABOVE LISTINGS HAVE BEEN OMITTED.
APPENDIX 4: CRITERIA FOR IDENTIFYING ABORIGINAL SCARRED TREES ............................97
APPENDIX 5: NSW NPWS STANDARD SITE RECORDING FORM ..............................................100
APPENDIX 6: BEST PRACTICE GUIDELINES: ..............................................................................103
APPENDIX 7: SIGNIFICANCE ASSESSMENT CRITERIA..............................................................116
Note: The maps contained in this document are available at a larger scale upon request. Standard
fees and charges may apply.
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 The Project
For some years Shellharbour City Council has expressed a desire to identify potential sites of
Aboriginal heritage significance within its boundaries. In 1999 Shellharbour City Council
commissioned Navin Officer Heritage Consultants to conduct an Aboriginal Heritage Study for the
Shellharbour City Council area. The subject area comprises approximately 154 km2 of land located
south of Wollongong and north of Kiama on the NSW south coast. (Map 1). The area is typified by a
mosaic of landuse, with one third of the area being used for urban purposes and the remainder being
used for rural and recreation purposes, or not being used at all.
The aims of the heritage study as defined in the consultants' brief for the project were as follows:
1. To create a mechanism by which Council and the community can determine the likelihood of land
containing a site of Aboriginal heritage significance.
2. To enable a systematic approach to be taken in the assessment of heritage significance of sites
with potential to contain items of Aboriginal heritage significance.
3. In addition, to understand those places identified as being significant to the Aboriginal community
for other reasons, but where there may be no physical archaeological evidence.
4. To involve the local Aboriginal community in all phases of the study process in order to enhance
the integrity of the study.
5. To integrate the Aboriginal and natural heritage, as a Stage 2, into the Shellharbour City Council
Heritage Study.
6. To facilitate a more comprehensive inventory of Shellharbour's heritage.
This report documents the results of a study of the Aboriginal heritage of the Shellharbour City
Council area.
1.2 Study Methodology
The study has been conducted according to the study brief provided by Shellharbour City Council
and the project submission made by Navin Officer Heritage Consultants. The main study
components comprise Aboriginal consultation/participation, a literature and heritage register review,
a review of landuse relative to Aboriginal site location/survival, development of a predictive site
location model, sensitivity mapping, development of criteria for the assessment of site significance,
and preparation of conservation and planning policies for land with potential to contain unrecorded
sites.
1.2.1 Aboriginal Consultation
The involvement and participation of local representative Aboriginal organisations was an integral
component of this heritage study. Key roles adopted by local representative Aboriginal organisations
were:
•
provision of local community knowledge for integration into the heritage study
•
provision of local community views relating to Aboriginal site conservation and management for
integration into the heritage study
•
the assessment of heritage values and other issues such as native title, within the local
Aboriginal community
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Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
1.2.2 Review of Existing Data
A range of information sources was consulted for this study. These included contemporary and
historic written reports and documents, interviews with local Aborigines and Aboriginal community
representatives, interviews with local land owners and administrators, archaeologists and amateur
recorders, and a review of information held by government authorities including site registers.
Libraries searched for relevant information included:
•
•
•
•
•
Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS) Canberra
National Library of Australia, Canberra
Wollongong City Library
Tongarra Museum, Albion Park
NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service (NPWS) Catalogue of Archaeological Reports
Searches of the following Registers were conducted:
•
•
•
•
National Parks and Wildlife Service (NPWS) Register of Aboriginal Sites
Register of the National Estate (Australian Heritage Commission)
National Native Tribunal Register of Claims
Heritage Schedules attached to the Shellharbour City Council LEP & REP
1.2.3 Limitations of the Existing Archaeological Data
The National Parks and Wildlife Service (NPWS) Register of Aboriginal Sites and Catalogue of
Archaeological Reports are the primary repositories for Aboriginal archaeological site location
information in New South Wales. Technically all Aboriginal sites which have been recorded in NSW
should be listed on the Register, although in reality this is not the case. Throughout NSW known
Aboriginal sites exist, which for a variety of reasons, do not find their way on to the NPWS Site
Register.
It should also be noted that there are limitations regarding the accuracy of the information held in the
NPWS database. These relate both to limitations in the original recorded data, and subsequent data
processing by the NPWS. The following are some of the problems inherent in interpreting site
information generated by the Register:
-
Most sites on the Register are identified with a thirteen figure grid reference from the Australian
Map Grid (AMG). However, many of these map references have, in some way, been
extrapolated or translated from original and less accurate site recordings and as a consequence
are often approximate.
-
Often significant disparities between original recorded locations and register locations have
occurred when inaccuracies have been created due to problems in extrapolating older site
references from imperial map grids or small map scales into a standard metric grid and scale
format, several types of.
-
Minor changes to grid references can result in unusual site locations.
-
In some instances, site locations from small-scale maps have been transposed to larger scale
maps. This has resulted in often major locational errors ranging from several to 10's of
kilometres. Only a check of location descriptions on the original site card may reveal that the site
location is incorrect.
-
Numerical (copying?) errors can also occur which create significant spatial errors.
In spite of such problems, the NPWS Site Register remains a useful tool in archaeological survey
and heritage management projects conducted in NSW.
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June 2000
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Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
It should also be noted that the nature of archaeological research in NSW means that the recorded
distribution of Aboriginal sites within the landscape generally reflects survey bias, ie, sites are
clustered in areas that have been the subject of archaeological surveys. For example, recorded sites
are concentrated in the eastern part of the Shellharbour City Council area, in areas of more intense
urban development where archaeological surveys and investigations have been conducted.
1.2.4 Field Survey
Field survey for this project was limited to two days and involved:
•
the review of landform characteristics from representative examples of landform types;
•
review of landform types considered to have archaeological sensitivity;
•
visual inspection of identified historic sites and places identified from the ethno-history;
•
cross checking of areas of predicted archaeological sensitivity.
1.3 Report Format
This report:
•
Describes the methodology used in this study (Section 1).
•
Documents Aboriginal participation in the study (Section 2).
•
Describes the environmental setting of the Shellharbour City Council Area (Section 3).
•
Provides a summary of ethno-historic information relevant to the Shellharbour City Council Area
(Section 4)
•
Provides a comprehensive review of local archaeology for the Shellharbour City Council Area
(Section 5).
•
Documents known and reported Aboriginal archaeological sites and significant places
(Section 6).
•
Provides a predictive model for Aboriginal sites in the Shellharbour City Council Area (Section 7).
•
Defines the landscape units used in this planning study (Section 8).
•
Defines Conservation and management Issues (Section 9), and
•
Provides management objectives and strategies (Section 10).
1.4 Acknowledgments
The authors would like to acknowledge the assistance of Sharon Cooper, SCC Environmental
Planner, Susan Jackson-Stepowski, SCC Heritage Officer, Iriaka Moss, SCC Indigenous Heritage
Officer in the preparation of this study. Mr Cedric Rutledge (Tongarra Museum) was generous with
his time and local knowledge as always.
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Navin Officer Heritage Consultants
Precinct 1: Warilla
Precinct 2: Shellharbour
Precinct 3: Blackbutt
Precinct 4: Oak Flats
Precinct 5: Albion Park Rail
Precinct 6: Rural East
Precinct 7: Albion Park
Precinct 8: Rural West
Section 94 Precinct Areas
Map 1: Shellharbour City Council Area
June 2000
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
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Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
2. ABORIGINAL PARTICIPATION, CONSULTATION AND ISSUES
The involvement and participation of local representative Aboriginal organisations was considered to
be an integral component of this study. The initial task was to identify key representative
organisations and establish mutually acceptable roles and protocols.
Locally based Aboriginal organisations with a primary interest or function in cultural heritage can be
broadly grouped into two categories: Local Aboriginal Land Councils established under the Aboriginal
Land Rights Act 1983, and other organisations such as Elders or Custodial groups generally
incorporated under the Aboriginal Councils and Associations Act 1976.
Local Land Councils are run by a periodically elected group of Council officers who are nominated
from, and elected by, a local community membership. All adult Aborigines resident within a Land
Council boundary, or other Aborigines who have an association with that area, and are recognised by
the Council membership, can become Land Council members. Other Aboriginal organisations vary
considerably in their stated aims, charters and membership criteria. Typically, ‘Elders’ or other
custodial groups consist of members who have a shared tribal identity and set of custodial interests.
At the commencement of this study the Shellharbour Council area fell within the boundaries and
stated areas of interest of three locally based Aboriginal organisations. The area is located within the
boundaries of the Illawarra Local Aboriginal Land Council (ILALC) based at Dapto. The area also
falls within the tribal territory of the Wodi Wodi people as best can be determined from early
European records. In addition to the Land Council, two other organisations have formed to represent
the views and interests of Wodi Wodi descendants. These groups are the Korewal Elouera
Jerrungarugh Tribal Elders Aboriginal Corporation (KEJ TEAC) based at Warilla in Wollongong, and
the Wodi Wodi and Coomaditchy Elders Group.
In the time that the study was being conducted another group, the Wodi Wodi Elders Corporation,
was formed.
The Aboriginal community in the Illawarra has a strong affinity with their cultural heritage and
Aboriginal places are usually significant to the community. Aboriginal significance can be defined as
the cultural values of a place held by, and manifest within, the local and wider contemporary
Aboriginal community. Places of significance may be landscape features as well as archaeologically
definable traces of past human activity. The significance of a place can be the result of several
factors including: continuity of tradition, occupation or action; historical association; custodianship or
concern for the protection and maintenance of places; and the value of sites as tangible and
meaningful links with the lifestyle and values of community ancestors. (Aboriginal cultural
significance may or may not parallel the archaeological significance of a site).
It should be noted that cultural significance is a relative value based on variable references within
social and scientific practice. The cultural significance of a place is therefore not a fixed assessment
and may vary with changes in knowledge and social perceptions.
The Illawarra Aboriginal community plays an active role in cultural heritage matters. Shellharbour City
Council has recognised this by establishing an Aboriginal Advisory Committee, made up of local
community members, and has appointed an Indigenous Heritage Officer to deal with local indigenous
issues.
Aboriginal community representatives are routinely involved in archaeological surveys and cultural
heritage investigations and studies, usually by participating in fieldwork and by involvement in
consultative meetings and workshops.
Initial contact was made with the ILALC and the KEJ TEAC by telephone in the early stages of the
heritage study.
Subsequently a meeting was held at the Land Council Office in Dapto in November 1999 to discuss
the heritage study and to define the study aims and end-goals from an Aboriginal community
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Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
viewpoint. Representatives from the ILALC and the Wodi Wodi and Coomaditchy Elders Group
attended the meeting.
The attending representatives indicated that they felt that the heritage study would be a positive step
toward more effective management of the indigenous heritage resource within the Shellharbour City
Council area. The community indicated that they hoped that the study would be 'user-friendly' and a
useful tool for the local people.
Issues specifically raised by the representatives at the meeting included management of Aboriginal
sites, development and land clearance, lack of communication between the Shellharbour City
Council and the indigenous community, concern for the environment and employment opportunities
for local indigenous people.
Comments were made about -
the opening up of Aboriginal sites to the public
-
problems with damage to sites by amateur 'archaeologists' and by vandals
-
exploitation of sites by Europeans, for example art sites
-
public interpretation of Aboriginal sites - the local community should have a veto over public
interpretation
-
the community want to use particular sites to advantage Aboriginal ventures
-
problems with access to private land, particularly when the community is trying to establish a
tourism business
-
resurvey of sites for which there exists oral information only
-
the Land Council has problems with access to the NSW NPWS database of Aboriginal sites
-
the community often appears to be the last to know about issues such as land clearance and
development
-
Shellharbour City Council needs to understand that consultation with the Aboriginal community is
as important as searching the NPWS Site Register
-
there needs to be a requirement for an Aboriginal heritage value assessment for all Development
Applications
-
all Aboriginal sites should be actively conserved, except where an appropriate assessment
process has been carried out
-
Aboriginal monitoring of land disturbance
-
considerable concern over clearing on private land
-
vegetation clearing in high parts of the Shellharbour City Council area which may be sensitive the escarpment forest is valued for bush tucker and bush medicine
-
degraded areas require revegetation
-
actions are required to identify endangered species
-
housing developments
-
compensation for destroyed Aboriginal sites
-
employment opportunities - the representatives would like to see a meaningful partnership with
Shellharbour City Council, including joint projects and information exchange
-
agreement that the Aboriginal Advisory Committee is a good idea, and suggestion that the
Shellharbour City Council employ an Aboriginal Liaison Officer from the local community to keep
the Council and the community in close contact
-
With reference to the heritage study, the community requested that only small-scale maps be
incorporated into the report proper, and that detailed site location information be placed in a
Restricted Appendix
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June 2000
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Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
The main issues which can be distilled from the general discussions with the local community
representatives are:
•
Communication between the community and the Shellharbour City Council should be improved
and more effective.
•
A more pro-active and methodical approach to Aboriginal involvement in, and cultural heritage
assessment of, developments in the Shellharbour City Council area should be adopted.
•
It should be recognised that Aboriginal people have a custodial care for the natural, as well as
the cultural, landscape.
•
Aboriginal people are seeking opportunities to utilise their cultural heritage to their community's
advantage.
The Aboriginal community was asked to identify areas of particular Aboriginal significance within the
Shellharbour City Council area. This request is always prefaced with a rider that the consultants
understand that there may be places for which knowledge exists, and which the community does not
wish to disclose. It is often the case that such information is only divulged when there is a need for it
to be known, for example if a place is under imminent threat.
However in general terms, areas which were identified as significant by the community
representatives included the Illawarra Escarpment, Bass Point, the coastline from the Minnamurra
Estuary to Bass Point, the Minnamurra River (particularly the area of the old Aboriginal
encampment), and Windang Island and the entrance to Lake Illawarra. This is not to say, of course,
that other areas and more specific locations are not also significant to the community.
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Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
3. ENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT
This section describes the location, geology, soil types, landforms, present and past vegetation, and
landuse patterns present in the Shellharbour City Council area. This information provides an outline
of the complex resource zones that were available to the Aboriginal people of the region and the
landscape processes which may have effected the survival of the Aboriginal archaeological record.
This data can be integrated into the predictive site location model for the Shellharbour City Council
area to assist in determining the likelihood of Aboriginal sites occurring and/or surviving in particular
landscape zones.
3.1 Location
Shellharbour City Council comprises an area of some 154 km2 located on the NSW south coast. The
area includes the townships of Shellharbour, Albion Park and Albion Park Rail, suburbs fringing the
southern shores of Lake Illawarra and the east coast, coastal reserves, farmlands, and large tracts of
agricultural and largely undeveloped lands in the western part of the area. It is bordered to the north
by Wollongong City Council area, to the south by Kiama Shire, to the east by the Pacific Ocean and
to the west by the Illawarra Escarpment.
3.2 Broad Landform Units
The topography of the study area can be grouped into a range of broad landform categories based
on hydrology, underlying geology, elevation and terrain type.
3.2.1 Water Catchments
The Shellharbour City Council Area falls within the catchments of the Macquarie Rivulet, Lake
Illawarra and the Minnamurra River. Macquarie Rivulet is the largest stream in the 270 km2 Lake
Illawarra catchment. Both the Macquarie and Minnamurra flow to the east, the former into Lake
Illawarra and the latter to the Ocean. Major tributaries of these include Marshall Mount Creek (which
forms the northern boundary of the Council Area), Tongarra Creek, Yellow Rock Creek, Frazers
Creek and Rocklow Creek. The watersheds of these catchments form an approximate east-west and
north-south network of ridgelines that connect the coastal plain with the Escarpment in a increasing
hierarchy of spurs to ridges to escarpment promontories.
The Macquarie Rivulet catchment dominates the central and western portions of the City Council
Area. Minor tributaries in the northeast and eastern portions drain to Lake Illawarra and the coastline
between the lake's entrance and Killalea Lagoon.
Lake Illawarra occupies the drowned and former valley of Macquarie Rivulet prior to the Holocene
Marine Transgression in which the sea reached its present level around 6-7000 years ago. The Lake
Illawarra estuary has subsequently formed behind a large sand barrier that now forms the Windang
Peninsula.
The Minnamurra River forms the southeastern boundary of the Shellharbour City Council Area and is
estuarine for the full length of the boundary. Rocklow Creek is the River’s last major tributary on its
northern side and includes a catchment that extends as far north as Dunster Hill, west to Stockyard
Mountain and east to Killalea. Rocklow Creek is estuarine as far as the present Princes Highway.
Much of the present valley floor of the Rocklow Creek valley was a former estuary during former sea
level highs in the Pleistocene period. The estuary would have had a characteristic ‘drowned river
valley’ arrangement of projecting spurline peninsulas separated by embayments.
3.2.2 Illawarra Escarpment and Associated Foothills
The Illawarra Escarpment is the eastern edge of a raised and bisected sandstone plateau that forms
part of the structural geological unit termed the Woronora Ramp. The plateau extends to the west of
the Illawarra Range and consists of broad ridgetop complexes, intersected by narrow and steep-
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Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
sided downcut river valleys. It is formed predominantly of Hawkesbury Sandstone which can sustain
steep slopes and significant rock overhangs. The ramp dips gradually to the north and west with a
gradual decline in ridge top elevation from the inland upper valleys to the coastal flats around Port
Hacking. The upland boundary of the Shellharbour City Council approximates the top of the
escarpment and consequently does not include any significant proportion of the elevated Woronora
Ramp plateau country.
The escarpment cliffs, at or near the top of the Illawarra Range, have formed from resistant
sandstones which are situated at the top of a sequence of roughly horizontally bedded strata
belonging to the Sydney Sedimentary Basin. Each underlying stratum has been exposed in cross
section across the slopes and eastern fall of the Illawarra Range. Each bedrock type has weathered
according to differing weathering characteristics and consequently determined the character of the
rangeland slopes between the top escarpment and the coastal plain.
The height of the escarpment in the Shellharbour City Council Area remains fairly constant at around
600 m AHD, with a maximum elevation of 690 metres near Macquarie Hill. The escarpment cliffs
have formed from the sandstones, conglomerates and minor lenses of shale, siltstone and
claystones belonging to the Hawkesbury Sandstone and Narrabeen Group. These are Triassic age
rocks which can support steep slopes and rock overhangs. Underlying these rocks are the Permian
rocks of the Illawarra Coal Measures which consist of shale sandstone, conglomerate, tuff, chert,
coal and torbanite seams. These support a range of gradients from cliffs to moderate slopes and
characteristically form a descending series of small benches interspersed by steep slopes and
gullies. A lens of Minnamurra Latite also occurs within this sequence.
The Illawarra Coal Measures also form the top of several broad-topped ridgelines or small plateaus
situated at mid valley context. These include Stockyard Mountain, Green Mountain and Johnstons
Ridge. Each of these features are surrounded by escarpments or very steep slopes formed on
resistant rocks including the Minnamurra Latite and, in the case of Stockyard Mountain, an
underlying stratum of latite rock belonging to the Cambewarra Trachyte.
Below these strata are the Broughton Tuff and Bumbo Latite, both belong to the Gerringong
Volcanics. These rocks dominate the mid to lower slopes of the Illawarra Range and the adjacent
hills of the coastal plain. The Broughton Tuff tends to support only low to moderate gradients,
however, the Bumbo Latite has weathered to form rolling hills and characteristic broad topped
ridgelines with steep mid-slopes. While cliff lines occur on the steeper Latite slopes, overhangs are
rare and generally small and shallow. The basal strata which form the lowest slopes adjacent to the
valley floor alluvium consists of undifferentiated rocks of the Berry Formation and include siltstone,
shale, and sandstone.
The escarpment and its associated ranges form part of the upper catchment and headwaters of
several major drainage lines that traverse the Shellharbour City Council Area – Macquarie Rivulet,
Marshall Mount Creek and Yellow Rock Creek.
The lower slopes of the escarpment grade to steep foothills and a coastal lowland formed of alluvial
valleys, low alluvial terraces and gentle dividing ridges. Foothill spurs are formed where latite flows
crop out near the escarpment, such as at Mount Johnston and Green Mountain.
3.2.3 Coastal Plain
The coastal plain consists of the rolling hills, littoral zone and valley floor topography situated
downslope and downstream of the Illawarra Range foothills. The boundary between the foothills and
the coastal plain is not distinct and an approximate cut off would be the 100–140 m contour (AHD).
The bedrock slopes in the coastal plain have formed from the Berry Formation, the Broughton Tuff,
and the Bumbo Latite. The latter dominates the higher relief of the southeastern portion of the City
Council Area, especially the watershed ridgelines of Rocklow Creek, and Bass Point. These hills
present the main relief on the coastal plain and form a continuation of a major ridgeline between the
Illawarra Escarpment at Yellow Rock Colliery and the Bass Point coastal promontory.
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Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
The gentle slopes of the coastal catchments of Shellharbour Swamp and Little Lake have formed on
trachytic tuff and tuffaceous sandstone belonging to the Broughton Tuff. The lower slopes of the
southern Illawarra Lake catchment (Horsley Inlet, Frazers Creek and Hazeltons Creek) have formed
on rocks of the Berry Formation. Each of these rock types have formed basal slope topographies
which are characterised by low gradients, broad crests, and low spurlines protruding into the valley
floor flood plains and quaternary infill sediments.
The valley floors of the Coastal plain present a low relief topography of quaternary fluvial sediment
deposits and features such as colluvial fans, flood plains, terrace sequences, stream corridors,
wetland basins and delta deposits. The majority of the valley deposits were laid down some 20,000
to 30,000 years ago and the high terrace levels probably date to around 29,000 years ago (Walker
1962). There has been a marked increase in water run-off and the rate of sediment discharged
through Macquarie Rivulet into Lake Illawarra in the last 100 years or so (Wollongong City Council
1976). One effect of this has been the extensive growth of delta deposits at the entrance of the
Rivulet into Lake Illawarra. The form of the delta has changed from a single mouth in the 1800s to its
present birds foot form (Wollongong City Council 1976:15). The increase in sedimentation is
attributable to the great disruption of vegetative cover, and the consequent erosion caused by
European clearing and agriculture. The position of the delta has also changed (Coleman & Wright
1974). Abandoned stream channels can be traced from the bend above the Princes Highway bridge
northwards for 1.5 km to Wollingurry Creek.
Another impact is increased rates of erosion and bank failure. The effects of flooding on the banks of
Macquarie Rivulet were noted as early as the 1860’s when Casuarina trees and the banks of the
creek on which they grew were washed away. It has been established that the actual width of the
channel in certain reaches is now two or three times greater than it was previously, and that along
almost the entire valley section of the Rivulet there has been noticeable widening of the stream
channel (Wollongong City Council 1976:12). Similarly, gullying in shallow alluvial and colluvial fill
along tributary streamlines have enlarged and become more entrenched. The ramifications of this
extend to the archaeological record. Sites along the present day stream banks may have originally
been located considerably further from the stream and sites may have been lost when the channel
widened.
The sedimentary facies of the lower valley reaches are dominated by marine and aeolian sediments
deposited as a result of prograding coastlines after high sea levels. These consist of estuarine
deposits, as well as former sand barriers, dune and beach ridges. The majority of the Rocklow Creek
valley floor sediments are, for example, considered to be marine in origin and date from the
Holocene marine transgression around 7000 years ago (R.W. Corkery & Co 1999:3-6).
The formation of sand barriers across drowned valley embayments following stabilisation of former,
and the current sea level rise, has created a series of estuarine environments which have variously
filled with sediment. Lake Illawarra remains an active tidal estuary (refer below). A series of smaller
estuarine basins occur behind each coastal embayment between Warilla and Killalea Beaches.
These are the Little Lake – Shadforth Wetlands, Shellharbour Swamp and Killalea Lagoon. Killalea is
now a freshwater basin, as are the upper reaches of the former two. This represents the final stages
of sedimentation in former estuarine basins, prior to the formation of dry land. The dumping of fill for
urban development has accelerated this process, especially in the Little Lake catchment and the
northwestern margins of Shellharbour Swamp.
3.2.4 Lake Illawarra
Lake Illawarra covers an area of 33 km2 extending over nine kilometres in length and five kilometres
in width. The southern part of the lake is located within the Shellharbour City Council area.
Lake Illawarra is classified as an Early Intermediate Barrier Estuary (after Roy et al 1980), or an
estuarine lagoon (Jennings & Bird 1967). Barrier estuaries are characterised by ‘narrow, elongated
entrance channels with broad tidal and back barrier sand flats’ (Roy 1884:107). During infilling they
undergo complex changes in the morphology of the shorelines. Lake Illawarra is the largest estuarine
lagoon on the south coast of NSW.
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The evolution of Lake Illawarra, like most of the coastal lagoons of southeast Australia, is attributable
to fluctuations in sea level and stream processes. Therefore in times of low sea level (up to 100 m
below present level) the valley of Macquarie Rivulet extended well beyond the present shoreline.
With the melting of the continental ice sheets, a rise in sea level took place over several thousand
years – the Post Glacial or Holocene Marine Transgression. The sea reached its present level
approximately 6000-7000 years ago and has not fluctuated more than approximately one metre since
the Holocene stillstand (Thom & Roy 1983, Thom & Chappell 1975).
During interglacial periods coastal valleys are drowned and impounded behind barriers of marine
sands that migrated into the drowned valley mouths. In times of low sea level, estuaries displaced
out on to the continental shelf and these deposits are partly eroded by stream action across the lake
floor. In the case of Lake Illawarra there is evidence of three cycles of lake formation and destruction.
The accumulation of sediments during earlier cycles meant that by 6000 years BP at least 40% of the
lake basin was already infilled.
A study carried out by Roy and Peat (1974) indicates that the average depth to bedrock in the lake is
now 16 m while average water depth is only 1.7 m. Thus 90% of the original lake basin has already
been filled by sediment, with its stream deltas building out in to the lake and dividing it into shallow,
partly isolated bays. The configuration of the lake has changed slightly in the last 6000 years.
Although the most extensive infilling has occurred in the lake basin there has been some infilling
around the lakeshores.
Unequivocal high-level shorelines have not been found around Lake Illawarra, so Aboriginal sites
cannot be detected in relation to former putative positions of the lake. The surface area of the lake
has decreased by about 17% since it was formed approximately 6000 years ago ie. from around
40 km2 to the present 33 km2.
Water level fluctuations, for whatever reason, are factors that need to be taken into account when
considering archaeological sites on the shores of Lake Illawarra. Tidal fluctuations are minimal in the
western reaches of the lake proper. It is doubtful if permanent lake levels have ever been higher than
about one metre above present levels, however as a result of flooding, the lake has at times been up
to two metres higher. Bevans Island, near the entrance to the lake, is reported to have been
completely inundated by floodwaters in 1919. It has a maximum elevation of two metres AHD. This
means that there is a possibility of cultural material in Aboriginal sites around the lakeshore having
been reworked by the lake waters
The contemporary entrance to Lake Illawarra lies near the southern end of Windang Peninsula,
where it cuts through the barrier in the lee of Windang Island. Opinions vary as to the number of
entrances the lake may once have had. Former lake entrances have been identified along an
alignment approximating the Peterborough Avenue south of the existing entrance, and further north
through Korrongulla Swamp and at Kemblawarra (Wollongong City Council 1976:17). If the position
of the entrance to the lake varied in the last 5000 years then these areas may be archaeologically
important, as they would have been used extensively (large archaeological deposits are present on
either side of the present lake entrance at Windang and Pur Pur Beach).
3.2.5 The Coastline
As with much of the south coast of NSW the Illawarra coast is characterised by steeply-cliffed
headlands, alternating with bays and bay head barrier beaches of various sizes. A major headland at
Red Point divides the coast into two morphologically distinct regions. The northern region is referred
to as the Wollongong Embayment and the southern region, which includes the Shellharbour City
Council area, is the Windang Embayment. Barriers in the Windang Embayment appear to fall into
Thom’s (1974) ‘stationary’ class. These barriers are characterised by dominantly vertical rather than
lateral growth (Jones et al 1979:255-6).
Windang Island at the Lake entrance, and Stack Island at the Minnamurra River entrance, are the
only significant near–shore islands along the Shellharbour City Council coastline. Both are composed
of the resistant Bumbo Latite, as are all the bedrock exposures along the coast between
Shellharbour South Beach and the Minnamurra. Windang Island was, till recently, variously joined to
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the mainland by a tombolo which extended either from the northern or southern entrance bank. The
tombolo was part of the Windang barrier system. Current entrance works are now engineering a
permanent entrance channel with a mainland link to the island on the southern side.
South of Windang Island to Bass Point the coastline is characterised by Bay Barrier and headland
topography. Bass Point consists of a rocky peninsula bordered by high energy beaches and rocky
shorelines. The northern shoreline has a lower relief and includes small sandy embayments. The
southern shoreline is dominated by low to moderate scarps and a rocky shoreline and platforms. This
topography extends southward to Minnamurra Beach, with the exception of Killalea Beach which
forms a narrow sandy shore in front of the Killalea Lagoon.
3.3 Vegetation
Descriptions by early settlers and travellers of the Illawarra region emphasise the beauty and
lushness of its forests, often giving the impression that the Illawarra was once entirely covered by
luxuriant rainforest - 'The road was a mere dray track through a forest of tropical foliage' (Huxley
1840:772). However such accounts are misleading in that they do not give a reliable picture of the
area; most greatly exaggerate the relative importance of rainforest, referring to the local forest as
'jungle', 'brush' or 'dense scrub'.
Most of the original vegetation on the coastal plain has been removed. In the WollongongShellharbour-Kiama area only 8% forest cover remains below 100 m elevation and the composition
of the forest cover on the escarpment slopes and plateau has been changed through logging,
clearing and altered fire regimes since European settlement (Mills 1983).
Critical analysis of available evidence, combined with observations on the present distributions of
both eucalypt forest and rainforest, has resulted in a more realistic delineation of the rainforest area
that did exist before white settlement.
Prior to European settlement almost all the coastal plain, the area below 100 m AHD (Australian
Height Datum), was forested, the forest type being dependent on rainfall, soils and soil moisture.
Small areas of natural grassland were noted by early European settlers and appear to have formed
the nucleus for estates subsequently named ‘Meadows’, such as ‘Johnstons Meadow’ and ‘Terry’s
Meadows (Throsby 1823 in Organ 1990:133). The ‘meadow’ grasslands appear to have been
situated on the river flats of the Macquarie Rivulet.
In favourable locations such as Bass Point, littoral rainforest has developed containing a number of
characteristic tree species such as Plum Pine, Corkwood, Ribbonwood and Native Celtis. Sclerophyll
forest dominated by E. botryoides covered the low hills around the shores of Lake Illawarra. The
lakeshores were ringed by a dense reed swamp understorey comprising Phragmites communis or
Juncus maritimus, behind which were She-oaks (Casuarina glauca).
The broad alluvial flats along the lower reaches of Macquarie Rivulet were also covered in sclerophyll
forest in which the Blackbutt (E. pilularis) was dominant and the Turpentine (Syncarpia laurifolia) was
common. The more gently sloping land was probably covered in Blackbutt and the stream verges
were lined by River Oaks (Casuarina cunninghamiana). Rainforest was limited to more sheltered
sites. Away form the floodplain the general forest type was open forest/woodland, dominated by
Forest Red Gum. Paperbark forest may have formed an intermediate forest community between
Swamp Oak and the drier eucalypt forest.
The escarpment and eastern fall of the Illawarra Range, above 100 m AHD, supported both
rainforest, which was largely confined to gullies and more sheltered benches where there was
protection from westerly winds and a higher supply of moisture, and dense sclerophyll forest
dominated by eucalypts (Mills 1983).
The present day vegetation of the Shellharbour City Council consists of a mosaic of remnant
vegetation communities and agricultural pasture grasslands and woodlands (Fuller and Mills 1985,
Shellharbour City Council 1996). The valley floor, basal slopes and coastal plain are dominated by
agricultural pastures and grasslands.
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The majority of remaining forest is situated on moderate to steeper slopes, where agricultural
clearing has either not occurred or not been maintained. As a consequence, most forest is situated
on the slopes of the Illawarra Range along the western margins of the City Council Area. Small
pockets are also located on the steeper slopes and rocky soils of the coastal plain hills formed on the
Bumbo Latite. The Blackbutt Forest Reserve and Bass Point Reserve conserve notable remnant
forest and heath communities within the Coastal plain and littoral zone. Remnant basal slope and
valley floor forest is also situated along the western margin of the Albion Park Rail urban area.
Streamside and estuary margin vegetation also preserves remnant forest communities.
The majority of the forest is dry sclerophyll in character with small discontinuous pockets of rainforest
in sheltered topographies and gullies. With the exception of streamside vegetation, most of the valley
floor topographies have been cleared of all but isolated trees and small pockets of native vegetation.
3.4 Historic Landuse Impacts
The history of landuse impacts within the Shellharbour City Council Area can be generalised into the
following categories:
Native forest clearance and the establishment of agricultural lands and pastures
Forest clearance began with the development of small lot agriculture by tenant farmers. The hills and
valley flats nearer the lake were the first to be cleared. Following severe rust infestation of cereal
crops in the mid-nineteenth century, farmers turned to dairying, which developed into a considerable
regional industry by the turn of the century. This provided further impetus for the development of
pasturelands and the denser forests on basal and mid-slope contexts were substantially cleared by
the twentieth century. The development of the valley floor pastures was associated with the
extensive drainage of wetland basins through the construction of channel networks. The largest
project of this type concerned the Terragong Swamplands immediately south of the City Council
area, which was drained by the NSW Government in 1890. Drainage was also constructed on the
flats of Macquarie Rivulet and Rocklow Creek, and within the Shellharbour Swamp and Little Lake
basins.
Forestry
The extraction of trees for timber occurred initially with the removal of Red Cedar trees (Toona
australis) in the early part of the nineteenth century, often as an unsanctioned or illegal industry.
Commercial felling continued in conjunction with agricultural land clearance, but little crown land was
reserved for forest production. Following the declaration of Macquarie Pass National Park, timber
getting continued as a predominantly private industry within the surviving freehold forest lands on the
Ranges. All of the surviving forests within the City Council Area have been impacted to varying
degrees by the selective logging of commercial species. This has meant that the density of old
growth trees is now low and most live examples are either of uncommercial species or display faults
such as a rotten and hollow cores, and crooked or branched trunks.
Extractive Industries
The quarrying and use of local latite rock began with the construction of local buildings in the 1850s
(Derbyshire & Allen 1984). The commercial extraction and transport of latite for the construction
markets of Sydney and Melbourne began with trial shipments in the 1870s and the first quarrying at
Bass point in 1880. Open cut quarrying of latite has continued discontinuously to the present day with
a series of abandoned and active quarry pits dispersed throughout the latite hills of the Coastal plain.
Two underground coal mining sites occur within the City Council Area. The Tongarra coal mine
started production in 1893. Yellow Rock Colliery began in the 1970s (Wollongong City Council 1976).
Both workings are now abandoned and are associated with landsurface impacts such as spoil
dumps, building and infrastructure platforms, and a network of various service easements.
Other mining activities include the early nineteenth century quarrying of Aboriginal shell middens, the
quarrying of shell grit from beach deposits, and Beach sand mining for rutile and other minerals.
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Aboriginal middens were 'mined' for lime throughout the Illawarra and references give an indication of
how extensive the shell middens in this area must one have been.
'The area must then have remained untouched for another thirty years [ie until 1835] until
the large kitchen middens of sea shells resulting from aboriginal feasts down the years
became the source of quick lime for building purposes in the new seaport of Wollongong,
and therefore lime burning became an early industry of the Illawarra' (Weston 1977:63).
It is reasonable to assume that large middens throughout the littoral zone within the City Council area
were exploited for lime in the early 1800's. In particular, deposits close to early settlement such as
Bass Point, Peterborough and Macquarie Rivulet were likely to have been impacted.
Recollections by Eather of Shellharbour suggest the former prominence of middens in the
Shellharbour local area stating that ‘All along the tip of Bass Point the middens were four to six feet
deep at intervals along the south beach’ (Illawarra Mercury 31 Jan 1996:15).
Between 1868 and 1872 a small beach gold-mining industry was conducted at Killalea Beach,
southwest of Bass Point, first by Thomas Henry, and later by Thomas Reddall and Edward Killalea.
At this time gold prospecting is also noted on ‘Shellharbour Sandy Beach’ (Illawarra Mercury 26 Apl
1872).
Various shell grit mining leases taken up along the higher energy sandy shorelines of the
Shellharbour coastline indicate an active local industry from at least the 1920s and extending into the
1960s (Navin Officer 1999). Bass Point was known as one of the 'best areas for shellgrit in the state'
(Illawarra Mercury 4 August, 1927). This industry appears to have been labour intensive but
impacted small areas such as beach and dune deposits and nearby shed locations.
Sand mining for rutile and other minerals is known to have occurred on the Windang Peninsula and
Shellharbour South Beach in the 1960s. The direct and indirect impacts of this short-lived industry
was the devegetation and destabilisation of dune deposits.
Residential and Urban development
The early residential foci within the Shellharbour City Council Area were the private township of
Peterborough (later renamed Shellharbour), and Albion Park. The disturbance associated with these
settlements was limited to connecting roads, port facilities and gross landsurface modification on
their surrounding elevated topographies. The concrete breakwater at Shellharbour was constructed
in 1879. Following the opening of the railway in 1887 residential and industrial focus tended to shift to
Albion Park and particularly Albion Park Rail.
Broad area landscape modification from residential development began with the subdivision of
agricultural estates following the First World War. Subsequent intensive urban development followed
with the opening of suburban estates. Lake foreshore subdivisions began in 1921 and the original
Oak Flats subdivision dates from 1926. By 1951 the township of Warilla was officially recognised and
subdivision began, with major Housing Commission settlement occurring in the 1960s. The Mt
Warrigal subdivision began in 1964 (Derbyshire and Allen 1984). By 1980, a more or less continuous
band of urban development stretched from Koona Bay on Lake Illawarra, to Shellharbour township,
and extended south from the Lake entrance to the Blackbutt Forest Reserve which was dedicated in
that year. In the 1980s and 90s Urban landscapes have been constructed on the rolling ground to the
south of Albion Park, south of Albion Park Rail and north and east of the Princes Highway to
Dunmore.
Industrial Estates
The industrialisation of the Illawarra was initiated by the dairying industry in the late nineteenth
century when cream and butter production became increasingly mechanised and based on Cooperatives. Hard rock quarrying also began at this time, relying upon shipping to transport
production. Although coal mining also began in the latter half of the nineteenth century it did not
become a major industry till well into the twentieth century. The extension of the rail line into the
Shellharbour Area in the 1880s opened up the region to increased trading and transport
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opportunities. As a consequence industrial developments tended to cluster along the line and
particularly Albion Park Rail and former town and shipping based industries at Shellharbour declined.
The construction of the Princes Highway between Macquarie Rivulet and the Minnamurra River in
1932 created a parallel transport corridor and a further focus for industrial estates. The Albion Park
aerodrome was constructed in 1941. Following the establishment of the Illawarra coal mining and
Iron working industries, the momentum for residential estates grew with the need for housing for the
industrial workforce.
Like residential estates, many industrial developments have been placed on low lying ground in
valley floor contexts. As a consequence many sites have required substantial filling, mostly with coal
wash and smelter waste.
Coastal stabilisation works
All of the sand deposits associated with the embayments between Windang Island and Bass Point
have been variously modified by dune stabilisation or rehabilitation works. These works have often
been required to restore damage initiated from devegetation, uncontrolled erosion and mining or
storm damage.
The development of residential areas on hind dune formations, especially along Warilla Beach have
left urban properties exposed to potential damage from repeated storm erosion and land loss. Sever
storm damage along Warilla Beach was recorded in 1974 and 1978. Stabilisation works have
involved the construction of rock faced embankments upslope of the beach. At the northern end of
the beach at the Lake entrance, large-scale earthworks are being conducted to formalise the
hydrology of the entrance. These involve the construction of bund walls and a permanent land bridge
to Windang Island.
With the exception of some of the high energy beaches around Bass Point and Minnamurra Beach,
none of the Shellharbour City Council ocean beaches retain a natural or undisturbed foredune and
hind dune morphology. In all cases, the original dune surfaces have been either mechanically
levelled, mined and/or eroded. The existing ‘dune’ relief or ground relief has been recreated by the
Soil Conservation Service or other agencies with the aim of reinstating a more stable beach and hind
dune configuration. A consequence of these works is that archaeological sites survive only either as
disturbed traces, or as subsurface deposits in remnant dune and soil profiles, often underlying
modern layers of disturbed material.
3.5 The potential impact of landuse practices on the archaeological record
Tree harvesting for the production of wood products can have locally severe impacts, depending on
the scale of harvest and methods used. Selective logging may impact scarred trees, either through
felling or damage from falling trees. The network of required access trails and snigging dumps also
constitutes a significant impact, due to their placement on ridge and spurline crests where
archaeological sites are likely to be present. Clear felling operations not only pose the direct impacts
associated with vegetation clearance (refer below), but also pose downstream impacts from siltation.
This can conceal or bury sites such as grinding grooves situated on streambed rock platforms.
The clearance of vegetation can have a variable impact on archaeological sites, depending on the
clearing methodology and type of site. Scarred trees will be destroyed. Surface sites such as stone
arrangements and ground relief features would be unlikely to survive clearing activities. Early
nineteenth century clearing methods involving fire, hand cutting, ringbarking and specific stump
removal would have had least direct impact. Disturbance would have occurred to the subsoil where
rootstock and stumps were removed. Mechanised, more intensive and faster methods, such as those
employed today and from the mid-twentieth century, would have caused more widespread subsoil
impact and consequential dispersal of artefacts and disturbance of archaeological deposits. It is
unlikely however that the direct effects of vegetation clearance would destroy most subsurface
deposits. Impacts would have been limited to the dispersal and disturbance of artefactual material.
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The indirect impacts of clearing would have been locally more severe, such as increased landsurface
run-off and sedimentation. Bank erosion would have destroyed riparian sites and increased
sedimentation rates would have buried and concealed valley floor sites.
The impacts of agriculture and the establishment of agricultural pastures are potentially substantial.
Surface site features such as stone arrangements and ground relief will not survive repeated tilling.
All forms of ploughing and tilling have the effect of dispersing and disturbing artefacts within the
plough zone. In many open archaeological sites the vertical position of artefacts within the soil profile
is unimportant due to natural post-depositional movement. The main impact of ploughing in these
contexts is damage to artefacts from actual impact, and the spatial displacement of artefacts within a
horizontal plane. However, depending on soil and sediment type, some archaeological deposits
retain vertical integrity and may have stratigraphy that relates to older and younger features of
occupation. In these cases, ploughing will destroy the stratigraphic integrity of the deposit within the
plough zone.
The indirect impacts of ploughing and cultivation include the sedimentation of sites located
downslope and downstream, and downstream erosion. Due to the downslope movement of eroded
soil sediments from steep and upper slopes, a variably thick layer of historic sediment deposition is
frequently encountered on basal slopes and the valley floor. This overlies the original pre-European
land surface and has the effect of concealing archaeological sites and preventing their detection
during surface survey. With the exception of streambank sites which are vulnerable to erosion from
increased run-off and peak-flow rates, the secondary deposition of sediments from agriculture often
protects Aboriginal archaeological sites from further impact, provided they fall below the plough zone.
Unlike agricultural impacts, the hard rock and coal mining industries have had severe but mostly
localised impact to the potential archaeological resource. Hard rock quarries on the Bumbo latite hills
of the coastal plain have caused gross landsurface disturbance within the extraction areas and the
industrial plant and infrastructure areas. Both coalmines in the Shellharbour City Council Area are
situated on the upper slopes of the Illawarra Range and have impacted localised areas used for plant
and infrastructure. Access roads and service easements have also impacted adjacent spurlines and
slopes. When measured as a proportion of the remaining landforms subject to impact, the coalmines
have had lesser impact than the hard rock quarries. The latter have the potential to remove a
significant proportion of the Coastal Plain ridgeline crest and hill slope topography.
A significant indirect impact of the region’s coalmines was the increased demand for forest trees to
produce shoring timbers.
The presumed quarrying of Aboriginal midden shell for lime in the nineteenth century probably had a
severe and destructive impact on the archaeological resource. The surviving midden deposits within
the area may consequently represent the basal remnants of formerly larger deposits, and/or the
minor or less pure shell deposits which did not warrant extraction.
The surviving midden sites were then further impacted by shell grit and sand mining operations. The
latter were particularly destructive, both in their direct impact to subsurface dune deposits, and the
indirect erosional impacts resulting from destabilised coastal sediments. Further damage to
archaeological sites subsequently resulted when coastal stabilisation works were instigated. The
mechanical restoration of foredune features often meant the burial or further destruction of remnant
archaeological deposits.
The impact to the littoral zone can be seen as an extension of the expansive impacts of the urban
residential development of the coastline. The construction of buildings on levelled dunes close to the
shoreline has created a threat to property from storm damage. Consequently rehabilitation works are
required to harden or stabilise the shoreline.
The development of urban and industrial estates allows little scope for the survival of archaeological
sites, whether by accident or through planning. In most cases urban landscapes have effectively
removed the archaeological record or made it inaccessible. Landsurface disturbance associated with
road and urban lot development tends to be at a gross level. Even open spaces such as playing
fields and recreation areas have generally involved extensive levelling or filling of the former
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landsurface. Any surviving resource is generally present through accident rather than design.
Examples include any sites which may survive in reserved remnant flora parks, such as the Blackbutt
Forest Reserve, and the Island and foreshore reserves around Lake Illawarra (Navin 1987).
Other accidental survivals include subsurface archaeological deposits in topographies formed on
deep Quaternary sediments such as dune fields and sand barriers. An example of this was the
discovery of in situ midden deposit within an urban residential foreshore block at Belmore Basin,
Wollongong Harbour (Navin 1992). Despite the former existence of a nineteenth century hotel and a
later twentieth century brick urban house, significant midden deposit remained below the zone of
construction impact. A similar example was demonstrated at Pur Pur Beach in 1987 where
disturbance from a recently demolished house on Pur Pur Avenue exposed a midden deposit (Navin
1987).
With the exception of some littoral zone midden sites, such as the Shellharbour South Beach Midden
(Officer et al. 1995a), there has been no overt attempt to conserve archaeological sites within the
context of major urban developments. This is due mostly to past planning practices, as well as the
relatively late commencement of systematic archaeological assessments, and the fragile nature and
low significance of sites subject to impact found to date.
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4. ETHNO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT
4.1 Tribal Boundaries and Traditional Groupings
Shellharbour City Council Area falls within the tribal area delineated by Tindale (1974) as Wodi Wodi,
an area which extends from approximately Stanwell Park in the north, to the northern bank of the
Shoalhaven River in the south, and west as far as Picton, Moss Vale and Marulan. The Wodi Wodi
was a subdivision of a larger tribal grouping called the Dharawal (Thuruwal) which appears to have
extended from the southern side of Botany Bay to around Jervis Bay (Eades 1976, Sefton 1980).
These people spoke the Dharawal language, which was distinct from the language to the south of
Jervis Bay called Dhurga (Eades 1976). The term Wodi Wodi is first recorded by Ridley in 1875 who
based it on the testimony of Lizzy Malone, the daughter of a woman of the Shoalhaven tribe. She
stated that Wodi Wodi was the name of the language spoken by the Aboriginal people of the
Illawarra (Ridley 1875, Organ 1990:xlii). Janet Mathews noted the name ‘Illawarra Tribe’ in 1960
stating that ‘old inhabitants around the lake swear that their tribe was called this, and it was bounded
by the shores of the lake’ (Mathews c1960:1). She adds that ‘their language appears to be
Dharawa:l, but the Aborigines never use or have heard of that word. They say there was a separate
tribe at Shellharbour but that cannot be checked as they appear to have been extinct there for some
time. (Mathews c1960:1). Many twentieth century researches use the term Dharawal or Tharawal to
refer to the tribal group within the Illawarra.
Amongst contemporary local Aboriginal people the term Wodi Wodi is often preferred. However,
some groups now identify the Illawarra tribe(s) as the Elouera, possibly guided by early references to
the pronunciation of Illawarra as 'Eloura' or 'Ellowera' meaning a pleasant place (Thornton's 1896
word list in Organ 1990:358, also McCaffrey's notebook 13, 1910-1930 in Organ 1990:486).
Within these broad language or ‘tribal’ groupings were smaller social divisions, perhaps consisting of
different family groupings, which appear to have been associated with local areas or home territories.
European observers tended to identify these groupings as ‘tribes’ associated with a locality, such as
the Hooka family resident on the shores of Lake Illawarra around Dapto, the Timbery family around
Berkeley and the Bundle family around Wollongong township (Organ 1990:xii). An example within the
Shellharbour study area is Tullimbar’s group, resident within the Macquarie Rivulet valley. Janet
Mathews’ recording of oral history references to a ‘Shellharbour tribe’ may have related to this group,
or a similar family based grouping within the broader Illawarra Aborigines (Mathews c1960:1).
There are limited historical references to Aborigines specifically within the Shellharbour area (Organ
1990). (Refer section 4.3). Captain Cook's observation of 'several smokes along shore before dark'
on April 26, 1770, may relate to Aboriginal camp fires in the vicinity of Bass Point. This may be the
first written reference to Aboriginal people in the area. James Backhouse saw Aborigines apparently
leading a traditional life in the local area in 1838 (Backhouse 1843:428).
The Aboriginal name for Shellharbour is reported to be ‘Yerrowah’ and the location to be a meeting
place in prehistoric times. The McCaffrey papers mention 'Shellharbour, or Wonwin, where there
were big shell fish' (notebook 11 1910-1930, in Organ 1990:486). The European name of
Shellharbour is thought to refer to ‘the vast quantities of shells in the Aboriginal middens’ (Derbyshire
& Allen 1984:40). (refer Table 1 for a list of Aboriginal names of places or localities within the study
area).
4.2 Aboriginal Settlement and Reserves in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries
In general, the nineteenth and twentieth century history of Aboriginal occupation within the
Shellharbour City Council area was not characterised by the establishment of Government or
Church-based reserves and missions. There are historical references to places of repeated or
established Aboriginal occupation during the nineteenth century at locations such as Tullimbar
[Tongarra], ‘Brushgrove’, Macquarie Rivulet, Peterborough [Shellharbour], Long Point [Bass Point],
Lake Illawarra [Windang?] and Minnamurra (Table 2 below). The 1837 Wollongong Aboriginal
blanket distribution noted the following places of ‘resort’: McQuarrie Rivulet, Peterborough,
Minamurra and Lake Illawarra (in Organ 1990:216). All of these areas of encampment appear to
Navin Officer Heritage Consultants
June 2000
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Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
have been established or continued, despite the alienation of the lands to European freehold owners.
Their location may have been determined by a variety of factors, including established seasonal
camping locations, proximity to food resources, friendly or non-hostile white settlers/landholders, and
proximity to European settlements, rations and employment.
Toward the latter part of the nineteenth century, government authorities placed pressure on
Aborigines to re-settle within formal reserves. This effectively removed local Aboriginal groups from
freehold and crown lands, and concentrated the remaining populations within marginal reserve sites.
Reserves were often situated away from people’s traditional lands and forced peoples of differing
tribal affiliation into close contact.
Two reserve areas appear to have been established within or adjacent to the Shellharbour City
Council Area. Both appear to have been short-lived and/or unsuccessful in providing a focus for resettlement. Neither is remembered within the contemporary Aboriginal oral traditions of the Illawarra.
Both reserves may have been situated within pre-existing Aboriginal encampments, such as at Bass
Point and on the Minnamurra River estuary, however both locations are now remembered as
encampments which were independent of government or church authorities.
An Aboriginal reserve of 19 acres on the Minnamurra River (reserve no. 24419) was notified on the
8th February 1890 and subsequently revoked eight years later on 26th of November 1898 (Thomson
1979, Register of Aboriginal Reserves 1875-1904). The Report of the Aborigines Protection Board for
1898 reports the revocation of a 34 acre reserve on the Minnamurra River (in Organ 1990:361). This
reserve area was outside of the Shellharbour City Council Area, and situated 500 m upstream of the
limit of tidal action, on the northern side of a large meander of the Minnamurra River. The land
consisted of low lying flood plain and formed part of the Terragong Swamplands which were the
subject of a drainage program in the 1890s. The land was subsequently defined as portion 66, Parish
of Terragong, and became Reserve 29023, reserved from sale or lease other than special lease,
which was notified in February 1899. From 1922, the leaseholder was a J.G. Boxsell (Terragong
Parish map 7th Ed 1935).
In 1922 an area of land leased for an Aboriginal reserve in the Shellharbour area was revoked
(Goodall 1982). Given its continued occupation by Aboriginal people and probable marginal
agricultural application, it is possible that Bass Point was the location of the leased area. The year
1922 may therefore indicate the latest period of Aboriginal occupation on Bass Point. Aboriginal
occupation on the southern bank of the Minnamurra Estuary also extended into this period with a
reference to the erection of a furnished ‘small cabin’ for Queen Rosie in her old age at Minamurra in
1923 (Bayley 1976:114).
Two areas were allocated for Aborigines in the Kangaroo Valley in the 1880s, together with a
privately established mission run by Hughie Anderson in 1889 (Griffith 1978:10-11). A description of
the Valley published in 1889 stated that:
‘there is still a settlement two miles from Barrengarry, where the queen of the tribe lives. When
I visited the camp, it was occupied by a dozen aborigines including three handsome children,
who were extremely shy, and rolled themselves in blankets the moment our party approached.
The “homes” are as described by early writers – consisting of large sheets of bark propped up
with sticks, a fire being kept burning day and night. This is the only shelter.’ (Morris 1889:224).
In 1890, a 370 acre reserve was established in the Valley (McGuigan n.d:32), however by 1891
Anderson claimed his mission had been ‘starved out of the valley’ (Bayley 1975:122), and that year’s
census recorded only eleven resident Aborigines (Griffith 1978:10-11).
By the first decades of the twentieth century, the re-settlement, and often forced relocation, of
Aboriginal groups onto a reducing number of official reserves and missions had effectively removed a
permanent and/or traditional residential Aboriginal presence within the Shellharbour City Council
area. Reserves to the north and south became the focus of the remaining Illawarra indigenous
populations. These included ‘Hill 60’ at Wollongong, Seven Mile Beach at Coolangatta, and ‘Roseby
Park’ at Orient Point (McGuigan n.d. Egloff 1981). Many local families and individuals moved even
further afield up and down the coast, following seasonal work or extended family connections.
Navin Officer Heritage Consultants
June 2000
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Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
Other private land or non government-sanctioned Aboriginal settlements within the broader region
included ‘The Quarry’ at Kiama, Crooked River at Gerringong, the Cooloongatta Estate on the
Shoalhaven River, ‘Bilong’ on Currambene Creek at Jervis Bay, and Wreck Bay (Mathews c1960,
Thomson 1979, McGuigan n.d., Egloff 1981, Goodall 1982, Organ 1990:464, Egloff et al. 1995).
4.3 Reported Places of Aboriginal Historical and Cultural Significance
References to the Aboriginal history of the Illawarra district can be found in a large corpus of
historical and ethno-historic documentary sources (Organ 1990). Unfortunately most written
references tend to be incidental in nature and vary in accuracy or perceived bias. Complementing
(and sometimes also contradicting) the written record is an often rich body of oral history. Aboriginal
oral histories relate to both distant and near past events and include references to places in the
context of Aboriginal tradition as well as from archaeological perspectives. Places which remain
within remembered tradition include nineteenth century and later camps and settlements, hunting,
fishing and gathering grounds, burial grounds and story places. Reports of the locations of Aboriginal
sites have also been provided by local European people with a long-term interest in the Aboriginal
occupation and archaeology of the region. Various Aboriginal groups and individuals (some now
sadly departed) have generously shared their knowledge of the region over the years with interested
researchers.
The very nature of oral history means that it is an ever-changing and dynamic body of information.
The core sources of tradition are constantly being reviewed and re-contextualised according to the
motivations of the tellers and listeners. This means that the ‘truths’ or facts related in oral histories
may not necessarily transpose accurately back to the transformed modern physical world. Place
names and the meanings of words or actions change over time. As a consequence, the information
can often only ever be considered ‘indicative’ or anecdotal until demonstrated otherwise. Often the
confirmation of oral or written references is impossible due to the disparate or limited nature of
potentially corroborative information. Despite these limitations, references to places in Aboriginal
history and story tradition form a valuable corpus of information which have the potential to illustrate
the Aboriginal cultural landscape which has largely been ignored by other forms of the historical
record.
Places and events known from the oral record are often of considerable and continuing importance to
the local Aboriginal community. Places identified from the historic written sources have sometimes
fallen out of the oral tradition and provide a valuable means of re-identifying places of historical
significance.
Table 2 provides a compendium of Aboriginal places that have been identified from various oral
history, and ethno-historic documentary sources. The accuracy and reliability of these identifications
have not been evaluated beyond the ability to identify a specific or general locality with a reasonable
level of confidence. The subsequent text provides additional or descriptive information on a number
of these areas, where such information exists. These locations are illustrated on Map 3.
Navin Officer Heritage Consultants
June 2000
page 20
Murrindarry
Mummingang
Wonwin
Picnic Island
Shellharbour
Goongar
Navin Officer Heritage Consultants
Yellow Rock
June 2000
a big lizard
page 21
island on northern side of mouth of Lake Illawarra
present location
saved by the bear who pulled the island into its
‘scene of a fight’, ’fight with a whale’
Kanyangang
Windang Island
tame man killed the wild man
Coromgang
Tongarra
Tongarra
where there were big shellfish
native grace
Gan-nan-gung (or Gan-man-gang)
Ararrinjong
Shellharbour Swamp
Yerrowah
Woorigal
Merrimorra
plenty fish
Minnamurra or Minna Murra
a devil
sharks come in
Yarronia
Johnston’s Creek
northern branch of Macquarie Rivulet known as
a waterfall near Macquarie Pass
Minnamurra
Native Dog Hill
Minnamurra
Yarra Yarra
Neurandurley
Marshall Mount
Marshall Mount Creek
Organ p463,483
Organ p390
Segingouera
Macquarie Falls?
north side of mouth of Lake Illawarra
Organ p486
John Brown in Campbell in Organ p465
Mathews 1994:12 (Mathews 1899:10)
John Brown in Organ p391
Queen Rosie in Organ p391
Museum collection)
early town map of Shellharbour (held in Tongarra
Derbyshire and Allen 1984:40
Organ p486
Organ p390
Mr Brown’s list in Organ p390
July 1979:39)
Cunningham’s Journal 1810 (Bull. Illawarra Hist. Soc.
George Thornton in Organ p358 & 487
Queen Rosie in Organ p391
McCaffrey in Organ p486
Campbell in Organ p462
Clarke in Organ p254
Campbell in Organ p465
Campbell in Organ p465
Berwurra
Organ p483
Organ p462
Organ p390
Lake Illawarra entrance
mouth of Lake Illawarra
Lake Illawarra
Horsley’s Creek
creek at southern end of Lake Illawarra shown as
Organ p390
Jubborsay
Purrunggully
Horsleys Creek
pigface flowers
stingray
Moolawang
Kupburril
Cudgery Island
Organ p465
Lake Illawarra entrance
Kurranwall
Bevans Island
northern side of mouth of Lake Illawarra
Queen Rosie in Organ p391
Lake Illawarra
Berwurra
Berrwarra Point
Organ p486
Tupnia
Berrick
Organ p485
Teeparia
Barrack Point
Organ p463
Lupnea
Meadow]
Source
Organ p463
Tupma
Albion Park [Terrys
Meaning
Aboriginal Place Name
European Place Name
Table 1: Aboriginal names of places or localities within the study area.
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
Sensitive text
deleted see
Aboriginal
Community
Liaison Officer Shellharbour
City Council
Sensitive text
deleted see
Aboriginal
Community
Liaison Officer Shellharbour
City Council
Sensitive text
deleted see
Aboriginal
Community
Liaison Officer Shellharbour
City Council
As Above
As Above
Long Point
Aboriginal Meeting
Place
BPH1
Long Point
Aboriginal Camp
Long Point Shell
Collecting Areas
Queen Rosie’s
Camp
CR1
Graves of Queen
Rosie and King
Billy
CR4
Navin Officer Heritage Consultants
Approximate
AMG Reference
Place Name
&/or Map ID/Code
June 2000
page 22
Grave site (formerly marked by a gravestone), of King Billy and Queen Rosie, in the vicinity of
Dunmore House, adjacent to and to side of a vehicular track. This is not considered to refer to the
graves of Micky and Rosie Johnson (who are buried in Kiama Cemetery and ‘Bilong’ burial
ground, Jervis Bay, respectively). A photo of the gravestone, partially buried, has been seen by
Camp site of ‘Queen Rosie’, during historic period (unspecified). This is not thought to refer to
Rosie Johnson nee Russell, who was also known as Queen Rosie. General location only.
The coves and inlets of Bass Point were used as a place for collecting shells by Aboriginal women
and children, for use in making shellcraft pieces, often made for sale.
Long Point (Bass Point) was the location of an Aboriginal encampment from at least the mid
nineteenth century into the twentieth century. Occupation occurred at least during the summer,
intermittently at other times, and possibly also on a permanent basis at various periods. Its
proximity to the European private town of Peterborough (Shellharbour) may have been important.
Various oral, pictorial and documentary references testify to this occupation. The point may also
have been the location of an Aboriginal ‘Reserve’ (lease revoked in 1922), with the land possibly
leased from private landowners (Navin Officer Heritage Consultants 1999).
pers. com. Reuben
General location of historic tribal meeting place on Long Point (Bass Point).
Rutledge).
report by Hope
Rutledge 1999 (from
pers. comm Cedric
Rutledge 1999.
pers. comm Cedric
May 1999
pers comm. Bart Brown
1879
Mercury 12 September,
1990:323, Illawarra
1890s photo in Organ
1975:10, Goodall 1982,
& b, 1996, Thomas
1995, deRome 1994a
com. Nell deRome
Brown 1999, pers.
pers. com. Reuben
Officer 1999.
Brown 1999; Navin
Source
Description
Table 2: Places of Aboriginal significance identified from oral histories, oral reports and written ethno-historic sources.
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
As Above
As Above
Windang Island
‘Brushgrove’
Aboriginal Camp
As Above
As Above
Albion Park
Aboriginal Camp
AC2
Warrigal Hill
Navin Officer Heritage Consultants
As Above
‘Johnstons
Meadow’
possible location of
1818 Macquarie
Rivulet vigilante
attack
AC1
As Above
Aboriginal Camp
CR5
June 2000
page 23
Reported location of former ceremonial ground (bora ground) (pers. comm. Jim Davis 1999). Also
known as ‘Native Dog Hill’ and ‘Woorroorool’ (Organ 1990:403). Warrigal Hill has been interpreted
by Illert to be ‘Benthualaly’, a location in a local Aboriginal story called the ‘The Nut Gatherers’
(KEJ TEAC 1995). This conclusion is contrary to the work of other recorders (Mackenzie
Aboriginal camp at Albion Park during early settlement of Macquarie Rivulet valley, reported by
Archibald Campbell to be on the River banks on the hillslope west of the town churches, and by
Stan Thomas as ‘opposite to where the school now stands’.
This area of river flat grasslands may have been the location of an attack on local Aborigines by a
European vigilante group in 1818. Information contained in contemporary police records indicate
this incident occurred after the Aborigines were encountered at ‘Johnstons Meadow’ on the
Macquarie Rivulet and that a boy, ‘native of Mine Mura’ was shot in the head, but subsequently
recovered from the injury. Some contemporary Aboriginal groups believe this incident occurred at
Shellharbour (‘Ararinjong’) Swamp. General location only.
Aboriginal encampment during period of early European settlement on the ‘Brushgrove’ estate,
next to the Macquarie Rivulet. General location only. Reported by Archibald Campbell 1898.
The story relates how the Dharawal stole a large canoe from Whale and reached Australia by
paddling for several days. After the journey the canoe sank and became Gan-man-gang (Windang
Island). Whale was possessive of his canoe and the theft was achieved through the complicit
deception of Starfish, Whale’s most intimate friend. On discovery of the theft, Whale beat Starfish
into shreds, giving him his present ragged appearance, and swam after the canoe. A wound from
the fight with starfish meant that he blew water from the top of his head. In order to evade Whale,
Koala, who has strong arms, paddled the canoe very fast. When they reached the shores of
Australia, the Dharawal rested, but Brolga danced in the canoe and made a hole in it. He got out
and pushed the canoe a short distance from the shore where it became Gan-man-gang. Whale
arrived too late and swam back along the coast, where his descendants have done the same thing
ever since.
Aboriginal story place about the arrival of the Dharawal to Australia. The story was originally
recorded by R.H. Mathews in the 1890s. (Refer Appendix 1).
Aboriginal encampment during historic times, under large Bangalow Palms on the flats of the
Minnamurra River. General location only.
C.D., but is now missing. General location only.
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
Organ 1990:403,
1999, KEJ TEAC 1995,
pers.comm. Jim Davis
1975:13.
1990:466, Thomas
Campbell in Organ
1996b
TEAC 1995 and Officer
references in KEJ
Shellharbour Swamp
1990:101-104,
references in Organ
1818 incident
Organ 1990:466,
Campbell reference in
also Organ 1990:liv
Mathews 1994:10-12,
Mathews 1899:7-10,
Rutledge 1999.
pers. comm Cedric
As Above
As Above
As Above
Aboriginal Reserve
(R24419), 18901898, Minnamurra
River, Terragong
Swamp
1840s Battle
between the
Illawarra and
Broughton Creek
tribes
Tullimbar
Navin Officer Heritage Consultants
AC3
As Above
Minnamurra River
Estuary Aboriginal
Camp
June 2000
page 24
The reported Aboriginal name of the territorial centre, or focus, of the tribe which occupied the
Macquarie Rivulet valley, an area now known as Tongara (Campbell in Organ 1990:465). The grid
reference is the general location of the former ‘Tullimbar’ Estate (pers. comm Cedric Rutledge
1999). In the first half of the nineteenth century the local tribe numbered several hundred and its
recognised leader was a ‘great warrier’ called ‘Tullimbar’ or ‘Tullumbar’. The tribal territory was
said to include all land along the Macquarie Rivulet to the foot of Wingecarribee Mountain
[Macquarie Pass]. Tullimbar was buried along the bank of the Rivulet close to a location called
A frequently cited battle between King Hooka’s Illawarra tribe and the Broughton Creek tribe in
around 1842 occurred somewhere in the area between the present Albion Park railway station and
Albion Park township. Thomas states the battle occurred approximately in the area of the Station,
Young (in Organ 1990:375) describes the area between the Station and the town. The battle
involved more than 400 individuals and was reportedly precipitated when the ‘Coolangatta blacks’
moved into the Illawarra with the intention of attacking the white settlements. The Coolangatta
force was repelled after a day of combat and many Aboriginal dead, including King Hooka who
was reportedly buried in a variety of locations around Lake Illawarra (Hooka Creek, Hook Point,
Gooseberry Island).
An Aboriginal Reserve of 19 acres was set aside on the Minnamurra River on 8th February 1890
and subsequently revoked (now 34 acres in size), eight years later on 26th of November 1898
(Thomson 1979). This area was situated 500 m upstream of the limit of tidal action, on the
northern side of a large meander of the Minnamurra River. The land formed part of the Terragong
Swamplands which were subject to a drainage program in the 1890s. The land subsequently
became portion 66, Parish of Terragong, and was reserved from sale or lease other than special
lease, (R29023). The consultants are not aware of any Aboriginal oral history which relates to this
former Reserve. This site is outside of the Shellharbour City Council Area.
A long term Aboriginal encampment existed on the banks of the Minnamurra River estuary,
downstream of Wants/Round Hill, and probably consisted of a number of family camps which may
have been variously situated throughout the life of the settlement. The camp does not appear to
have ever had official Government sanction, or operated as a reserve or mission. This area is
reported to contain burials of individuals who died at the camp during its history. Most references
infer camps on the southern bank of the River, in the general area of the present highway bridge,
but camps were probably present elsewhere and also on the northern banks. Brief documentary
references indicate that the camp existed from at least the mid to late nineteenth century, and also
into the early twentieth century. Bayley (1976:114) notes that a ‘small cabin’ was erected for
Queen Rosie at Minnamurra in 1923.
1874:255) and contested by Officer (1991:41-21996b, 1991:41-2) who presents compelling
evidence for the story’s location on the Illawarra Escarpment near Berry.
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
Thomas 1975:11-12.
Cedric Rutledge 1999,
1990:465, pers.comm.
Campbell in Organ
Thomas 1975:12.
Organ 1990:492 & 494,
1990:375, Dollahan in
Young in Organ
Reserves 1875-1904
Register of Aboriginal
Thomson 1979,
Organ 1990:337, 349.
Reuben Brown 1996,
1889:222, pers. comm.
Bayley 1976, Morris
Officer 1996b
As Above
As Above
As Above
Lake Illawarra
Entrance
Macquarie Pass
Grave of ‘King Billy’
Navin Officer Heritage Consultants
The Butter Track
As Above
As Above
Windang, blanket
and rations
distribution point
and corroboree
place
CR10
As Above
Condons Creek
fishing place
June 2000
page 25
When Captain Richard Brooks moved cattle from his Dapto estate to Kangaroo Valley via
Carrington Falls in 1821, his men were shown a mountain pass by a local ‘old black king’ named
A local Aborigine known as King Billy, but not related to other ‘King Billy’ identities from Kiama and
Wollongong, lived on the Macquarie Rivulet in his old age. He was buried somewhere on the
‘Johnston’s Meadows’ Estate (portions 8, 9,10 & 11 Parish of Calderwood), which probably also
consisted of the river section on which he lived – the northern bank of the Rivulet between Four
Oaks Gully and Marshall Mount Creek. The location of the grave is not known. His breast plate is
still owned by the Weston Family.
The Macquarie Pass was known and used by Aborigines prior to its development by Europeans.
Aborigines from the Berrima district reportedly used the pass to access the coastal plain. A local
Aboriginal named Dr Ellis originally guided Shellharbour Council Alderman to the Pass in the mid
1800s. The Pass was also pointed out by a tableland settler named Moon (Thomas 1975:12-13,
Bayley 1959:49). In 1863 Ben Rixon cleared a track down the escarpment, presumably following
an Aboriginal pathway or route. The Pass began to be used as a pack horse route by settlers
moving their produce to Shellharbour. By 1878 the well used track became known as Macquarie
Pass. The vehicle trackway was surveyed and opened in 1898. The map location relates to the
present roadway pass. It is not known how the modern vehicle route relates to the original
pathway.
The Illawarra Lake entrance was managed by Aborigines to prevent major flooding. ‘The
tribesmen used to tell Major Weston that down through the ages, when floodrains caused
‘bigwater’ in the lake, if the mouth was closed by a sand bank their camp sites would be flooded
and there would be a concerted effert by all hands to cut an opening to the sea. Using sticks, a
small pilot trench would be scratched in the sand which soon became a wide swift torrent’ (Weston
1977:64). General location only.
The annual distribution of Government rations including tobacco and blankets to local Aborigines
occurred ‘in a clearing in the bush at what is now the northern end of the Windang Bridge and was
followed by an all night corroboree and feast…’. The local agent was Major E.H. Weston of Albion
Park (Weston 1977:63-64). Approximate location only.
The entrance and estuary of Condons Creek, now known as Rocklow Creek, was described as ‘a
favourite resort in the season of the Aboriginal natives for catching fish in their peculiar manner of
stupifying them (with bark from the ‘Dog tree’). Aborigines fishing in this area were illustrated and
described by R. Westmacott, a local resident between 1837 and 1848 (published 1848). General
location only.
‘Hopping Joe Hollow’. The grave was later destroyed by flood erosion (Thomas 1975:11-12).
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
Griffith 1978:15,29-30,
Rutledge 1999.
pers. comm. Cedric
Bayley 1959:49.
1984:107,
Derbyshire & Allen
Thomas 1975:12-13,
Weston 1977:64
Weston 1977:63-64
1990:222-223.
Westmacott in Organ
As Above
Navin Officer Heritage Consultants
King Mickey
Johnston’s
Aboriginal
encampment at the
mouth of Lake
Illawarra
June 2000
page 26
King Mickey reportedly had an ‘encampment at the mouth of Lake Illawarra’ where he sought
funds to purchase roof iron for a Christian Church. A visit to a ‘nice little church at Illawarra Lake
built by our people’ was later reported on in 1903. It is probable that the camp was located on
Cudgeree Bay, north of the Lake entrance, however it is not known if camps were also situated
south of the entrance. Approximate location only.
Shellharbour, called ‘Yerrowah’ by the Aborigines, was used as a meeting place in prehistoric
times. General location only.
Yerrowah
[Shellharbour]
meeting place
As Above
‘Captain Brooks’ (Griffith 1978:15, Organ 1990:494). This pass was later used by Charles
McCaffrey between 1846 and 1851, to transport butter from Barrengarry to ‘Marshall Mount’ via
‘The Butter Track’ (Griffith 1978:29-30). This track was also known to ‘King Tullimbar’. His use of
the track is documented by Archibald Campbell (in Organ 1990:466). Approximate location only.
Pass
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
Mathews c1960:1
Advocate 28/3/1903,
NSW Aborigines
between 1896-1903?,
Illawarra Mercury
source not stated)
1984:40 (primary
Derbyshire & Allen
Organ 1990:494,466.
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
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June 2000
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Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
5. PREVIOUS CULTURAL HERITAGE STUDIES
5.1 Regional Context
The New South Wales south coast and its hinterlands have been the subject of extensive
archaeological research over the last thirty years, much of it concentrated along the coastline and
estuaries. This includes excavations of Aboriginal sites, mainly shell middens and rock shelters, and
detailed and systematic regional surveys. The majority of archaeological sites located in this region
date to the last 6,000 years, when the sea levels stabilized to approximately the present level (the
Holocene stillstand).
Following the stabilisation of sea levels the development of coastal estuaries, mangrove flats and
sand barriers would have increased the resource diversity, predicability, and the potential productivity
of coastal environments for Aborigines. In contrast, occupation during the late Pleistocene ie. prior to
10,000 years BP (Before Present), may have been sporadic and the Aboriginal population relatively
small. Sites older than 6,000 years are rare, as most of these would have related to previous
shorelines which have now been destroyed or submerged by rising seas.
Many Aboriginal sites have been located in the course of archaeological surveys within the Illawarra
escarpment, foothills and coastal plain. Site types recorded in these areas include rock shelters with
art and/or cultural deposit, grinding grooves, artefact scatters, scarred trees, coastal and estuarine
midden sites and burials.
The most common Aboriginal site type to occur within the coastal landscape are shell middens.
These sites are generally located on rocky headlands and on coastal sand dunes adjacent to rock
platforms or creek and estuary entrances. Navin noted that coastal sand dune middens contain
comparatively large amounts of stone in a variety of raw materials (1987:50).
Further inland the most common site type to be encountered are small scatters of stone artefacts,
sometimes referred to as 'open camp sites' (this is the current terminology used in the NPWS Site
Register). Based on present evidence, the most common lithic materials utilised by the Aborigines of
the Illawarra area were chert, quartz, silcrete, silicified wood and indurated mudstone.
The stone technologies used by Aborigines on the NSW south coast have not remained static and a
sequence of broad-scale changes through time have been identified. This has been known as the
Eastern Regional Sequence and can be applied, with various degrees of success and allowances for
regional differences, to sites throughout the eastern seaboard of Australia.
The Sequence can be characterised using the following terminology and phases (based on
McDonald 1994):
The Capertian:
Artefacts from this period consist mostly of large heavy artefacts including
unifacial pebble tools, scrapers, core tools, denticulate saws and
hammerstones. Some bipolar tools and burins also occur. The Capertian is
present up to around 5000 years BP.
The Early Bondaian:
Within this phase characteristics of the Capertian continue but tools on
smaller blades are introduced and become predominant. Blades which are
backed (one edge blunted by fine trimming) and ground edge implements
are notable introductions. There is a major shift in the type of rocks used for
tool manufacture to fine-grained siliceous materials (such as silcrete, chert
and tuff/indurated mudstone). The Early Bondaian has been identified in
deposits dating between around 5000 and around 3000 years BP.
The Middle Bondaian: In this phase the percentage of Bondi points (a type of backed blade)
increases and remains greater than the percentage of bipolar artefacts. Edge
ground artefacts are present in higher proportions, as are quartz artefacts.
This phase dates from around 3000 to as late as 1000 years BP.
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The Late Bondaian:
This phase is characterised by quartz either becoming the predominant rock
type used or markedly increasing in proportion. Bondi points and most types
of backed blades become rare or are no longer found. Eloueras, bipolar
artefacts and edge ground hatchets are the predominant tool types. Bone
and shell implements including fishhooks appear in this phase, particularly in
some coastal sites. This phase dates from around 1600 (Attenbrow 1987), or
1000 years BP (McDonald 1994), to the cessation of stone working following
contact with European Society.
McDonald notes that the introduction of ground implements around 4000 years BP and shell
fishhooks in the last 1,000 years were major technological innovations (McDonald 1994:69). The
significance and possible reasons for the technological changes in the Eastern Regional Sequence
have been the subject of considerable research and debate since their identification. Contemporary
theories postulate various changes in social behaviour, group interactions, and population dynamics
either as contributing causes or as consequences of these technology changes.
Recent reviews of this sequence have called into question the accuracy of the divisions, pointing out
that many of the diagnostic elements, such as bipolar flaking and microlith production, cross the
temporal boundaries and vary across regions (Mulvaney and Kamminga 1999). As an alternative, the
broad technological changes which were associated with the introduction of a microblade based
technology and a smaller tool kit are identified as the ‘Late Phase’ or the Australian Small Tool
Phase, which began around 5-6000 years ago.
This phase was characterised by the successive introduction of different technological innovations
which spread or appeared in differing parts of the continent at different times. Tools with a ground
edge such as stone hatchets first appear at least 4300 years ago. The occurrence of microblades
and retouched microliths dates to about 3-4000 years ago in the NSW South Coast. From about
2000 years ago bipolar flaking of quartz begins to increase within southeastern Australian sites, and
intensifies over the last 1000 years. A corresponding trend is the disappearance of microblade
technologies over this time, however both trends are uneven and are not consistent across and
within regions. The Elouera, a thick-backed blade, resembling an orange segment appeared around
about 1600 years ago. Shell fish hooks used for line fishing first appeared before 700 years ago, and
possibly as early as 1100 years (Mulvaney and Kamminga 1999).
5.2 Settlement Patterns
As early reliable direct observations of the Aborigines of the south coast area are not common,
researchers often rely on a combination of ethno-historic data and archaeological investigations to
form theories on possible settlement patterns and Aboriginal use of the landscape.
A number of problems can be associated with the veracity of ethno-historic data. Changes and
impacts to Aboriginal societies as a result of the arrival of Europeans had often occurred long before
any direct contact between the two cultures was established. European commentators often did not
understand, and thus misinterpreted, Aboriginal cultural behaviour. For example, early commentators
often confused hordes or clan divisions that were, in fact, more relevant to everyday life, with broad
tribal groupings. Some of the existing ethno-historic data has been compiled from the reminiscences
of long-time (European) residents in their later years. The passage of time between the actual events
and the documentation of the events, the ethnocentricity of the authors, and changes to Aboriginal
society that are unperceived by the authors can limit the reliability of ethno-historic records.
The following are examples of ethno-historic and memoir accounts of Aboriginal movements within
the Illawarra region, and some specific to the study area. A consistent theme is the movement of
peoples from the coast to the plateau lands, either as part of a seasonal round, ceremonial
commitments, or the receipt of Government rations. These references infer the existence of a
probably formalised network of pathways and mountain passes connecting east and west across the
Illawarra escarpment and ranges.
In 1836 James Backhouse observed a gathering of ‘forty men’ in Kangaroo Valley which included
members from three different tribes from ‘Shoal Haven’, Bong Bong and Kangaroo Ground who were
‘all about to visit the Cow Pastures [Camden area] to learn a new song, an object for which they
sometimes travel far’ (Backhouse 1843, Organ 1990:206).
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When Captain Richard Brooks moved cattle from his Dapto estate to Kangaroo Valley via Carrington
Falls in 1821, his men were shown a mountain pass by a local ‘old black king’ named ‘Captain
Brooks’ (Griffith 1978:15, Organ 1990:494). This track was also known to ‘King Tullimbar’, a local
Aborigine of the Macquarie Rivulet valley. His use of the track is documented by Archibald Campbell
(in Organ 1990:466).
The Macquarie Pass was known and used by Aborigines prior to its development by Europeans.
Aborigines from the Berrima district reportedly used the pass to access the coastal plain. A local
Aboriginal named Dr Ellis originally guided Shellharbour Council Alderman to the Pass in the mid1800s (Thomas 1975:12-13, Bayley 1959:49). Derbyshire and Allen (1984:107) state that Ben Rixon
cleared a path down the escarpment in 1863, following an Aboriginal pathway or route.
Amongst notes made by E. Dollahan of family accounts of the Illawarra Aborigines is the information
that: ‘The Mountain tribes made an annual trip to visit the Coastal tribe, travelling from Camden over
the Bulli Mountain for their annual “corrobee”. (in Organ 1990:492, 495).
The reminiscences of Mr G. D’Arcy of Spring Valley Farm, Appin, note that ‘An Aunt of mine told me
when she was a child, that the Aborigines would pass through Appin from the Coast, to collect their
Government issue of blankets. But whether they journeyed to Parramatta and camped later, she was
not certain.’ (in Organ 1990:295).
A variety of settlement patterns have been developed for the coastal regions of NSW, based on the
study of archaeological and ethno-historic sources.
Lawrence proposed that small, highly mobile groups remained on the coast, exploiting a restricted
area for most of the year. His pattern applied to the Sydney district.
Poiner (1971, 1976) constructed a pattern that she applied to an area extending from Sydney to
Batemans Bay. Her rationale in covering such a large area was that it was an area of uniform
cultural, environmental and archaeological features. She concluded that in summer a semi-nomadic
population exploited marine resources, and to some minor extent land resources. In winter the
population dispersed towards the foothills, but still exploited some marine resources.
Thomas, in his local history research for Albion Park concluded that during the summer, the local
Aborigines occupied the coastal plain and shores of Lake Illawarra, and wintered on the higher
ground and rock shelters of the plateau and Illawarra Range (Thomas 1975:9-10). Thomas does not
state his sources and may have been interpreting the work of Poiner.
Attenbrow (1976) developed a similar picture for the far south coast in which large groups exploited
the coast in spring, summer and autumn, whilst smaller groups exploited areas inland. In winter the
population was distributed over the whole countryside, but not in the highlands. Hilary Sullivan (1983)
opted for separate coastal and inland groups inhabiting these two areas, with some movement
between zones.
The work of Dennis Byrne (1983) on the far south coast led him to consider that the coastal
hinterlands were relatively impoverished when compared with the coastal zone and nearby river
valleys, and he defined a pattern of winter dispersal to take pressure off other environmental zones.
Sefton (1980) used ethnographic evidence to derive a tentative settlement model for the North
Illawarra which was more akin to Sullivan’s model than the other models described above. It was
based on data up to 1836 – ‘as after this date traditional settlement patterns would have been
severely disrupted’ (Sefton 1980:21). Sefton adopted two main zones of exploitation:
1. the coastal zone comprising the coastline, offshore islands, Lake Illawarra and the Minnamurra
River, and
2. the inland zone – in this case the headwaters of the Kangaroo River and tableland areas such as
Wilton, Picton and Mittagong.
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Sefton noted that there are many references in the memoirs and writings of early settlers to the
movement of Aboriginal groups over considerable distances into other tribal areas for ceremonial
purposes. Sefton also notes that the frequent movement of Aborigines between the tablelands and
all parts of the Illawarra to the shores of Lake Illawarra was also often referred to in early accounts.
Trails which formed across the mountain barriers and through dense brush (rainforest) were later
adopted and developed by the European settlers (Sefton (1980).
Navin (1987:31) noted that any settlement pattern model which included Lake Illawarra must account
for coast/lake/hinterland usage and must address the possibility of intense year round exploitation of
the lake and its surrounding environs.
Navin postulated that the variety and abundance of ecological resources around Lake Illawarra [and
by extrapolation for this present study, the Shellharbour City Council area] could have effectively
precluded the necessity to travel great distances to obtain food. Thus the cyclical process of the year
would have been less pronounced in this region. Whereas other settlement models advocate
dispersion to take advantage of a wider range of resources in times of environmental stress ie.
winter, Navin noted that the lake could be expected to become a focus of exploitation in times of
shortage. It is conceivable that environmental stress would have concentrated game and bird life
around the lake even more than usual. Therefore it is conceivable that the lake was exploited all year
round and that the local population was fairly sedentary (Navin 1987:32).
However, at present all of these models remain interesting hypotheses.
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Refer Table 3 for key
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Map 2 Areas which have been subject to archaeological survey in the Shellharbour City Council Area
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7. PREDICTIVE MODEL FOR ABORIGINAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL
SITES
7.1 General
Most of the sites recorded around the Lake Illawarra and Dunmore regions generally occur at the
boundaries of several ecological zones. This suggests that a key factor in site location was the
efficiency of resource access and the optimum exploitation of more than one resource zone. Access
to fresh water is often an important site location criterion, and many sites in this area are situated
adjacent to creeks. Due to the locally high density of creeks and minor watercourses around Lake
Illawarra and the Minnamurra wetlands, proximity to fresh water may not have been an important site
location factor in these areas. However the food resources associated with these wetlands would
have been very important.
Available evidence points to a definite preference for locally elevated and thus well drained ground.
Few sites have been located on recent alluvial deposits around Lake Illawarra. Most sites are located
on older, higher sedimentary units. This may indicate that many lowland sites have been destroyed
by erosion or buried by sediment deposition. Such a large proportion of sites occurring on old
sediments does, however, seem to reflect a cultural preference for areas away from low-lying,
probably flood prone zones (Navin 1987a).
Koettig (1988) notes that most of the sites in the immediate vicinity of the lower reaches of the
Minnamurra River have been found `within the area of Quaternary alluvium' (1988:2). No detailed
geological mapping has been referred to, so it is difficult to establish whether sites are more common
on relic, older sedimentary units within the Quaternary deposits (as is the case around Lake
Illawarra) or whether sites are actually located on recent alluvium.
There has been little major survey work conducted on ridgeline complexes in the Lake Illawarra,
Dunmore and Minnamurra areas. However, equivalent ridgeline complexes within the coastal plain of
the mid and far NSW south coast have been subject to considerable survey and recording (Byrne
1983, 1984, ANU Archaeology honours student research program). Results from these surveys
indicate that significant densities of artefact scatters can occur on major ridgelines, and that
ridgelines may have been used as preferred or convenient travel routes along and across the
resource zones of the coast and hinterland. It is therefore possible to postulate that the ridgeline
complexes in the Shellharbour Local Council Area formed an important access corridor between the
resources of the coastal plain and the inland sandstone plateau.
7.2 Predictive Site Location Statements
Based on the local and regional site database, Aboriginal settlement models, and the results of
studies elsewhere on the NSW South Coast, the following predictive statements regarding site
location can be made for the Shellharbour City Council Area:
•
Sites are likely to occur at varying densities in all broad topographic zones. However a range of
micro-topographic variables can effectively predict topographies which are archaeologically
sensitive. These include: relatively level ground without significant surface rock, proximity to a
freshwater source, and locally elevated and well drained ground.
•
Sites tend to be situated at or close to ecotones – the areas at which different environmental
zones meet.
•
Artefact occurrences, detectable as isolated finds or surface scatters of artefacts and/or
subsurface archaeological deposits, are likely to be the most common site type within the City
Council Area.
•
Artefact scatters, (also termed open camp sites), are most likely to occur on level, well drained
ground, either adjacent to sources of freshwater and wetlands, or along the crests of spurs and
ridgelines.
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•
Ridge and spurlines which afford effective through-access across, and relative to, the
surrounding landscape will tend to contain more and larger sites.
•
The crests of low relief spurs which extend into and across valley floor flats are likely to be a
focus for occupation due to their well drained and elevated context in close proximity to a range
of exploitable environments.
•
Estuarine midden sites are normally located close to the estuarine environment, on elevated
ground.
•
Coastal middens are frequently located on or near rocky headlands or rock platforms, adjacent to
a creek mouth or hind-dune water sources. Smaller and lower density middens comprising
sandy-shore shell species are frequently exposed in hind dune swales.
•
Sites containing both midden shell and lithic material are likely to occur on elevated ground
adjacent to wetlands or valley floor drainage corridors. The following topographies fall into this
category: low gradient basal colluvial slopes, terminal spurline crests, alluvial terraces, and valley
floor sand bodies.
•
Burial sites are generally found in landforms characterised by a relatively deep profile of soft
sediments such as aeolian sand and alluvium. Burials characteristically occur in the deposits of
occupation sites such as middens.
•
Scarred trees may occur in all topographies where old growth trees survive, either as isolated
trees or as part of remnant or continuous forest.
•
Rock shelters are likely to contain evidence of Aboriginal occupation if they are relatively dry,
have a level floor with a significant proportion consisting of sediment rather than rock, are at least
1 m high, and are close to a water source or major ridgeline. Shelters with larger internal spaces
which comply with these criteria are more likely to have occupation evidence, than smaller
shelters. In topographies where rock overhangs are rare, even small sheltered spaces may have
been occupied. Occupation evidence may be in the form of occupation deposit, pigment art on
the wall and ceiling, grinding grooves, and rarely engraved art.
•
Engraving sites in open contexts (not in a rock shelter) are very rare in the southern Illawarra
region. Sites of this type may occur on relatively level sandstone platforms, situated either on
crests or on streambed rock exposures. Rock types which weather to form a smooth and even
surface are favoured for engravings.
•
Grinding grooves may occur singly or, more commonly in groups and are typically situated close
to or within a local water source, such as a streamline or pothole. Grinding grooves typically
occur on fine grained, relatively level sandstone platforms in the upper catchments of
streamlines. However, in topographies where sandstone is scarce, any suitable surface exposure
may be utilised, regardless of its proximity to water.
•
Isolated finds can occur anywhere in the landscape and may represent the random loss or
deliberate discard of artefacts, or the remains of dispersed artefact scatters.
7.3 Profiles of Site Type and Location
Artefact Occurrences may occur as Surface scatters of artefacts and/or as subsurface deposits
containing artefacts. These site types may occur almost anywhere that Aboriginal people have
travelled and may be associated with hunting and gathering activities, domestic camps, or the
manufacture and maintenance of stone tools. The density of artefacts represented in these scatters
can very considerably between and across individual sites. These sites are classed as 'open', that is,
occurring on the land surface unprotected by rock overhangs, and are sometimes referred to as
'open camp sites'.
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Within the Shellharbour City Council area artefact scatters occur mainly along the crests of ridgelines
and spurs, river terraces, relic dunal features, and elevated areas fringing minor creek banks or
wetland contexts. Common stone artefact materials are red and brown cherts, quartz, silicified wood,
indurated mudstone and to a lesser extent, silcretes. The location of artefact scatters on major ridges
may be related to Aboriginal use of ridgelines as convenient travel routes.
Isolated finds are artefacts that occur without any associated evidence for prehistoric activity or
occupation. They are defined here as single artefacts located more than 60 m from any other
artefact. Isolated finds may occur anywhere in the landscape and may represent the remnants of
dispersed artefact scatters, or simply lost or discarded material.
Artefact Scatters with some shell occur most frequently within the broad vicinity of coastal and
estuarine resource zones. They are less predictable in terms of their specific topographic location.
The small amount of shell visible at these sites may indicate the remnants of an eroded, but originally
larger, shell midden, or may indicate more extensive subsurface shell. Alternatively, the combination
of shell and stone artefacts may be coincidental.
Coastal Middens are defined as a concentration of artefactual debris that includes a significant
percentage of marine shellfish species. They are usually the result of interim or base camp activity
and are normally located close to the littoral environment. Coastal midden sites are most likely to
occur on locally elevated ground adjacent to estuarine and coastal resource zones, particularly
adjacent to rock platforms and at the junction of freshwater, estuarine and marine resources. Midden
sites are unlikely to have survived in dune deposits that have been grossly impacted by erosion,
sand mining or reconstruction as part of soil conservation works.
Coastal middens have been recorded on Windang Island, at Pur Pur Beach, Shellharbour and Bass
Point.
Estuarine Middens are defined as a concentration of artefactual debris that includes a significant
percentage of estuarine shell species. They are located mostly in close proximity to estuarine
environments Numerous estuarine and intermediate middens have been located around Lake
Illawarra. These sites occur on headlands, levee banks, on the primary lake bench and on the
islands in the lake. These middens generally contain a restricted range of shell species and limited
stone and faunal material. Many of these sites have undergone some degree of disturbance (Navin
1987, Dallas & Navin 1987).
Burials are generally found in soft sediments such as sand or alluvial silts. They may also occur in
rockshelters and are mentioned in historic accounts as being placed in hollow trees. Burials are
generally only visible where there has been some disturbance of sub-surface sediments or where
some erosional process has exposed them. Burials are unlikely to have survived in dune deposits
which have been grossly impacted by erosion, sand mining or reconstruction as part of soil
conservation works.
Both documented and oral information about Aboriginal burials indicate that they frequently occur in
association with midden material To date, six of the archaeologically recorded burials located in the
Illawarra area have been found in midden deposits on the northern foreshore and lake entrance area
of Lake Illawarra. A burial has also been reported from Warilla Sensitive text deleted - please see
Aboriginal Community Liaison Officer - Shellharbour City Council.
Scarred trees are the result of the Aboriginal removal of bark (and possibly also wood) from a living
tree. Bark was used in the manufacture of various structures, implements and materials such as
living shelters, shields, canoes, coolamons, sculptures and twine. Scars may also be the result of
making footholds in a tree to collect food or facilitate the removal of bark. This site type occurred
wherever suitable trees within the region's extensive prehistoric forests were exploited by Aboriginal
people.
Some scarred trees may date to the historic period when bark was removed by Aborigines for both
their own purposes and for roofing and cladding material on early European houses. Consequently
the distinction between European and Aboriginal scarred trees is sometimes blurred. Scarring which
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does not relate to European-motivated removal probably dates to before the 1830's, and certainly the
1850's. Criteria for distinguishing Aboriginal scars are presented in Appendix 4.
Extensive forestry, vegetation clearance and urban development have substantially reduced the
potential occurrence of this site type within the coastal plain. Aboriginal scarred trees are a
diminishing component of the archaeological resource and surviving examples are limited to suitable
tree species of mature age
Only one scarred tree has been listed on the NPWS Site Register for the Shellharbour City Council
area Sensitive text deleted - please see Aboriginal Community Liaison Officer - Shellharbour
City Council.
Ceremonial Grounds and Stone Arrangements are defined by arrangements of placed stones or
earth embankments that can be reasonably assigned to Aboriginal ceremonial activity.
Traces of these types of sites would be unlikely to survive in an area that has been subject to
extensive disturbance, such as is evident for the entire Lake Illawarra, Dunmore and Minnamurra
region. However Silcox, has recorded a possible stone arrangement on a steep southwest facing
slope at Minnamurra, near Jamberoo. These features may also be the result of European land
clearance.
Rock shelter sites consist of rock overhangs which contain evidence of Aboriginal occupation.
Evidence of occupation may be in the form of an archaeological deposit, grinding grooves or other
ground or pecked features, and pigment or engraved art. Some shelter deposits have been found
to contain burials. Rock shelter sites tend to have relatively dry and level sediment floors and may be
situated close to a water source and/or a major ridgeline. Rock shelter sites may occur wherever the
suitable bedrock and weathering conditions exist to support rock overhangs. Within the study area
the sandstone and conglomerate facies of the mid to upper slopes of the Illawarra Range are the
most likely areas for shelter sites. Paradoxically, the only shelter site recorded for the Shellharbour
City Council Area is on the Bass Point coastline within the Bumbo Latite. Suitable overhangs formed
in Latite are rare.
Grinding groove sites consist of single or grouped occurrences of abraded grooves which have
been created through the manufacture of ground edges on tools such as hafted stone hatchets.
Water is a desirable part of an efficient grinding method and most grooves are found in close
proximity or within a local water source such as a streamline or pothole. Sandstone is nearly always
utilised for grinding and only fine grained and even-surfaced platforms tend to be used. Areas most
likely to contain grinding grooves in the study area are upper catchment streamlines in which
sandstone platforms are exposed.
Potential Archaeological Deposit (PAD) PADs are deposits, usually associated with rock shelters
or actively aggrading landform features. They exhibit no identifiable archaeological material on the
surface but may contain sub-surface material. Potential deposits are usually identified by their
context within, or associated with, a landscape feature that was likely to have been exploited in
prehistory.
A Site Complex is usually a geographically discrete group of sites which can be shown to be interrelated according to their locational determinants. Site complexes are commonly identified in
association with valuable sources of raw materials, food, and/or places of ceremonial significance.
Traditional story place or other ceremonial place are categories for any locality which manifests,
or is associated with, a traditional Aboriginal story or ceremony. Most sites consist of natural
landscape features that relate to stories about the dreaming or resident spirits and cosmological
figures. These places are also sometimes known as ‘natural mythological’ sites. However, places
which relate to historical events including ceremonies, battles and massacres may fall into this
category and do not necessarily correspond to significant landscape features. Many of these sites
will have no archaeological manifestation and their identification is dependent on oral or written
evidence of Aboriginal lore.
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'Contact' Sites relate to sites that contain evidence of Aboriginal occupation during the period of
early European occupation in a local area. The term 'contact' is a general description which refers to
the generally poorly defined or documented time period when traditional Aboriginal society made
initial contact with Europeans and subsequently changed their social, economic and occupational
patterns in response to European incursion. Evidence of this period of 'contact' could potentially by
Aboriginal flaked glass, art motifs depicting European people or objects, burials with historic grave
goods or markers, and debris from 'fringe camps' where Aborigines who were employed by, or who
traded with, the White community may have lived or camped. The most likely location for such
contact period Aboriginal occupation sites would be camp sites adjacent to permanent water, and
located away from the focus of European town occupation or landuse.
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8. MAPPING OF ABORIGINAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE
SENSITIVITY
Based on an appreciation of the predictive model, previous archaeological results, landuse history
and environmental descriptions presented in previous sections, the Shellharbour City Council Area
can be divided into a series of landscape zones which present differing archaeological sensitivity.
Archaeological sensitivity is defined as the potential for encountering Aboriginal archaeological sites.
It is important to make the distinction here between archaeological sites and other places of
Aboriginal cultural significance. Places in the latter category may have no archaeological
manifestation and their significance may rest in a location only, or a variety of natural elements or
modified landscape features. The sensitivity categories outlined below refer only to sites and places
with an artefactual archaeological component.
Nine landscape zones have been identified, each corresponding to a distinct combination of
potentially occurring archaeological sites and occurrences. Some of the Zones are not mutually
exclusive and overlap. The Zone classifications are outlined below, summarised in Table 6 and
illustrated in Map 4.
Grossly Disturbed Landscapes
This landscape category includes areas of gross landsurface disturbance where the original
landsurface and soil profile has been obliterated through subsequent landuse. Most of the identified
areas are landscapes modified by open cut quarrying, mining and landfill.
This landscape has nil potential to contain archaeological sites.
Urban Landscapes
This category includes all of the predominantly urban landscapes within the study area. These are
characterised by relatively small residential allotments, a relatively dense road network, and the full
range of associated retail, business, recreation and service easement land divisions. The mapping of
this category has been based on the interpretation of late 1990s aerial photography.
Areas of archaeological sensitivity within this zone tend to be limited to remnant undisturbed
subsurface deposits which may survive within the littoral zone (defined as 200 m from the bank or
shoreline). Such deposits are unlikely to occur in shallow soil profiles formed on bedrock slopes.
Archaeological deposits are most likely to survive within relatively deep but locally elevated deposits
of Quaternary sediment, such as aeolian sand bodies and terraces (refer Littoral Zone below).
The potential for surviving sites in this zone is generally low. There is low to moderate potential for
midden sites and possibly also burials within low gradient, but locally elevated, sedimentary contexts
within the littoral zone. Scarred trees may also survive where old-growth trees survive, either as
isolated trees or remnant forest or woodland.
Littoral Zone
The Littoral Zone is defined as all land occurring within 200 m of the marine coastline or shoreline of
Lake Illawarra and waters of tidal influence.
Areas of archaeological sensitivity within this zone are generally level locally elevated landforms
which are relatively undisturbed, especially when close to a freshwater source, adjacent to rock
platforms, or on a relatively deep sedimentary deposit.
The potential for sites such as middens, artefact scatters and burials is moderate or moderate to
high. Burial sites are most likely to occur within this zone and especially in or near middens, near
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creek or estuary mouths, and on landforms with relatively deep sedimentary deposits. The potential
for other site types is generally low.
Valley Floor Alluvium and Estuarine Infill Deposits
This zone encompasses the sedimentary landforms of the valley floors. They include most of the
depositional and aggrading landforms within the study area and are therefore the most likely to
contain stratified sites with significant time depth (with the exception of rock shelter sites on the
slopes of the Illawarra Ranges). The valley floor topographies have formed on sediments of
Quaternary age and include fluvial, estuarine and marine depositional sequences.
Areas of archaeological sensitivity within this zone are locally elevated, generally level landforms
such as terrace edges, spurline crests, remnant dunes and other sand bodies, the banks of drainage
lines and wetland basins.
The potential for artefact occurrences in these contexts is moderate (especially given the potential for
subsurface deposits). The potential for burials and scarred trees is low to moderate. Reported burials
of Aboriginal people in the historic period have occurred along the banks of the Macquarie Rivulet.
The potential for rock based sites such as rock shelters and grinding grooves is nil, given the lack of
bedrock exposures.
Basal valley slopes and associated low spurlines
This Zone consists of the low relief bedrock slopes and crests situated on the margins of the valley
floor sedimentary landforms. Typically this landscape consists of low spurlines or colluvial fans
extending into the valley floor, often associated with tributary streamlines. Their archaeological
potential is derived from their locally elevated and ecotonal context adjacent to the resources of the
valley floor and adjacent slopes.
Areas of archaeological potential within this zone are generally level spurline crests and low rises,
and locally elevated and/or generally level ground adjacent to drainage lines.
Artefact occurrences are the most likely site type within this zone and have a moderate potential.
Grinding grooves may occur on the rare instances that sandstone bedrock is exposed in streambeds.
There is a low to moderate potential for scarred trees where remnant vegetation survives. Burials
may survive within the sedimentary deposits of small tributary valleys, although this is classed as a
low to moderate potential only. The potential for middens is low.
Coastal Plain Slopes and Low to Mid Valley Slopes Fringing the Coastal Plain
This classification includes most of the slopes and hill topography of the coastal plain, together with
the low to mid-valley slopes which make up the lower third of the Illawarra Ranges. This Zone
includes the latite bedrock topographies and those formed on the softer rocks underlying the
Illawarra Coal Measures. As a consequence, the potential for rock based sites such as rock shelters
and grinding grooves is generally low.
Areas of archaeological potential within this zone are generally level ground on ridge and spurline
crests and benches, especially locally elevated landforms adjacent to freshwater.
The most likely site type in this zone is artefact occurrences which are unlikely to occur outside of the
sensitive landforms identified above. Scarred trees may also occur given the increasing forest cover
of this landscape, especially on the Illawarra Range. Some small areas of sandstone based
topography occur within this zone and the potential for grinding grooves is correspondingly higher. In
addition, the upslope boundary of this zone may abut sandstone exposures and shelters may
therefore be present on dislocated tors which have moved downslope.
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Illawarra Escarpment and Mid to Upper Valley Slopes
This zone consists of the escarpment and mid to upper valley context slopes of the Illawarra Range.
The landscape is dominated by forested moderate to steep slopes, with more level areas occurring
on ridge and spurline crests and benches. Continuous and discontinuous rock escarpments occur
frequently.
Areas of archaeological sensitivity are:
•
generally level ground on ridge and spurline crests and benches, especially locally elevated
landforms adjacent to freshwater,
•
all rockshelters >1m high with relatively dry and level sediment floors, and
•
relatively level sandstone platforms.
The potential for rock shelter sites to occur within this zone is considered to be moderate to high.
These sites represent the greatest potential for surviving Aboriginal rock art within the Shellharbour
City Council Area. The most likely form of rock art is pigment art using either a drawn or painted
technique. Engraving sites are likely to be very rare. The potential for grinding grooves is moderate,
given the density of tributary streams flowing over sandstone bedrock. The potential for scarred trees
is also greatest within this zone, given the potential for old-growth trees remaining in inaccessible or
less frequently logged forests. The potential for open context artefact occurrences remains moderate
on relatively level spurline crests.
Relatively level ground on elevated and major watershed crests
This is a finer scale landform classification which occurs within all the rangeland and hills zones. This
category consists of significant areas of relatively level ground on major ridgeline crests. The
archaeological potential of this landform category rests in the probable use of the watershed crests
as access routes across and through the rangelands, and possibly also across the coastal plain.
Areas of archaeological sensitivity are relatively level ground, especially close to water sources such
as small springs or soaks, and in saddles.
The potential for artefact occurrences is moderate, as are grinding grooves, provided suitable
sandstone exposures occur. Scarred trees may also occur although these areas were often heavily
logged due to their accessibility, and old-growth trees may be rare. Due to the limited potential for
agriculture on some of these areas, more fragile site types such as stone arrangements may
conceivably survive in uncleared contexts.
Sandstone drainage lines
This is a fine-scaled classification and consists of mostly upper catchment drainage lines which flow
over sandstone bedrock topographies. The main justification for differentiating this landform is the
potential for grinding grooves, and the less likely potential for engraving sites.
Bedrock exposures may not necessarily be present within these identified areas. In some agricultural
land contexts, grinding grooves may be concealed due to siltation from the downslope movement of
sediments.
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Refer Table 6 for key
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Map 4 Zones of Archaeological Sensitivity in the Shellharbour City Council Area
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
Areas of archaeological
landforms such as terrace edges,
spurline crests, remnant dunes,
deposits
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potential (see
drainage lines
June 2000
identified
generally level ground adjacent to
zone)
grinding groove
creeks with
spurlines
low, except for
nil
low rises, locally elevated and/or
nil
nil
generally level spurline crests and
low
littoral zone
to high within
but moderate
generally low,
coastal scarps.
along unsurveyed
and associated low
moderate
entirely subsurface
sites may be
moderate, many
midden deposits
Basal valley slopes
wetland basins
the banks of drainage lines and
locally elevated generally level
deep sedimentary deposit
and estuarine infill
landforms with
rock platforms, or on a relatively
bank/shore
Valley floor alluvium
mouths, and on
freshwater source, adjacent to
contexts
valley floor
low to moderate in
generally low, but
low to moderate
deposit
sedimentary
relatively deep
creek or estuary
near middens, near
especially in or
especially when close to a
low to moderate
200m from
high
moderate to
estuarine)
association with
elevated generally level landforms,
moderate,
within littoral zone
contexts within
low
contexts, especially
sedimentary
generally low, but
sedimentary
littoral zone
low gradient
low gradient
generally low but
nil
burials
moderate on
nil
nil
grooves
grinding
low to moderate on
nil
nil
rock shelter sites
but low to
generally low
nil
middens
relatively undisturbed locally
moderate, often in
low
nil
scatters
open artefact
(coastal and
deposits within littoral zone
remnant undisturbed subsurface
none
sensitivity
Littoral zone
Urban landscape
landsurface
Grossly disturbed
Zone Description
Navin Officer Heritage Consultants
Key
Map
Table 6: Summary of Landscape Zones of Archaeological Sensitivity identified within the Shellharbour City Council Area (Refer Map 4).
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
survive
growth trees
remnant old
where and if
low to moderate
survive
growth trees
remnant old
where and if
low to moderate
low
survive
growth trees
remnant old
where and if
low to moderate
generally nil, but
nil
scarred trees
low
low
low
nil
nil
types
other site
Areas of archaeological
landforms
landforms adjacent to freshwater
generally level ground on ridge
and spurline crests and benches,
especially locally elevated
landforms adjacent to freshwater,
coastal plain
Illawarra escarpment
mid to upper valley
slopes
close to a water source and in
saddles
ground on elevated
and major
low
June 2000
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escarpment zone
water source
moderate in
Illawarra
nil
grained sandstone within or near a
lines
low
bedrock platforms of even and fine
Sandstone drainage
watershed crests
relatively level ground, especially
Relatively level
nil
low
low to moderate
zone
escarpment
survive
high in Illawarra
where remnant
low to moderate
old growth trees
nil
survive
old growth trees
where remnant
moderate to
moderate,
generally
platforms
and rock
drainage lines
sandstone in
exposures of
bedrock
moderate on
survive
growth trees
remnant old
moderate where
survive
old growth trees
where remnant
low to moderate
scarred trees
may occur in
pigment art
platforms,
open rock
shelters or
in rock
art may occur
Engraved rock
low
types
other site
rock platforms
art on open
engraved rock
moderate for
low to
landsurfaces
undisturbed
on relatively
arrangements
low for stone
deposit
platforms
deposits
rock shelters
low to moderate in
generally low, but
low
burials
shelters with
and rock
shelter
sandstone in
exposures of
bedrock
drainage lines
escarpment or tors
sandstone
in areas of
moderate to high
escarpment zone
moderate on
zone)
zone borders the
occur in
shell may
quantities of
minimal
nil, but
grinding groove
tors where this
Illawarra
potential (see
identified
creeks with
low, accept for
grooves
grinding
isolated sandstone
latite scarps or on
rarely occur on
low, but sites may
rock shelter sites
platforms
moderate
moderate on
generally low, but
landforms
sensitive
nil
middens
relatively level sandstone
floors
relatively dry and level sediment
all rockshelters >1m high with
sensitive
especially locally elevated
slopes fringing the
moderate on
and spurline crests and benches,
generally low, but
generally level ground on ridge
scatters
open artefact
and low to mid valley
sensitivity
Coastal plain slopes
Zone Description
Navin Officer Heritage Consultants
Key
Map
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
Shellharbour City Council Area Aboriginal Heritage Study
9. CONSERVATION AND MANAGEMENT ISSUES
9.1 Problems Identified from Past and Contemporary Practice
The following problems regarding the management of Aboriginal cultural heritage sites and places
can be identified from a review of past practice within the Shellharbour and wider Illawarra region:
•
Places of significance have not been identified within planning studies, or by development
assessment processes.
•
The conduct of archaeological survey and cultural heritage assessments have not been
systematically required as part of the development application and consent process.
•
Some recently constructed urban estate developments appear not to have had a cultural heritage
assessment conducted.
•
Subsurface archaeological deposits may not have been detected as part of cultural heritage
assessments due to the reliance on surface-only archaeological survey.
•
Non-archaeological places of significance have been overlooked or remained unidentified in
environmental impact assessments, due to very limited research and compilation work, and the
lack of recordings for this type of site on local and state heritage registers.
•
Consultation with representative local Aboriginal community groups has been lacking or limited,
both at a Council level, at the level of the development proponent, and sometimes between
consultant and Aboriginal group.
•
Some impacts to sites occur as a result of construction or maintenance activities which do not fall
into a category that require the statutory assessment of potential environmental impacts.
•
The present statutory processes of cultural heritage assessment encourage a site-based
approach to conservation rather than a landscape-based approach. This means that isolated
sites rather than a landscape suite of sites are likely to be conserved as a result of impact
assessments.
9.2 Relevant Heritage & Planning Legislation
There are a range of State and Commonwealth Government statutory provisions which relate to the
protection and management of Aboriginal sites and culturally significant places.
9.2.1 New South Wales Legislation
The National Parks and Wildlife Act 1974
The National Parks and Wildlife Act 1974 (as amended) provides the primary basis for the legal
protection and management of Aboriginal sites within NSW. The implementation of the Aboriginal
heritage provisions of the Act are the responsibility of the NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service.
The rationale behind the Act is the prevention of unnecessary, or unwarranted destruction of relics,
and the active protection and conservation of relics which are of high cultural significance.
With the exception of some artefacts in collections, the Act generally defines all relics to be the
property of the Crown. The Act then provides various controls for the protection, management and
destruction of these relics.
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A 'relic' is defined as
'any deposit, object or material evidence (not being a handicraft made for sale) relating to
indigenous and non-European habitation of the area that comprises New South Wales,
being habitation both prior to and concurrent with the occupation of that area by persons of
European extraction' [Section 5(1)].
In practice, archaeologists tend to subdivide the legal category of 'relic' into different site types which
relate to the way artefacts are found within the landscape. The archaeological definition of a site may
vary according to survey objectives, however it should be noted that even single and isolated
artefacts are protected as relics under the Act.
Generally it is an offence to disturb or to excavate any land for the purpose of discovering, disturbing
or moving a relic without the written consent of the Director-General of the NPWS. Consents
regarding the use or destruction of relics are managed through a NPWS permit system. The issuing
of permits is dependent upon adequate archaeological review and assessment, together with an
appropriate level of Aboriginal community liaison and involvement.
The Act, together with the policies of the NPWS provide the following constraints and requirements
on land owners and managers:
•
it is an offence to knowingly disturb an Aboriginal artefact or site without an appropriate permit;
•
prior to instigating any action which may conceivably disturb a 'relic' (generally land surface
disturbance or felling of mature trees), archaeological survey and assessment is required;
•
when the archaeological resource of an area is known or can be reliably predicted, appropriate
land use practices should be adopted which will minimise the necessity for the destruction of
sites/relics, and prevent destruction to sites/relics which warrant conservation.
The NSW Heritage Act (1977)
The purpose of the NSW Heritage Act 1977 is to ensure that the non-Aboriginal cultural heritage of
New South Wales is adequately identified and conserved. The Heritage Act is concerned with all
aspects of conservation ranging from the most basic protection against damage and demolition, to
restoration and enhancement.
Some key provisions of the Act are the establishment and functions of the Heritage Council (Part 2),
interim heritage orders (Part 3), the State Heritage Register (Part 3A), and environmental planning
instruments (Part 5).
The Act recognises two categories of heritage significance, State significance and Local significance
Section 139 of the Act specifically provides protection for any item classed as a relic. A relic is
defined as "...any deposit object or material evidence (a) which relates to the settlement of the area that comprises New South Wales, not being
Aboriginal settlement; and
(b) which is 50 or more years old."
(Heritage Act 1977, Part 1, Section 4)
Some aspects of Aboriginal sites which relate to occupation following European colonisation may fall
under the category of a relic.
Section 139 of the Act disallows disturbance of a relic unless in accordance with an 'excavation
permit' from the Heritage Council. In practise, excavation permits are required only for relics which
according to their assessed heritage significance warrant this form of documentation and control.
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Section 146 of the Act requires that the discovery of a previously unknown relic be reported to the
Heritage Council within a reasonable time of its discovery.
In general, the Heritage Act is only used as a means of protecting shipwrecks within inland and state
waters. Although, if tested the Act probably also protects maritime relics within 3 miles of the coast.
In NSW, the Commonwealth Historic Shipwrecks Act 1976 is generally applied as the principal
means of protecting shipwreck sites and associated artefacts. However, maritime relics such as
wharves, jetties or aeroplane wrecks are considered to be included in the general application of the
Heritage Act (advice from Heritage Branch, NSW Dept of Planning).
The Heritage Amendment Act 1998 came into effect in April 1999. This Act instigated changes to the
NSW heritage system which were the result of a substantial review begun in 1992. A central feature
of the amendments was the clarification and strengthening of shared responsibility for heritage
management between local government authorities, responsible for items of local significance, and
the NSW Heritage Council. The Council retained its consent powers for alterations to heritage items
of State significance. The legislation established the State Heritage Register which includes all
places previously protected by permanent conservation orders and items identified as being of State
significance in heritage and conservation registers prepared by State Government instrumentalities.
Environment Planning & Assessment Act (1979)
Under the Environment Planning & Assessment Act (1979) the Minister of Urban Affairs and
Planning may make various planning instruments such as regional environmental plans (section 51)
and local environment plans (section 70). The Minister may direct a public authority such as a Local
Council, to exercise certain actions within a specified time, including the preparation of draft Local
Environmental Plans and appropriate provisions to achieve the principles and aims of the Act
(section 117).
These planning instruments may identify places and features of cultural heritage significance and
define various statutory requirements regarding the potential development, modification and
conservation of these items. In general, places of identified significance, or places requiring further
assessment, are listed in various heritage schedules of the LEP or REP. Listed items are then
protected from certain defined activities, normally including demolition, renovation, excavation,
subdivision, and other forms or damage, unless consent has been gained from an identified consent
authority. The consent authority is normally the local Shire or City Council.
In addition to the development of REP and LEPs, the Director of Planning or a Council may prepare
a Development Control Plan (DCP), where it is considered that more detailed provisions are required
over any part of land covered by an REP, LEP or their Drafts (sections 51A and 72).
In determining a development application (DA), a consent authority, such as a local Council, must
take into consideration any of the following which are relevant to the subject application (section
79C(1)):
•
the provisions of any environmental planning instrument, or draft environmental planning
instrument (which has been placed on public exhibition); any development control plan; and the
regulations;
•
the likely impacts of that development on the natural and built environments, and the social and
economic impacts on the locality;
•
the suitability of the site for the development;
•
any submissions made in accordance with the Act or the regulations; and
•
the public interest.
NSW Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1983
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This Act recognises that land in NSW was traditionally owned and lived on by the Aborigines and that
land is particularly important to Aborigines for spiritual, social, cultural and economic reasons.
The Act was designed to give control over land, where possible, to local Aboriginal communities. The
principal objectives of the Act are to:
• constitute Land Councils as Aboriginal land holding and managing bodies corporate;
• facilitate the acquisition of land by transfer (of existing Aboriginal reserves), and open market
purchase;
• define a process for the processing of land claims against certain forms of Crown land;
• define which crown lands were open to claim,
• and provide for Land Council funding (7.5% of the previous years land tax, to end after 15 years
ie.1998).
The Act defines claimable land as Crown Land which is not lawfully used or occupied and which is
not needed nor likely to be needed for “an essential public purpose” (Section 36). The Lands
Department includes the following as lands which need to be retained for future public purposes:
lands needed or likely to be needed for conservation reserves, dams, forestry, flood mitigation, urban
commercial and industrial development, public recreation, and public access.
Once granted, section 42 exempts Aboriginal land from compulsory acquisition except by a special
Act of Parliament.
The Act provides for a three tiered structure of Aboriginal Land Councils at the Local, Regional and
State level. The aim of the Council system is to provide Local Council representation across the
whole of NSW. Land Council membership is open to any Aboriginal person over 18 who lives within
the defined boundaries of a Council area, or has since moved elsewhere. In the latter case
membership is subject to a vote by Council members. Council executive positions are elected from
and by the membership. Representatives from each of the Local Land Councils form the Regional
Councils (or Branch Officers), and representatives from each of the Regional Councils form the State
or NSW Aboriginal Land Council.
The Land Council system of representation was originally to be complemented by an Aboriginal
Heritage and Culture Commission with responsibility for the protection and management of
Aboriginal sites. This never eventuated however and these legal responsibilities remain with the
NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service.
In the absence of any purposefully constituted system of representation for Aboriginal cultural
heritage management, the Land Councils have, until recently, acted as the most accessible and
representative bodies for providing community comment on cultural site management and
development assessment investigations.
A criticism of the use of the Land Council system in consultation on cultural heritage issues has been
the lack of formal representation for people with local tribal and cultural affiliations. Land Council
office bearers are elected from contemporary resident Land Council members and need not have
traditional ties to the Council area. Similarly, Land Council boundaries do not necessarily relate to
tribal or traditional boundaries. For these reasons, and particularly following the recognition of native
title rights, additional Aboriginal organisations have developed which specifically seek to represent
traditional cultural interests and rights according to various tribal group criteria.
9.2.2 Commonwealth Legislation
While the primary legislation offering protection to Aboriginal sites is enacted by the individual states,
several Acts administered by the Commonwealth are also relevant to protection of cultural heritage.
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Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage Protection Act, 1984
The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage Protection Act, 1984 provides for the protection of
areas and objects that are of significance to Aboriginal people in accordance with Aboriginal tradition.
The Act allows Aborigines to apply to the Minister to seek protection for significant Aboriginal areas
and objects. The Minister has broad powers to make such a declaration should the Minister be
satisfied that the area or object is a significant Aboriginal area or object and is under immediate
threat of injury or desecration. An 'emergency declaration' can remain in force for up to thirty days.
It is an offence under the Act to contravene a provision of a declaration. Provisions are made for
penalties of up to $50,000 for a corporation found guilty of contravening the Act and up to $10,000
and imprisonment for a maximum of five years for a person found guilty of contravening the Act.
Under the Act, 'Aboriginal tradition' means:
'the body of traditions, observances, customs and beliefs of Aboriginals generally or of a
particular community or group of Aboriginals, and includes such traditions, observances,
customs or beliefs relating to particular persons, areas, objects or relationships' (Section 3).
A 'significant Aboriginal area' refers to:
an area of land or water in Australia being of 'particular significance to Aboriginals in
accordance with Aboriginal tradition' (Section 3).
A 'significant Aboriginal object' refers to:
an object (including Aboriginal remains) of 'particular significance to Aboriginals in accordance
with Aboriginal tradition' (Section 3).
For the purposes of the Act, an area or object is taken to be injured or desecrated if:
a) in the case of an area it is used or treated in a manner inconsistent with Aboriginal tradition;
the use or significance of the area in accordance with Aboriginal tradition is adversely
affected by reason of anything done in or near the area; or passage through or over, or
entry upon the area by any person occurs in a manner inconsistent with Aboriginal tradition;
b) in the case of an object it is used or treated in a manner inconsistent with Aboriginal
tradition (Section 3).
Australian Heritage Commission Act 1975
The Australian Heritage Commission Act 1975 established the Australian Heritage Commission as
the Commonwealth Government's adviser on the protection of Australia's National Estate. The
'National Estate' encompasses those places in the natural, historic or Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander environments which the Commission considers should be conserved because of their
'aesthetic, historic, scientific or social significance or other special value for future generations as well
as for the present community' (Section 4.1).
The Australian Heritage Commission maintains a Register of National Estate places and advises the
Commonwealth Minister and Government on all matters concerning the National Estate. The
Australian Heritage Commission's advisory role is primarily related to the actions of the
Commonwealth Government and its departments and authorities.
Section 30 of the Australian Heritage Commission Act (last amended in 1990) places obligations on
Commonwealth Ministers, departments and authorities to protect the National Estate. The Act states
that such government bodies should ensure their actions do not adversely affect the national estate
values of places in the Register, unless there are no feasible and prudent alternatives, in which case
all reasonable measures should be taken to minimise the adverse affect. Hence, the Act does not
place legal constraints or controls over the action of State or Local Governments, or private owners.
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The section specifies that the Commission has the right to comment on, as well as to consider,
proposed Commonwealth actions which might affect a place on the Register to a significant extent.
Environment Protection & Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999
This Act repeals the following pieces of Commonwealth legislation: the Environment Protection
(Impact of Proposals) Act 1974, the Endangered Species Protection Act 1992, the National Parks
and Wildlife Conservation Act 1975, the World Heritage Properties Conservation Act 1983, and the
Whale Protection Act 1980. The scope and coverage of the Act is wide and far reaching. The
objectives of the Act include: the protection of the environment, especially those aspects of national
significance; to promote the conservation of biodiversity and ecologically sustainable development,
and to recognise the role of indigenous people and their knowledge in realising these aims.
The Act makes it a criminal offence to undertake actions having a significant impact on any matter of
national environmental significance (NES) without the approval of the Environment Minister. Actions
which have, may have or are likely to have a relevant impact on a matter of NES may be taken only:
•
in accordance with an assessment bilateral agreement (which may accredit a State approval
process) or a declaration (which may accredit another Commonwealth approval process); and
•
with the approval of the Environment Minister under Part 9 of the Act. An action that requires this
Commonwealth approval is called a ‘controlled action’
Matters of national environmental significance (NES) are defined as:
•
World heritage values within declared World Heritage Properties (section 12(1));
•
Ramsar wetlands of international importance (section 16(1));
•
nationally threatened species and communities (section 18);
•
migratory species protected under international agreements (section 20);
•
nuclear actions;
•
the Commonwealth marine environment (generally outside 3 nautical miles from the coast)
(section 23(1&2)); and
•
any additional matters specified by regulation (following consultation with the States) (section
25).
In addition, the Act makes it a criminal offence to take on Commonwealth land an action that has, will
have, or is likely to have a significant impact on the environment (section 26(1)). A similar prohibition
(without approval) operates in respect of actions taken outside of Commonwealth land, if it has, or is
likely to have a significant impact on the environment on Commonwealth land (section 26(2)).
Section 28, in general, requires that the Commonwealth (or its agencies) must gain approval (unless
otherwise excluded from this provision), prior to conducting actions which has, will, or is likely to have
a significant impact on the environment inside or outside the Australian jurisdiction.
The Act adopts a broad definition of the environment which is inclusive of cultural heritage values. In
particular, the ‘environment’ is defined to include the social, economic and cultural aspects of
ecosystems, natural and physical resources, and the qualities and characteristics of locations, places
and areas (section 528).
The Act allows for several means by which a controlled action can be assessed, including an
accredited assessment process, a public environment report, an environmental impact statement,
and a public inquiry (Part 8).
World heritage values are defined to be inclusive of natural and cultural heritage (section 12(3)), and
a declared World Heritage Property is one included on the World Heritage List, or is declared to be
such by the Minister (sections 13 and 14). The Act defines various procedures, objectives and
Commonwealth obligations relating to the nomination and management of World Heritage Properties
(Part 15, division 1).
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Native Title Act, 1993
The main purpose of the Act is to recognise and protect Native Title, which can be defined as the
‘rights and interests in land and waters that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people have under
laws and customs and that are recognised by the common law’ (Section 223).
The Act contains a process for determining whether native title exists, what rights and interests
native title holders have (Sections 13 and 61) and whether people who have title have ‘exclusive
possession’ (Section 225) (ATSIC, 1993).
In order to demonstrate native title rights to a piece of land, claimants must be able to prove that:
• they owned the land under Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander customs and laws;
• they have not lost their traditional links with the land; and
• Governments have not used the land or given it to anyone else in a way which ‘extinguishes’
native title.
The Act provides for the validation of various categories of past government acts and grants of rights
to use or own land or waters (prior to 1/1/94), which might have been invalid because the land or
waters was native title land or waters at the time (Sections 14 and 19). As a consequence, native title
does not exist over grants of freehold land, or grants of a commercial, agricultural, pastoral or
residential lease (defined in Sections 246 to 249), or the construction of a public work (defined in
Section 253). Other forms of leasehold interest, licences and permits do not extinguish native title, or
may only extinguish native title tights where these cannot co-exist with the granted rights and
interests (as in the case of some leasehold rights). The determination of where and when native title
rights have been extinguished by past acts is complex and remains subject to court interpretation
The Act establishes the National Native Title Tribunal which has various responsibilities regarding the
hearing and processing of native title claims. The Tribunal maintains a public Register of Native Title
Claims and Claimants (Part 7) and a Register of Native Title Determinations (Part 8). The Register of
Native Title Claims provides a useful means of identifying individuals and organisations which claim
traditional cultural links and associations. It should not however be considered in any way to provide
a definitive or comprehensive compilation of such potential claimants.
Under the Act, registered native title holders and registered native title claimants have a right to
negotiate before certain ‘permissible future acts’ happen (Subdivision B of Division 3 of Part 2).
These acts may involve mining or other development activities, and compulsory acquisition of native
title for the alienation of crown lands. The right to negotiate is not a ‘veto’ or right to reject. Where
negotiation fails to provide agreement between the parties, the Act provides various means for an
arbitrated decision to be made (Sections 27, 35 and 39). These determinations can be overridden in
certain circumstances by State, Territory of Commonwealth Ministers (Section 42).
The Act allows ‘non-claimants’ with an interest in land to ask for a determination about native title
(Sections 61 and 67). If no one opposes a non-claimant application, future acts over the lands or
waters are valid (Section 24).
The Act also allows for and defines procedures for the acquisition of native title lands for public
purposes
9.3 Issues raised by Aboriginal Groups
The main issues raised by local Aboriginal community representatives are:
•
Communication between the community and the Shellharbour City Council should be improved
and more effective.
•
A more pro-active and methodical approach to Aboriginal involvement in, and the cultural
heritage assessment of, developments in the Shellharbour City Council Area should be adopted,
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•
It should be recognised that Aboriginal people have a custodial care for the natural, as well as
the cultural, landscape.
•
Aboriginal people are seeking opportunities to utilise their cultural heritage to their community's
advantage.
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10. RECOMMENDED HERITAGE POLICY OBJECTIVES AND
STRATEGIES
10.1 Objectives
The following objectives are proposed as core statements for the Aboriginal cultural heritage policy
within the Shellharbour City Council area:
O.1
To achieve, in consultation with local Aboriginal Community representatives, the long term
conservation of significant Aboriginal cultural heritage places, and a representative sample of
the range of Aboriginal archaeological site types within the City Council Area.
O.2
To conserve and appropriately manage Aboriginal cultural heritage places within lands
owned and managed by the Shellharbour City Council.
O.3
To promote awareness and understanding of Aboriginal cultural heritage and to encourage
community attitudes which are consistent with the conservation of Aboriginal cultural heritage
values.
10.2 Implementation Strategies
The implementation of the core objectives is dependent on a set of strategies. Each strategy relates
to specific issues or management procedures:
S.1
Adopt as Council policy and amend existing policy statements, to incorporate the three
Aboriginal cultural heritage objectives, and specifically:
a) Insert into the Council Management Plan, the three Aboriginal cultural heritage
objectives.
b) Amend the Local Environmental Plan to reflect the three Aboriginal cultural heritage
objectives.
c) Include within future planning instruments Aboriginal provisions which ensure that
various categories of development, and proposed developments in specific areas, are
preceded by an Aboriginal cultural heritage assessment.
d) In consultation with local Aboriginal community representatives, heritage professionals
and the database presented in this report, compile a Heritage Schedule of Aboriginal
sites and places which are to be listed on the Local Environmental Plan and managed
according to stated conservation provisions to be listed in the plan.
S.2
Implement a development application procedure (for both designated and non-designated
developments) which includes, as a compulsory element, an appropriate level of Aboriginal
cultural heritage assessment.
Aboriginal cultural heritage assessment should include the following:
a) For any development proposals where landsurface disturbance is anticipated, an
assessment is to be made about the need to conduct an Aboriginal cultural heritage
assessment.
To make this assessment, reference should be made to the identified zones of
archaeological sensitivity which indicate the likely surviving archaeological resource
within an area.
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Proposals which fall within urban landscapes and outside of the littoral (coastal and
estuarine) zone may not require detailed assessment.
Elsewhere, small development proposals which do not contain landforms with
archaeological potential, as identified in Table 6, may not require detailed assessment.
b) An Aboriginal cultural heritage survey and assessment to be conducted for all
developments which will cause landsurface disturbance within archaeologically sensitive
landforms, or within zones of known Aboriginal cultural significance.
c) All Aboriginal cultural heritage work is to be conducted by suitably qualified personnel
and is to comply with the (current) Guidelines specified by the NSW National Parks and
Wildlife Service.
d) Archaeological assessments are to address the issue of potential subsurface
archaeological deposits, and where necessary conduct subsurface testing to test
assumptions or predictions.
e) All cultural heritage survey and assessment work is to include appropriate levels of
consultation with, and the participation of local Aboriginal community representatives,
and specifically representatives of local traditional owner groups.
f)
Three copies of Aboriginal cultural heritage assessment reports are provided by the
applicant to the NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service to provide opportunity for the
Service to review and comment on the report.
g) One copy of an Aboriginal cultural heritage assessment report is to be provided to the
Illawarra Local Aboriginal Land Council to provide opportunity for the Council to review
and comment upon the report.
h) The Aboriginal Advisory Committee is to be provided with an opportunity to review and
comment on all Aboriginal cultural heritage assessment reports.
S.3
i)
Development Application assessment is to have due reference to the comments received
by the NSW NPWS, Aboriginal Community Groups, and the Aboriginal Advisory
Committee.
j)
Where necessary recommended impact mitigation strategies are to be specified as a
condition of the development approval.
Establish and instigate a series of consultation protocols with local Aboriginal community
representatives to ensure an efficient and appropriate level of communication between the
Aboriginal Community and Shellharbour City Council with regard to cultural heritage issues.
The following elements could be considered as part of this strategy:
a) Initiate discussions with local Aboriginal community groups with the aim of developing a
mutually acceptable protocol for greater and more effective consultation. The protocol
should have provision for routine and emergency levels of consultation and specify the
type and stages of the input sought.
b) Council consideration of employment of an Aboriginal Sites Officer, with training in site
recognition, recording and assessment. Such a position could have responsibilities in
conducting community liaison, advising the Aboriginal Advisory Committee and
conducting assessments of the need to conduct cultural heritage assessments for nondesignated developments.
c) Ensure that membership of the present Aboriginal Advisory Committee is representative
of legitimate traditional elder representative groups within the local community.
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d) Ensure that appropriate measures are in place which secure and limit access to sensitive
Aboriginal cultural information about significant places or site locations. Sites or site
types which require restricted information access for publication or promotion, should be
identified in consultation with local Aboriginal community representatives, statutory
authorities (NSW NPWS) and heritage professionals.
S.4
Integrate the Aboriginal cultural heritage objectives within current and future planning
studies, and within Council's maintenance and emergency work strategies.
a) Incorporate the findings of this heritage study and the archaeological sensitivity mapping
with constraints and resource opportunities outlined in the Rural Lands Study.
b) Ensure that fire protection strategies allow for the active conservation (and where
necessary avoidance) of known Aboriginal scarred trees or areas of old-growth forest
with potential for Aboriginal scarred trees.
c) Ensure that future planning studies and development control plans recognise the
conservation of significant Aboriginal cultural heritage places as a primary objective.
d) Instigate a heritage management planning study with the objectives of identifying any
components of the surviving archaeological resource which may be at risk, and the
degree to which a representative sample of the resource is adequately conserved within
landscape based reserves or management zones. The study should identify planning
priorities with the aim of realising the conservation of a representative sample of the
archaeological resource, using a landscape based approach.
S.5
Ensure that effective inventories of Aboriginal heritage sites and places are maintained and
are accessible to planning and works personnel within the Council.
a) Conduct a study to determine the appropriate boundaries and management strategies of
the following generally identified Aboriginal cultural landscape areas:
Bass Point Peninsula; the coastline and coastal catchment between the Bass Point site
complex and the Minnamurra River estuary; the Minnamurra River Aboriginal
encampment; Windang Island and the entrance of Lake Illawarra, and the Illawarra
Escarpment and Range.
b) Through regular consultation with the NSW NPWS, ensure that the Council has access
to up-to-date Aboriginal site register information for use in the assessment of proposed
development works and maintenance activities. (It should be noted that many site
locations are recorded incorrectly on the register.)
c) Conduct systematic cultural heritage surveys of Council owned lands and reserves so
that the known and potential archaeological resource and other potential cultural heritage
places can be identified along with their management requirements.
S.6
Conduct an oral history recording and compilation program with the aim of documenting the
oral record of Aboriginal occupation and lifestyles within the Shellharbour City Council Area
and its relationship to the wider Aboriginal history of the Illawarra Region. Such a project
could access the histories of both Aboriginal and other community members. The opportunity
to record the memories and experiences of the surviving older generations is finite and
becoming increasingly limited with passage of time. Areas of particular interest include Bass
Point and the Minnamurra River encampment.
S.7
Ensure that the adopted Aboriginal cultural heritage management strategies and Aboriginal
site inventories remain relevant, effective, and reflect current issues.
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a) Conduct a review of the Aboriginal heritage study every five years with the aim of
reviewing the effectiveness of adopted strategies, updating heritage registers, and
ensuring that objectives and strategies reflect the identified issues.
S.8
Conduct a program of training for Shellharbour City Council personnel to ensure that Council
staff are familiar with both Aboriginal heritage issues and Council’s responsibilities relating to
Aboriginal heritage.
The program should consist of workshops or seminars presented by Aboriginal heritage
specialists and local Aboriginal representatives. The educational program should be
conducted at least once every two years to take account of staff turnover.
S.9
Develop a public awareness campaign aimed at increasing public awareness of Aboriginal
heritage and Aboriginal sites, their value to the local community and promoting responsible
behaviour towards indigenous heritage sites. This could include, with the agreement of the
local Aboriginal community, active promotion of sites as items of public interest.
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APPENDIX 1
ABORIGINAL STORY ABOUT THE ARRIVAL OF THE DHARAWAL
TRIBE IN AUSTRALIA (AND THE FORMATION OF WINDANG
ISLAND)
Sources: R.H. Mathews 1899:7-10, and J. Mathews 1994:10-12.
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FOLKLORE
OF THE
AUSTRALIAN ABORIGINES
1. Arrival of the Dharawal Tribe in Australia.
IN the remote past all the animals that are now in Australia lived in another land beyond the
sea. They were at the time human creatures and resolved to leave that country in a canoe
and come to the hunting-grounds in which they are at present. The whale was much larger
than any of the rest, and had a canoe of great dimensions; but he would not lend it to any of
his fellows who had small canoes, which were unfit for use far from the land. The other
people, therefore, watch in the hope that an opportunity might present itself of the whale
leaving his boat, so that they could get it, and start away on their journey; but he always
kept a strict guard over it.
The most intimate friend of the whale was the starfish, and he conspired with the other
people to take the attention of the whale away from his canoe, and so give them a chance
to steal it, and start away across the ocean. So, one day, the starfish said to the whale:
"You have a great many lice in your head; let me catch them and kill them for you". The
Whale, who had been very much pestered with the parasites, readily agreed to his friend's
kind offer, and tied up his canoe alongside a rock, on which they then went and sat down.
The starfish immediately gave the signal to some of his co-conspirators, who soon
assembled in readiness to go quietly in to the canoe as soon as the whale's attention was
taken off it.
The starfish then commenced his work of removing the vermin from the whale's head, which
he held in his lap, while the other people all go quickly into the canoe, and rowed off. Every
now and again the whale would say "Is my canoe all right?". The starfish who had provided
himself with a piece of bark to have ready by his side, answered; "Yes, this is it which I am
tapping with my hand". At the same time hitting the bark, which gave the same sound as the
bark of the canoe. He then resumed his occupation, scratching vigorously about the
whale's ears, so that he could not hear the splashing of the oars in the water. The clearing
of the whale's head and the assurances as to the safety of the canoe went on with much
garrulity on the part of the starfish, until the people had rowed off a considerable distance
from the shore, and were nearly out of sight. Then the patience of the whale becoming
exhausted, he insisted upon having a look at his canoe.
To make quite sure that everything was right. When he discovered that it was gone, and
saw all the people rowing away in it as fast as they could go, he became very angry, and
vented his fury upon the starfish, whom he beat unmereifully, and tore him almost to pieces.
Jumping into the water, the whale then swam away after his canoe, and the starfish,
mutilated as he was rolled off the rock, on which they had been sitting, into the water, and
lay on the sand at the bottom till he recovered. It was this terrible attack of the whale which
gave the starfish his present ragged and torn appearance; and his forced seclusion on the
sand under the water gave him the habit of keeping near the bottom always afterwards.
The whale pursued the fugitives and in his fury spurted the water into the air through a
wound in the head received during his fight with the starfish, a practice, which he has
retained ever since. When the people in the canoe saw him coming after them, the weaker
ones were very much afraid and said "He is gaining upon us and will surely overtake us and
drown us every one". But the native bear who was in charge of the oars said, "Look at my
strong arm (a). I am able to pull the canoe fast enough to make good our escape". And he
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demonstrated his prowess by making additional efforts to move more rapidly through the
water.
(a) The native bear has very large and strong forelegs, in proportion to the rest of his body.
This voyage lasted several days and nights, until at length land was sighted on ahead, and
a straight line was made for it. On getting alongside the shore, all the people landed from
the canoe sat down to rest themselves. But the native companion, who has always been a
great fellow for dancing and jumping about, danced up on the bottom of the canoe until he
made a hole in it with his feet, after which he himself got out of it, and shoved it a little way
from the shore, where it settled down in the water, and became the small island now known
as Gau-man-gang, near the entrance of Lake Illawarra into the ocean. When the whale
arrived shortly afterwards, and saw his canoe sunk close to the shore, he turned back along
the coast, where he and his descendants have remained ever since.
I have omitted many portions of the stories as told to me by the Natives, owning in some
cases to their obscene character and in others for want of space. I trust that gentlemen
residing in districts where similar legends are current will copy them from the mouths of the
Natives, and either send them to me or publish them on their own behalf in order to
preserve as much as possible on the Folklore of the Australian.
R.H MATTHEWS
Parramatta 3rd September 1899
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The arrival of the Dharawal
The Dharawal people believed that, in the remote past, many animals stared life in another
land across the ocean and then travelled to Australia. Like other species, they had the
appearance of wildlife but thought and acted like humans most of the time. A group
decided to leave their country and find better hunting grounds. Whale, who was much
larger than the others, owned a huge canoe. Their own craft were small and unfit to sail in
rough seas, but Whale was a mean fellow and never let anybody touch his canoe. Because
of this, the people watched and waited for an opportunity to take his boat and commence
their journey. This was difficult because he guarded his vessel day and night.
The most intimate friend of the Whale was Starfish. He was not very fond of Whale, so
readily plotted and planned with the other people. His task was to distract Whale and take
his attention away from the canoe. With luck, this would give his friends the opportunity to
steal it and sail away across the ocean.
One day, Starfish said to Whale, "You have lots of lice on your head, let me catch and kill
them for you". Whale, who had been irritated and pestered by the parasites, willingly
accepted the offer of his friend. He tied up his canoe beside a rock and they both sat quite
close to it. Starfish gave the signal to his conspirators and it was not long before they were
all grouped near the canoe, intending to jump into it when Whale was not looking.
Starfish said, "Come on now, Whale, you lie on this rock and put your head on my lap."
Then he started removing the vermin while the others scrambled into the canoe and
paddled it away. Every now and then Whale said, :Starfish, is my canoe all right?".
Starfish, who had placed a sheet of bark on the rock beside him, answered, "Yes, this is it.
Can't you hear me tapping it?" The sound would have been similar if he had been hitting the
bark canoe. Then he started removing the lice again and scratched vigorously near
Whale's ears so that he could not hear the splashing of paddles in the water.
For a long time Starfish cleaned up Whale's head and kept assuring him that the canoe was
safe. After the people had rowed a long way from the shore and were almost out of sight,
Whale's patience was exhausted. He insisted on having a look at his canoe to make certain
that everything was all right. When he discovered that it had gone and was being rapidly
paddled away, he become very angry. He vented his fury on Starfish, beat him unmercifully
and practically tore him to shreds. Jumping into the water, Whale swam at his top speed
and chased the people in his canoe.
Mutilated, Starfish rolled off the rock and fell into the water where he lay on the sandy
bottom until he felt slightly better. This terrible attack by Whale gave Starfish his present
ragged appearance, while his forced convalescence on the sand under the water gave him
the habit of remaining near the bottom ever after. Whale pursued the fugitives and, in his
fury, water spouted high into the air through a wound he had received during the fight with
Starfish. He has continued to do this ever since.
When the people in the canoe realised that he was chasing them, the weaker ones became
afraid and said, "Look! He is gaining on us and is sure to overtake us soon, then he will
certainly toss us into the water. "Koala, who was in charge of the paddles, remained calm
and said, "Look at my strong arms. I am able to pull this canoe fast enough to escape from
Whale!" Then, will a tremendous effort, he showed them how rapidly he could move the
craft over the water.
Their voyage lasted several days and nights until land was sighted ahead. They steered
towards it and, when close to the shore, the people clambered out of the canoe and sat
down to rest themselves.
Brolga, who was sometimes called Native Companion
(Megalornia rubicundus, also called Australian crane), was a great fellow for dancing and
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jumping around. He had caused some trouble when he pranced on the bottom of the canoe
and made a hole with his feet while the others were resting. After that, he got out and
pushed the craft a short distance from the shore. It settled in the water and become the
small island known as Gan-nan-gung, near the ocean entrance of Lake Illawarra. Whale
arrived soon afterwards and saw that his precious canoe had sunk close to the shore. He
could do no more, so swam back along the coast, where he and his descendants have
done the same thing ever since. At certain times of the year they swim past, spouting water
in the air and looking at what remains of Whale's canoe.
This was probably told to Miranen near the end of the last century. The Dharawal were
coastal people whose land was approximately between Port Hacking and the Shoalhaven
River in New South Wales. The present name of the small, uninhabited island near the
entrance to Lake Illawarra is Windang. During low tide it is often joined to the mainland Gan
-nan-gung has been said to mean 'scene of a fight' in the Dharawal language but has no
apparent reference to this myth. The word was shortened and simplified after the arrival of
European settlers. All coastal tribes between Sydney and the Victorian border believed that
the Dharawal people arrived in the manner described. A man, near Nowra, told me that
Windang was derived from a Dharawal word meaning 'fight with a whale'.
J. MATTHEWS
1994
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APPENDIX 2
LISTING OF NSW NPWS SITE REGISTER RECORDINGS FOR THE
SHELLHARBOUR CITY COUNCIL AREA (10/11/99)
It must be noted that register map grid locations and other information categories are often subject to
error, and sites may have been entered more than once under different names and numbers.
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APPENDIX 3
REGISTER OF NATIONAL ESTATE LISTINGS FOR THE
SHELLHARBOUR CITY COUNCIL AREA
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APPENDIX 4
CRITERIA FOR IDENTIFYING ABORIGINAL SCARRED TREES
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The identification of a scar as Aboriginal in origin involves the application of a complex
interrelation of interpretive criteria. The credibility of alternative origins such as natural
phenomena and other forms of human scarring must be tested for each scar.
As a result of a body of accumulated survey experience and several specific studies, a range of
diagnostic criteria have been formulated to assist in the identification and authentication of
Aboriginal scarred trees.
It should be noted that the degree of accuracy generated by these criteria has never been
quantitatively tested or quantified using non-relative criteria such as absolute dating or an
analysis of pre-occluded scar morphologies. This is due to difficulties in using radiocarbon
dating on relatively recent samples, and the damage to trees which would result from the
removal of regrowth. The following numbered criteria are derived from archaeological work
conducted by Simmons (1977) and Beesley (1989).
1.
The scar does not normally run to ground level: (scars resulting from fire, fungal attack or
lightning nearly always reach ground level). Termination does not necessarily discount an
Aboriginal origin (some ethno-historic examples of canoe scars reach the ground);
1(a). If a scar extends to the ground, the sides of the original scar must be relatively parallel:
(natural scars tend to be triangular in shape);
2.
The scar is either approximately parallel sided or concave, and symmetrical: (few natural
scars are likely to have these properties except fire scars which may be symmetrical but
are wider at the base than their apex. Surveyors marks are typically triangular, and often
adzed);
3.
The scar should be reasonably regular in outline and regrowth: scars of natural origin tend
to have irregular outlines and may have uneven regrowth;
4.
The ends of the scar should be 'shaped', either squared off, or pointed (often as a result of
regrowth): (a 'keyhole' profile with a 'tail' is suggestive of branch loss);
5.
A scar which contains adze or axe marks on the original scar surface is likely to be the
result of human scarring. Their morphology and distribution may lend support to an
interpretation of an Aboriginal origin: (marks produced after the scarring event may need to
be discounted);
6.
The tree must date to the time of Aboriginal bark exploitation within its region: (within the
Shellharbour/Illawarra region a scar age of at least 100 years is prerequisite)
7.
The tree must be endemic to the region: (and thus exclude historic plantings).
Field based identification of Aboriginal scars, is based on surface evidence only and will not
necessarily provide a definitive classification. In many cases the possibility of a natural origin
cannot be ruled out, despite the presence of several diagnostic criteria, or the balance of
interpretation leaning toward an Aboriginal origin. For this reason interpretations of an Aboriginal
origin are qualified by an assessment of the recorder’s degree of certainty. The following
categories can be used:
Definite Aboriginal scar This is a scar which conforms to all of the criteria and/or has in addition a feature or
characteristic which provides definitive identification, such as diagnostic axe or adze marks,
or an historical identification. All conceivable natural causes of the scar can be reliably
discounted.
Aboriginal origin is most likely -
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This is a scar which conforms to all of the criteria and where a natural origin is considered
unlikely and improbable.
Probable Aboriginal scar This is a scar which conforms to all of the criteria and where an Aboriginal origin is
considered to be the most likely. Despite this, a natural origin cannot be ruled out.
Possible Aboriginal scar This is a scar which conforms to all or most of the criteria and where an Aboriginal origin
cannot be reliably considered as more likely than alternative natural causes. The
characteristics of this scar will also be consistent with a natural cause.
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APPENDIX 5
NSW NPWS STANDARD SITE RECORDING FORM
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APPENDIX 6
BEST PRACTICE GUIDELINES:
•
The Burra Charter
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APPENDIX 7
SIGNIFICANCE ASSESSMENT CRITERIA
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Assessment Criteria
The Burra Charter of Australia defines cultural significance as 'aesthetic, historic, scientific or social
value for past, present and future generations' (Aust. ICOMOS 1987). The assessment of the cultural
significance of a place is based on this definition but often varies in the precise criteria used
according to the analytical discipline and the nature of the site, object or place.
In general, Aboriginal archaeological sites are assessed using five potential categories of
significance:
• significance to contemporary Aboriginal people,
• scientific or archaeological significance,
• aesthetic value,
• representativeness, and
• value as an educational and/or recreational resource.
Many sites will be significant according to several categories and the exact criteria used will vary
according to the nature and purpose of the evaluation. Cultural significance is a relative value based
on variable references within social and scientific practice. The cultural significance of a place is
therefore not a fixed assessment and may vary with changes in knowledge and social perceptions.
Aboriginal significance can be defined as the cultural values of a place held by and manifest within
the local and wider contemporary Aboriginal community.
Scientific significance can be defined as the present and future research potential of the artefactual
material occurring within a place or site. This is also known as archaeological significance.
There are two major criteria used in assessing scientific significance:
1. The potential of a place to provide information which is of value in scientific analysis and the
resolution of potential research questions. Sites may fall into this category because they: contain
undisturbed artefactual material, occur within a context which enables the testing of certain
propositions, are very old or contain significant time depth, contain large artefactual
assemblages or material diversity, have unusual characteristics, are of good preservation, or are
a constituent of a larger significant structure such as a site complex.
2. The representativeness of a place. Representativeness is a measure of the degree to which a
place is characteristic of other places of its type, content, context or location. Under this criteria
a place may be significant because it is very rare or because it provides a characteristic
example or reference.
The value of an Aboriginal place as an educational resource is dependent on: the potential for
interpretation to a general visitor audience, compatible Aboriginal values, a resistant site fabric, and
feasible site access and management resources.
The principle aim of cultural resource management is the conservation of a representative sample of
site types and variation from differing social and environmental contexts. Sites with inherently unique
features, or which are poorly represented elsewhere in similar environment types, are considered to
have relatively high cultural significance.
The cultural significance of a place can be usefully classified according to a comparative scale which
combines a relative value with a geographic context. In this way a site can be of low, moderate or
high significance within a local, regional or national context. This system provides a means of
comparison, between and across places. However it does not necessarily imply that a place with a
limited sphere of significance is of lesser value than one of greater reference.
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