The Indian Muslim Community in England
Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities
www.communities.gov.uk
community, opportunity, prosperity
The Indian Muslim Community in England
Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities
Change Institute
April 2009
Communities and Local Government: London
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Contents | 3
Contents
1
Executive Summary
1.1 Introduction and context
1.2 Migration and England’s Indian Muslim population
1.3 Identity, religion and language
1.4 Employment
1.5 Intergenerational dynamics and the role of women in the community
1.6 Cohesion and integration
1.7 Media and links with country of origin
1.8 Civil society and civic engagement
1.9 Recommendations
5
5
6
6
7
7
8
8
9
10
2
Introduction
2.1 Objectives of the research
2.2 Report structure
12
12
13
3
Methodology
3.1 Project phases
3.2 Analysis of data
3.3 Limitations of the research
14
15
18
19
4
Country Profile and History
21
5
Migration History and Trends
26
6
Community Demography and Key Locations
28
7
Socio economic situation
32
8
Key Characteristics
8.1 Identity
8.2 Ethnicity
8.3 Religion
8.4 Language
38
38
39
40
42
9
Intra-community Dynamics
9.1 Intergenerational dynamics
9.2 Young people
9.3 Women
9.4 Cohesion and integration issues
9.5 Politics
43
43
44
45
46
47
10 Media
10.1 Perceptions of the UK media
10.2 Media consumption
48
48
48
4 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
11 Links with country of origin
11.1 Travel
11.2 Remittances
11.3 Political links
11.4 Culture and entertainment
11.5 Other links
50
50
50
51
52
52
12 Civil Society
12.1 Brief overview
12.2 Types of organisations and services they offer
12.3 Key organisations
12.4 Key influencers
12.5 Engagement with public authorities
12.6 Civil society capacity building needs
53
53
54
54
56
57
59
13 Conclusions and recommendations
13.1 Recommendations
60
61
14 Glossary
62
15 Bibliography
65
Executive Summary | 5
1 Executive Summary
1.1 Introduction and context
This report is one of thirteen reports on England’s Muslim ethnic communities
commissioned by the Cohesion Directorate of Communities and Local Government in
order to understand the diversity of England’s Muslim population and to help enhance
its engagement and partnership with Muslim civil society.
The primary goal of the research was to detail the main population and community
locations, identify denominations and religious practices, and identify the strengths of
links with the country of origin. An overarching objective for the project was to identify
how government could best engage and work in partnership with specific communities.
For many of these communities, there was little pre-existing research specific to the
community, although because of the way in which ethnicity is recorded in official
surveys there is relatively more data available for the Bangladeshi, Indian and Pakistani
Muslim populations than there is for the other communities included in the study.1
While there is a lot of information on the Indian population in England, unfortunately
little of this specifically focuses on the minority Muslim population. Whereas the vast
majority of the Bangladeshi and Pakistani populations in England are Muslim, only 13
per cent of the Indian population is Muslim. The research was also expanded to
include other areas such as identity, language use, socio economic situations, and
intra-community dynamics. Since the country and migration contexts are important,
these were also briefly detailed.
The relatively limited scope of this study in relation to individual communities means
that there is still a great deal more research needed in order to establish
comprehensive knowledge and understanding about the different communities. This
study provides first insights into the communities rather than offering firm
conclusions, and hence should be understood as a starting rather than an endpoint in
getting to know the different communities covered by the research.
This report details the research findings for the Indian Muslim community. Individual
reports for the other 12 communities covered by the study as well as a separate report
synthesizing the overall research findings are available from Communities and Local
Government.
This report focuses on the Indian community in England and as such those interviewed
and involved in focus groups were based in England. However, some of the existing
research and data on the community refers to England; England and Wales; Great
Britain; and the United Kingdom. Thus the report refers to whichever of these is the
most relevant in the context.
1
Whilst this report is about the Indian community in England, some data referred to in this report is UK wide and not necessarily
specific to England. When data for UK or ‘England & Wales’ has been used this has been made clear in the text.
6 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
1.2 Migration and England’s Indian Muslim population
The migration of Indian Muslims to the UK has occurred in three main phases. The first
started in the 1950s, with primarily Gujarati single males travelling to the UK to take
up unskilled and semi-skilled work during the post-war economic boom, who were
later joined by their families. In the late 1960s and early 70s Indians expelled from
Kenya and other East African countries began to arrive in Britain, and this wave
included a substantial number of Indian Muslims. More recently, Muslims from various
parts of India have arrived in the UK with work permits and as students, but there is
no separate data available on how many of the new migrants from India are Muslims.
The Indian Muslim community is a relatively small subset of the substantial Indian
population in England, which was estimated to be 1.2 million in 2005 by the Office for
National Statistics. By contrast with many of the other communities in this study,
‘Indian’ is included as an ethnic category in the census and therefore the statistics
available for the Indian population in the census and in this report refer to all those
who identify as being ethnically Indian, including those born outside of India and in
the UK. The 2001 Census recorded 131,098 Indian Muslims in England, 13 per cent of
the Indian population. Seventy-three per cent of the population are in London, the
North West and East Midlands. The majority are still Gujarati Muslims, however there
is considerable diversity within the Indian Muslim diaspora population, which includes
Tamil Indian Muslims, Indian Muslims from Guyana, Trinidad, Kenya and Uganda, as
well as recent Muslim migrants from different parts of Northern India.
1.3 Identity, religion and language
The Indian Muslim community is one of the more ‘invisible’ Muslim communities,
whose distinct identity often gets subsumed within that of the other South Asian
communities. Whilst for many, regional and national categories are still a primary
identification, there has been a sharper focus, especially amongst young people, on
religious identity post-9/11. There are distinct differences within the community based
on whether groups have migrated directly from India or from East and South Africa.
Regional differences are also very marked across London, the Midlands and the
communities settled in former mill towns in the North.
The two main groupings of Gujarati Muslims in the UK are the Baluchis and Surtis.
Other significant groupings include the Worahs, Memons, Khojas, Ismailis, Daudi
Bohras and the Khalifa. Indian Muslims are thought to be predominantly Hanafi Sunni
Muslims who follow the Deobandi and Barelvi schools, together with smaller numbers
of Shi’a and revivalist groups. Other key strands are the Khalifa Jamat. The strong Shi’a
presence within the Indian Muslims population is represented mainly by the Ismaili
community, together with its sub-sects of Daudi Bohras, Nizaris, Khojas and Ithna
Asharis.
Executive Summary | 7
Gujarati, in a number of different dialects, is the main language spoken by the first
generation of Indian Muslims. British-born Indian Muslims are generally bilingual, but
young people communicate mostly in English amongst their siblings and peer groups.
Through the influence of Indian TV programmes, many people can also understand
Hindi, even though it is not commonly spoken in the community. There is also
reported to be a number of small Urdu speaking Gujarati Muslim communities located
in Lancashire, the West Midlands and London.
1.4 Employment
From early beginnings in unskilled and low paid jobs, the community has grown and
developed to a remarkable degree in socio economic terms. Muslims of Indian origin2
tend to be far more economically successful than their Bangladeshi and Pakistani coreligionists, and closer to their fellow Hindu Gujaratis in terms of educational and
economic outcomes. Many run successful businesses, and increasing levels of
education have resulted in a growing professional class. However, the economic
success of the community is not evenly spread, and there are marked regional
differences in outcomes. There are also significant differences between those who
migrated directly from rural parts of India and those who came via East Africa. Despite
overall educational and economic progress, employment remains a problem for many,
and the community reports facing highs level of discrimination on religious grounds.
Older women are also said to be disadvantaged because of a lack of fluency in English.
1.5 Intergenerational dynamics and the role of women in
the community
There is a marked difference in relationship to their country of heritage between the
generations. The older generation has a strong link with India, but young people who
are far removed from their parent’s migration experience are more concerned about
their future in Britain. Family ties are still very strong but the extended family structures
are changing, with increasing numbers of young people moving out of their parents’
home once they get married.
According to some older respondents in the study, British-born Indian Muslims are
suffering from an identity crisis and increasingly adopting what they see as the worst
aspects of British culture, namely binge drinking, drugs, and sexual relations outside
marriage. Young people have equally critical views of the older generation’s failure to
adapt to their changing times and environment and they strongly challenge the
assumption that young people are losing their Muslim identity.
2
‘Muslims of Indian origin’ or ‘Indian Muslims’ refers to all Muslims in England of Indian descent either by country of birth or
heritage. Because the census and other official data sources employ an ‘Indian’ ethnicity category, this study is not reliant on
country of birth data.
8 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
The lack of provision and facilities for young people is seen as a critical issue and as
being the main cause of increasing levels of drug use, a growing gang culture in
recent years and more involvement with the criminal justice system. The community
has a lot of concerns about young people and stresses the need for concerted work to
enable them to channel their energies into constructive activities that focus on local
rather than international concerns.
The first generation of women who came to join their husbands in Britain remained
largely confined to their homes and isolated from the wider community, though a
significant number are believed to have worked at home in the ‘rag trade’. However,
the situation is changing for the younger generation, most of whom are getting a
good education and taking up paid employment. Increasing numbers are also starting
to run their own businesses and many are active in charity work. These changing roles
and responsibilities of women can often cause considerable conflicts in the family.
However, as most community organisations remain male-dominated, facilities for
women to meet socially or to get involved in community based activities outside the
home still remain limited.
1.6 Cohesion and integration
Most respondents questioned what it means to be integrated, as in the views of the
majority of the community is already very integrated. Some stressed that it is
important for there to be a common vision for the UK but one which allows for the
celebration of differences and for every community to be seen as contributing equally
to the British way of life. However, a number of others highlighted some internal
reluctance within the community to integrate any further for fear of losing its distinct
religious and cultural heritage and were critical of mosques and other organisations
that do not encourage mixing and partnerships with other communities. In some
specific geographical areas respondents talked about high levels of racial tensions
between the Indian Muslim community and neighbouring white communities and in
other areas about anti-Muslim sentiment from non-Muslim Indian communities.
1.7 Media and links with country of origin
There is a common view amongst Indian Muslims who took part in this study that the
British national media on the whole is extremely anti-Islamic. In addition to this, many
people in the community also feel that they have to contend with similar anti-Muslim
sentiment from within sections of the media in India. Indian Muslims in different parts
of the country, however, spoke of good relations and coverage in their local media.
Executive Summary | 9
Large sections of the community, and young people in particular, rely on the
mainstream British press and broadcast media for news and entertainment. Indian
newspapers in Gujarati and English and Indian satellite channels are also popular for
entertainment. There is an indication that some orthodox families rely primarily on the
written media due to religious considerations. There are a number of local community
newspapers which are very popular in certain communities across the country. For
many in the community, especially the elderly and housebound, radio transmission
from local mosques is a key source of information, community and international news.
The Indian Muslim community has a strong relationship with its country of origin and
frequent visits are made to see family in India. However, some respondents in the
study express concerns about young men being harassed and victimised under Indian
Anti-Terrorism Laws on arrival in the country. Cultural links are maintained mainly
through Indian satellite TV, Bollywood, fashion and music. The Indian Muslim
community also has a tradition of regularly inviting Gujarati Imams and scholars from
India for talks at special events.
Many Indian Muslims living in Britain are involved in trade ventures in India and there
is an increasing level of investment in other areas, primarily in property. Remittances to
help family and relatives are common and many families send money over a long
period of time in order to gradually save enough money to buy plots of land for house
building. Growing numbers are also travelling to India for health reasons.
The community in the UK does not have many direct political links with India.
However, whilst not involved in Indian politics, the community keeps a close watch on
unfolding events, as well as the consequences of various pieces of anti-terrorism
legislation in both India and the UK.
1.8 Civil society and civic engagement
The Indian Muslim community has a complex structure of community groups and
organisations catering for its social, cultural and religious needs. The majority started
out primarily as faith-based organisations, but over the years many have expanded
their remit to cater for broader community needs. Mosques, Imams and large Muslim
umbrella organisations still remain key influencers among Indian Muslims in England.
A number of national umbrella organisations have also developed, including
specifically Muslim ones as well as umbrella bodies that represent all Gujarati
organisations across the religious divide.
The community has a strong focus on charity work and charity events are regularly
organised by community associations. Various mosques and Islamic societies also host
family oriented events and conferences which incorporate activities designed to attract
young people and children to take part. Other services offered by community
organisations include: visa surgeries, advice and information on benefits, employment,
housing, immigration and financial or debt counselling. Some include activities for
women, the elderly, mother tongue classes for children, and a range of youth
activities.
10 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
The lack of core funding is the most pressing concern for community organisations.
Older and well established organisations which have good contacts with local
authorities and local strategic partnerships are seen as much better placed than
smaller grassroots organisations in getting public funding support. The tendency of
most civil society organisations to be run and managed by men leaves women
especially vulnerable and isolated. The need for funding and support for women’s
organisations and youth provision are highlighted as the most urgent community
need.
On the whole there is reported to be inconsistent contact and engagement between
public authorities and the Indian Muslim Community, and a considerable level of
cynicism about the value and outcomes of such engagement. The community is highly
critical of the tendency of most authorities to overlook the distinct nature of the
community, by either categorising it together with other Indians or linking it with
Pakistani or Bangladeshi Muslim communities. Whilst there are local elected members
in most parts of the country, political representation at the national level is almost nonexistent. However, despite these difficulties and barriers there are many individuals and
groups that are actively involved in various public forums.
1.9 Recommendations
Along with many of the other reports in this study, this report should be seen as a
starting point in the process of understanding England’s diverse Muslim and ethnic
minority communities in greater detail rather than the final word. The research has
provided many insights into the Indian Muslim community in England and while areas
were highlighted as community concerns, some require further enquiry in order to
draw firm conclusions.
The Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities Summary report provides detailed
recommendations for engagement with and development of Muslim civil society
organisations.3 The specific recommendations for public authorities in relation to
responding to the Indian Muslim community include:
• Measures to encourage pro-active public authority engagement with communities
at the local level, with a particular focus on the direct involvement of women and
young people rather than through established community organisations and
gatekeepers
• Authorities to recognise the centrality of mosques within these communities as
important potential partners in delivering services for the community, whilst at the
same time recognising that they may not necessarily be the best placed to cater for
the needs of young people and women
• Targeting funding and a comprehensive package of capacity building support
measures to community facilities run by and for women and young people
3
Available from Communities and Local Government.
Executive Summary | 11
• In addition to direct funding support for women’s organisations, establish
gateways for engagement with influential women within the community, for
instance wives of imams and male members of Mosque governing committees in
order to access a broader spectrum of Muslim women in the community
• Research into the views and experiences of young Indian Muslims to enhance
understanding about the ways in which the younger generation is negotiating its
religious, gender and national identities in the context of its British identity and
environment.
12 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
2 Introduction
The Cohesion Directorate of Department for Communities and Local Government
recognises that there is a need to enhance its understanding and knowledge of the
diverse Muslim ethnic populations in England, particularly relating to some of the
specific smaller communities of African, Middle Eastern and other Asian countries of
origin. Hence it commissioned the Change Institute (CI) to deliver the research project
‘Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities’ (UMEC), focusing on 13 ethnic Muslim
communities in England originating from the following countries:
• Afghanistan
• Algeria
• Bangladesh
• Egypt
• India
• Iran
• Iraq
• Morocco
• Nigeria
• Pakistan
• Saudi Arabia
• Somalia
• Turkey.
Individual reports have been provided under separate covers for each diaspora
community, along with separate synthesis and technical reports.
2.1 Objectives of the research
There were four objectives for the research:
• Mapping: Develop population maps for each ethnic community outlining the
spread of the population and identification of high density clusters
• Identification of denominations and pathways: Collect information on the
grassroots institutions/key individuals working with ethnic communities and the
breakdown of these ethnic communities by denomination/sect/clan
Introduction | 13
• Identifying strength of links and capacity of ethnic communities: Collect
information on the strength of links between each ethnic community and country
of origin (including influential institutions/individuals/media channels/religious
influences). Also to collect information on the relative strengths and weaknesses of
civil society infrastructure for each ethnic community, highlighting where capacities
need to be developed
• Identifying how Government can best engage with ethnic communities: Develop
recommendations on the ways in which Communities and Local Government can
best engage with and understand Muslim ethnic communities in England,
including recommendations on avenues of communications and delivery to these
communities.
These objectives translated into six key questions that the study needed to address:
1. Where are the key ethnic groups of the Muslim population located?
2. What are the latest estimated sizes and demographic make-up of the key ethnic
communities?
3. Which denominations and/or other internal groupings do these ethnic groups
belong to?
4. How can Communities and Local Government best engage with them?
5. What are the strength of links between the ethnic communities and country of
origin?
6. How developed is the level of social infrastructure for each group?
During the course of the desktop research and fieldwork, we obtained data on other
facets of the community such as socio economic position and intra-community
dynamics. In order to provide additional context to users of the report we have
included this information where it was felt this would be valuable to the reader.
However, it should be noted a comprehensive socio economic description or analysis
of the community was outside the scope of this study. We also took the view that the
migration and history of each community’s country of origin was important and often
offered potential explanations for the location; intra-community dynamics, including
political, social and cultural characteristics; and development of the diaspora
communities in the UK.
2.2 Report structure
The report is structured to address the key research questions set out previously.
Sections 6 and 7 are primarily based on quantitative secondary data. Sections 8 to 12
draw primarily on the qualitative research corroborated by secondary sources where
these are available. Finally, section 13 draws together specific recommendations
arising from the research.
14 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
3 Methodology
The research questions represented a broad area of enquiry and analysis. While
quantitative data about the size, location and other demographic features of the
priority communities was a key research need, the study primarily focused on enabling
the Communities and Local Government to ‘know’ these communities in depth.
To fulfil these research requirements, the methodology developed needed to combine
documentary research with processes of consultation and dialogue. Data collection
consisted of two phases which were consistent across each community.
PHASE
ACTIVITY
METHOD
1
Population mapping
Review of:
• Existing literature
• National data sources
• Local data sources and consultations
with Local Authority, other public
bodies and community representatives.
These were conducted to cover all
13 communities in this study.
2
Qualitative data collection
Community interviews (205 total,
21 with Egyptian community).
Focus groups (30 total, two with
Indian Muslim community and four
with Muslim youth from all ethnic
backgrounds).
In addition, we conducted 15 interviews with local government and voluntary services
stakeholders across England to discuss their existing experiences of working in
partnership with and supporting Muslim civil society organisations across all the
Muslim ethnic communities that we researched.
Methodology | 15
3.1 Project phases
Phase 1: Population mapping
The first phase consisted of collecting mainly secondary quantitative data but also
some primary data about locations of Muslim ethnic populations and known civil
society organisations. The main method for data collection on population
characteristics was through a comprehensive review of a broad range of secondary
data sources, including the Census, Annual Population Survey, output of migration
and population think tanks and academic research centres. This initial literature review
assisted in developing a detailed picture of data currently available in the public
domain and in identifying key gaps in the existing knowledge base. It also helped in
identifying key locations for each diaspora to be targeted in the community research
which followed as well as identifying key stakeholders and community interviewees.
Robust and up-to-date population data is difficult to obtain outside of the 2001
Census although the ONS has also provided population predictions by local authority
area for 2005. The 2005 data informs some of the population figures quoted in this
study, but it is not disaggregated by religion, so the 2001 census figures are used
wherever statistics are used with respect to religious identity of the Indian population
in England. It should also be noted that unlike other studies in this series, the data on
Bangladeshi, Indian and Pakistani populations is based on ‘ethnicity’ rather than
country of birth statistics because of the categories for ethnicity collection in official
surveys. This means that unless stated statistics for the Indian population include all
‘ethnic’ Indian irrespective of the country they were born in.
The 2001 Census question on religion has for the first time helped to delineate the
different religious communities that make up the Indian population in the UK, and
hence to allow estimates to be made of the size of the Muslim Indian population. Prior
to that, all official statistics were collected under the broad category of ‘Indian’, which
made it impossible to take account of the smaller communities with different cultural,
religious, and socio economic roots in India to those of the dominant (Punjabi) Indian
group in the UK.4
Issues pertaining to Indian Muslims have also remained sidelined to date within the
academic and social policy fields, with the focus on Muslim issues being primarily
related to the Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslim populations. As a result, there is very
little research data available that focuses specifically on Indian Muslims in the UK.5
Phase 2: Qualitative data collection
Qualitative data collection has been undertaken primarily through 21 one-to-one
interviews with key respondents (‘those who might be expected to know’), and two
focus groups with individuals from the Indian community. This phase of the research
was carried out between April and July 2008.
4
5
Runnymede Trust (2000), The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain: The Parekh Report, Runnymede Trust, p. 145.
The Situation of Muslims in the UK: Monitoring the EU Accession Process, Open Society, 2002, p. 4.
16 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
3.1.1 In-depth interviews
The interviews assisted in developing an overview of national and local contexts: the
make-up of diaspora communities, key issues concerning violent extremism including
perceptions, experiences and activities, current initiatives in place to counter this and
existing civil society structures and development needs. The interviews also assisted in
identification of further key contacts for the one-to-one and focus group research and
covered a range of topics including:
• Key data sources
• Denominations and pathways
• Key influencers and institutions
• Key issues and needs for the specific diaspora
• Links with countries of origin
• Civil society structures and capacity needs
• Current levels of contact and key barriers to engagement with public authorities
• Media consumption
• Appropriate communication channels for engagement and involvement.
The majority of interviews were conducted face-to-face and some by telephone where
necessary. Respondents were chosen on the basis that they offered a range of
different types of knowledge and perspectives on community issues and dynamics.
Selection of interviewees involved drawing up a ‘long list’ of key contacts in each
community in consultation with community interviewers, expert advisers and contacts
made during the first phase of research. Shortlists were produced to ensure that there
was adequate female and youth representation and a regional spread that reflected
the distribution of the community in England. Additional names were added on the
basis of subsequent recommendations made.
Interviews for the Indian community research were conducted by a researcher from
the Indian community, who was already familiar with many individuals and civil society
organisations in the community. This added legitimacy to the process of enquiry that
was critical in opening up discussion and enabled us to gather rich and sometimes
controversial data.
The profile of the 21 respondents was as follows:
• 14 males and seven females
• Three were in the 20-29 age range; eight were 30-39; six were 40-49 and four
were 50-59
Methodology | 17
• Nine were involved in community or religious-orientated roles, two were in
educational roles, one journalist, one social researcher, three in public health roles,
three worked in the private sector and two worked in the public sector.
A quality control process was used by the Change Institutue (CI) to ensure consistency
and quality across each community. This involved:
• Piloting: Each community researcher was required to carry out two or three pilot
interviews in each community to refine approaches and questions where necessary.
This included a detailed discussion with each researcher following the pilot
interviews, with expert adviser involvement where necessary, as well as a review of
the interview field notes to ensure that relevant data was being used by researchers
• Each community researcher was assigned to a member of the core research team
who reviewed field notes on an ongoing basis, and regular internal team meetings
were held to share findings and ensure consistency across the project.
3.1.2 Discussion groups
In addition to the individual interviews, we conducted two focus groups that allowed
for collective insights to be generated on community needs and issues, including
challenges and practical ways forward. These explored partnership issues, civil society
infrastructure and capacity development needs, media and communications. While
these focus groups were limited in number, they provided a rich and often diverse set
of views that complemented the data gathered in the one-to-one interviews.
Focus groups were designed to include a mix of participants from different community
networks and different occupational backgrounds who might be expected to hold a
wide range of views. Participants were recruited by the core research team through
local community organisations and CI networks.
One male and one female focus group was conducted and attended by individuals
over 35 years of age. The focus groups were conducted in Leicester and Newham in
June 2008:
Location
Born in
the UK
Born outside
of the UK
Age
range
Group
(Female)
1 London
2
4
35+
Group
(Male)
2 Leicester
2
5
35+
Groups were facilitated by CI directors and analysts, with additional support from
community researchers.
In addition to the two focus groups for each community, four youth focus groups
were conducted in London, Birmingham and Bradford with youth from a range of
18 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
ethnic backgrounds. The findings of these focus groups are discussed in the summary
report.
This report uses selective quotes from the interviews and focus groups to illustrate key
recurring themes and issues arising during the qualitative data collection. Where
necessary they have been carefully edited for ease of reading or understanding what
was meant.
3.2 Analysis of data
Data analysis involved generating understandable patterns by comparing what
different respondents/focus groups said about specific themes or questions. The
central question was whether the data and information and the range of views
expressed led to the same conclusions. Findings were validated by triangulation of all
data and information collected in both project phases so far as possible and by critical
internal reflection and review within the CI team.
The analytical process involved reviewing field notes to develop emerging themes in
line with the analytical framework, which was done in collaboration with the field
researchers; regular internal meetings to discuss findings from all communities;
dedicated internal workshops on the communities to finalise analysis; reviews from
expert advisers; feedback from ‘community reviewers’ and a formal peer review
process.
Intercultural understanding of responses and non-responses was also essential in
considerations of the data generated. A set of commonly held assumptions and
understandings in any cultural group may mean that some things are simply left
unsaid because they are commonly understood in the group and do not require
articulation. In addition, literal translation or interpretation may simply misrepresent or
miss the significance of what is being articulated. In this context in particular there will
often be a distinction between what is said, and might be noted or recorded, and
what is meant. In looking for meaning, silences and body language were often as
important as what was said. A good example of potential misinterpretation that came
up many times was body language indicating discomfort and unwillingness to pursue
a particular line of enquiry.
Finally, and most importantly, we were reflexive in our approach, critically reflecting on
the role and influence that our own research intervention may be having on key
respondents and focus groups, using critical judgment and being conscious of the
need to interpret with integrity in relation to what we were seeing and hearing.
Methodology | 19
3.3 Limitations of the research
Data analysis represents both general and particular challenges in the current social
and political context, as well as specific challenges in relation to some of these
communities. These include:
• The sample sizes for each community were relatively small and respondents were
not intended to be a representative sample of the relevant communities
• Because the interviews were not based on a random sample, the study does not
claim to provide an analysis of the Indian Muslim population as a whole, nor was
this the intention of the study. We have analysed views and comments in the
context of existing data, knowledge of the current political and social context for
these communities and the comments of other respondents
• Many aspects of the topic guide were designed to identify the key needs and
challenges facing the community.6 Hence the research tended to generate data on
problem areas and challenges, particularly in focus group discussions when
respondents felt they had limited time to ensure that their voices were heard. This
may not reflect many of the positive and optimistic views of respondents. However,
respondents were often aware that the discussions may come across as negative in
tone and were quick to try and balance this by highlighting perceived positive
aspects of both their communities and their lives in the UK. We have endeavoured
to set out the ‘best’ story (in terms of explanatory power) in the context of what is
already known about why some of our respondents might express negative
feelings
• In the current context, the politicisation of the research field meant that all
respondents were conscious of being part of a community under public and
government scrutiny. Respondents were made aware of the purposes of the
research through a ‘showcard’ that explained the research as well as possible uses
of the research.7 They were informed that this research would potentially be used
to inform a publication that would enter the public domain and would cover
aspects such as religion, intra-community dynamics and links with country of
origin. A climate of some scepticism within Muslim communities, discrimination,
both real and perceived, and awareness of government interest in ‘what is
happening’ on the ground, meant that respondents were often sceptical about the
use of the information they were providing. Many will have had agendas (for
positive as well as negative reasons) when asked about issues for their
communities, which may have influenced their responses (eg representing their
community as having few or no problems, or conversely, as having many or major
needs and/or issues with public authorities)
6
7
The topic guide is included in the Technical Report, available from Communities and Local Government.
The showcard is included in the Technical Report, available from Communities and Local Government.
20 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
• This also created a number of practical difficulties in research terms, including
difficulties in getting interviews with particular types of respondents, hesitancy and
caution in some responses and a closing off of some lines of questioning in relation
to religion, identity and differences
• The researchers’ analytical response to these difficulties was to be critically attuned
to who was speaking, their location in the community, the interests that they may
have and to judge their comments in the light of this context. Researchers were
aware that there are dynamic and charged debates and movement taking place
within these communities on a whole range of issues ranging from religion, its
expression and orientation in the context of being Muslim minorities living in a
non-Muslim society, to negotiations about roles, responsibilities, duties, gender
relations and relationships with country of origin. This awareness underpinned the
analysis of the data and the conclusions drawn from responses received.
For all these reasons, the research should be viewed as a ‘snapshot’ in time rather than
reflective of the full complexity or range of issues, challenges and changes taking
place in these communities (eg intergenerational relationships, gender roles,
perceptions of ethnic and religious identity, changing attitudes among the young
(both in liberal and more radical directions) and the levels of integration or tensions
within and across communities). We are conscious of the dynamism and the rapid
changes taking place in some communities, both positive and negative.
Country Profile and History | 21
4 Country Profile and History
© Crown copyright 2009 Crown copyright material reproduced with the permission of the Controller HMSO.
22 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
India is the world’s largest democracy and the second most populous country. It is one
of the oldest continuous civilisations with a long and complex history chronicled from
the time of the Indus Valley civilisation, for which dates vary between 5000-3000 BCE.
India is the birthplace of four world religions (Hinduism, Jainism, Buddhism and
Sikhism) and home to most other major world religions. It has the largest Zoroastrian
(Parsee) community, dating from the 10th century and descended from Persian
immigrants fleeing persecution in their home country. Christianity is believed to have
been introduced to India by St Thomas, one of the apostles of Christ, with a later wave
introduced by Portuguese invaders in the 15th century.
Islam has a long presence in India with early contact through Arab traders from the
seventh century onwards. The first mosque in India, the Cheraman Juma Masjid, is
thought to have been built in 629AD, during the lifetime of Prophet Mohammad. The
Sindh province of India came under the control of the Ummayid Caliphate in the
eighth century and further invasions notably led by Mahmud of Ghazni in the 10th
century, and by Mohammed of Ghor in the 12th century consolidated Muslim control
across North India. The Sultanate of Delhi was established during the 13th century,
and by the 14th century Islam was firmly established in the Ganges basin as far as
Bengal, although throughout this period Muslims remained a minority in India. The
disintegration of the Sultanate was followed by the Mughal Empire that lasted from
the 16th to 19th century. The empire was established by Babur in the early 1500s and
ended with the rule of Bahadur Shah the second, who was imprisoned and exiled by
the British following the Indian uprising of 1857.
The most significant of the Mughal rulers was Akbar (1542-1605) who expanded the
Empire across most of India. Akbar’s rule was characterised by his commitment to religious
pluralism. He abolished the jizyah tax that Shariah prescribed for dhimmis (protected nonMuslims), became a vegetarian (so as to not offend Hindus) and gave up hunting as a
sport.8 In 1575 he set up a ‘house of worship’ where scholars of all religions would meet for
religious discussion,9 and attempted (unsuccessfully) to create a new faith, the Din-I-Illahi,
which brought together elements of all the major faiths prevalent in India at the time.
Akbar’s immediate successors, Jehangir and Shah Jahan continued many of Akbar’s
policies of religious tolerance. The latter famously built the Taj Mahal which blended
Muslim and Hindu styles of architecture. However, Shan Jahan’s successor Aurangzeb
(1658-1707), a devout Muslim, reversed many of Akbar’s policies that resulted in
many military campaigns against Hindu chieftains in North India, Rajasthan and the
Deccan, and against Sikhs in the Punjab. Aurangzeb’s successors were unable to
maintain the empire and the last days of the Mughal Empire was accompanied by the
ascension of British influence through the British East India Company (1765-1858) and
the British Raj (1858-1947).
8
9
Some Muslims, such as Ahmad Sirhindi (d. 1625) were offended by Akbar’s religious pluralism. Sirhindi said that Unity with God
could only be achieved when Muslims piously observed the laws of the Shariah, although few people subscribed to these views.
Karen Armstrong (2001), Islam – A Short History, London: Orion.
Country Profile and History | 23
The British had a presence in India from the early part of the 17th century when the
merchants of the East India Company began trading. In 1757, following British victory
at Plassey, the East India Company evolved from an association of traders to exercising
political sovereignty, and in 1765 the Company acquired the rights to collect revenues
on behalf of the Mughal Emperor in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. The rebellion by Indian
soldiers (1857-58) led to the loss of large areas of territory to the rebels. However,
Delhi was recaptured by British troops in late 1857 and the last Mughal Emperor
Bahadur Shah was put on trial and convicted of sedition.
The East India Company was abolished in 1858 and India became a Crown colony
governed directly by British Parliament with responsibility given to the Secretary of
State for India. In India affairs were managed by the Governor-General or Viceroy of
India as the position was otherwise known. From 1920 onwards, Mahatma Gandhi led
the non-cooperation and civil disobedience movement against the British and in 1942
he issued a call for the British to ‘quit India’. Following the end of World War II, British
Prime Minister Clement Atlee announced that the British government would grant
India its independence. This led to religious-orientated factionalism between major
political parties and communities. As a result, the independence of India from British
rule in 1947 was accompanied by the partition of country, with the creation of the
new state of Pakistan in Muslim majority areas of the country.
Fifteen million people are thought to have crossed the newly created borders on both
sides, the largest single episode of migration in history, and the lowest estimates place
the death toll during the process at around half a million. Millions more were left
homeless as a result of the partition, with the Punjab and Bengal being the most
affected by the mass migration. Along with the Punjab, Gujarat was the other key
state in Western India to have its boundary significantly redrawn. However, whilst the
majority of Muslims in North India moved across the border to the newly created
Pakistan, the majority of Gujarati Muslims chose to stay in India.
The partition of India in 1947 has had significant repercussions and its legacy is still felt
today. There have been three major wars between India and Pakistan since 1947, two
of them over the disputed territory of Kashmir. A peace process has been in motion for
many years but setbacks such as the attacks on the Indian Parliament in 2001, the
Mumbai train network in July 2006 and the recent terrorist attack in Mumbai currently
being attributed by the Indian government to Pakistani militants, and a banned allied
group in India has hampered efforts at reconciliation.
As of 2007 there were approximately 151 million Muslims in India (13.4 per cent of
the population) making it the third largest population of Muslims in the world,
following Indonesia and Pakistan. India is also home to the second largest Shi’a
Muslim population (after Iran) in the world. The largest concentrations (about 47 per
cent of all Muslims in India) live in the three states of Uttar Pradesh (30.7 million),
West Bengal (20.2 million), and Bihar (13.7 million). In Gujarat, where the majority of
UK Indian Muslims originate from, Muslims constitute nine per cent of the population.
24 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
Hindu Gujaratis are the largest proportion of the Gujarati population in the UK, but
Gujarati Muslims represent the majority of the Indian Muslim community in the UK.
The two communities are quite separate and distinct but the Gujarati Muslims
community is largely invisible in official policy and statistics, except in those areas of
the country where different Gujarati Muslim communities are concentrated. In a few
of these, (eg North Kirklees) the community represents the majority of the local ethnic
minority population. The distinctness of the community gets blurred through the
association of Gujaratis as Hindus and of all Muslims from South Asia as being from
Pakistan or Bangladesh.
Tensions between the majority Hindu population and Muslims has been a continuing
feature of post-Independence India. These came to a head following a long-running
conflict between Hindus and Muslims over a religious site, the Babri Mosque in
Ayodhya, which was finally destroyed by a Hindu mob in 1992. This was followed by
tit for tat violence by Muslim and Hindu fundamentalists throughout the country,
including the Mumbai riots and bombings in 1993. Some of the most violent events
took place during the Gujarat riots in 2002, when it is estimated that more than one
thousand people were killed, 70 per cent of these Muslim. Tensions in the State of
Gujarat continue, including accusations being made of pogroms10 against Muslim
communities from 2002 onwards.11 The riots were noted for excesses against women;
many Muslim and Hindu girls and women were reported as having been brutally raped
in Gujarat before being killed.12 Additionally, more than 150,000 people were
displaced.13 According to these reports, Sunni Indian Muslims were affected the most
by these events, and due to fear of local Hindutva groups, thousands of Muslims have
still not been able to return to their homes.
The situation in Gujarat remains tense and continues to impact deeply on the Indian
Muslim community in the UK. Respondents report that before the riots there was
traditionally some sense of a shared and overarching Gujarati identity despite the
religious divide, evident in the existence of a number of pan-Gujarati organisations
that brought together Gujarati Hindus and Muslims under a single umbrella such as
the Gujarati Sahitaya Academy of Great Britain and the UK Gujarati Teachers’
Association. According to respondents in this study, the initial and immediate response
was a greater solidarity between the Hindu and Muslims communities, however they
suggest that, since then, there has been a growing level of tension and fragmentation
amongst Muslim and Hindu Gujaratis. Community and religious leaders from both
sides continue to urge calm and non-violence and to date the tensions have not
spiraled into serious problems.
10
11
12
13
Organised killing of a civilian population, usually on ethnic or religious grounds.
Varshney, A. (2004) ‘Understanding Gujarat Violence’, Social Science Research Council: Contemporary Conflicts
www.conconflicts.ssrc.org/archives/gujarat/varshney/
Human Rights Watch (2002) ‘Attacks on Women’, State Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in Gujarat,
www.hrw.org/reports/2002/india/India0402-03.htm#P527_94439
Tom Harrison, Sam Jones, Jon Lunn, Ben Smith, Claire Taylor and Tim Youngs (2007), India a Political Introduction, House of
Commons. www.parliament.uk/commons/lib/research/rp2007/rp07-041.pdf
Migration History and Trends | 25
However, relations remain strained and tend to come to the surface when there are
incidents such as the visits of leading Hindutva politicians like Narendra Modi and of
members of the Vishva Hindu Parisahd (VHP) and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS),
who are perceived by Gujarati Muslims as entering the UK in order to raise funds and
stoke up anti-Muslim sentiment amongst Hindu communities in the UK. Key Indian
Muslim organisations and leaders have repeatedly called upon the UK government to
investigate the ‘charitable’ fundraising work of VHP and RSS affiliated organisations in
the UK as they believe the funds raised are for sectarian/political as opposed to
humanitarian purposes.
26 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
5 Migration History and Trends
The first visible Indian Muslim communities in any numbers in the UK began to arrive
during the 1950s when migrants, mostly from Gujarat in western India, started to travel
to Britain to escape the economic hardships of post-Independence India, as well as to
meet the post-war labour needs of the UK.14 The vast majority of Gujarati Muslims in
the UK came from the Surat, Baroda and Bharuch districts of Gujarat. Respondents also
report a small but significant number of Muslims in Preston and Gloucester who have
their origins in India, but who came to the UK or are descendants of migrants from
Burma. However, they were unsure about the numbers and the extent to which this
group has settled in other parts of the country.
The earliest migrants were Gujarati males who came on their own, with their families
joining them a year or two later.15 Indian Muslims found employment in the more poorly
paid occupations, in the textile mills of Yorkshire and Lancashire and in the NHS, where
they were concentrated among unskilled and semi-skilled ancillary staff, although a few
were also employed as doctors and nurses.16 Whilst most early arrivals laboured in the
mills and factories of Lancashire and Yorkshire, many moved and settled in other parts
of the country once the textile and other heavy industries began to decline in the north
in the 1970s.
In the late 1960s and early 70s, Indians from Kenya and other East African countries
began to arrive in Britain after being forced from their homes by the Kenyan and
Ugandan governments.17 Many of the East African Indian Muslims were particularly
attracted to London and Leicester.18 The British government passed the 1968
Commonwealth Immigration Act to stop the influx of Indians from Kenya and then from
Uganda when many were expelled by Idi Amin in 1972. However, following
international pressure most East African Asians were able to settle in Britain, although
communities also dispersed to the USA, Canada and in smaller numbers to various
European cities.19 Unlike Gujaratis who had travelled direct from India, usually as single
males, Gujaratis who left East Africa mostly came as complete families.
14
15
16
17
18
19
For more information on this early immigration of Indians see: Desai, R. (1963), Indian Immigrants in Britain, London: Oxford
University Press for the Institute of Race Relations.
Barot, R (n.d) ‘A Profile of Gujaratis in the UK’. www.ukgta.org/guratiprofile.html
Ansari, H (2004) The Infidel Within: Muslims in Britain since 1800, p. 147.
Barot (n.d).
For more information on the Migration of East African Indians to the UK see: Bhachu, P. (1985), Twice Migrants: East African
Sikh settlers in Britain, London: Tavistock Publications.
Ibid.
Migration History and Trends | 27
These East African migrants were highly skilled urban middle class professionals and
entrepreneurs who tended to settle in London and the Midlands.20 Those expelled from
Uganda went through a difficult process of transition in Britain as local populations
often opposed or resented their arrival in the early 1970s. It is estimated that 20,000 of
the group of 150,000 East African Asians were Muslims, predominantly Ismailis, with
family roots in Pakistan or the Indian state of Gujarat.21 More recent Indian migrants
include large numbers of work permit holders from Northern India, including from
Delhi, who can be found working in the IT, finance, and legal sectors, as well as some
smaller groups of asylum seekers.22 It is not possible to determine the historical trends of
new Muslim migrants from India as disaggregated statistics on immigration and asylum
are not available.
20
21
22
Open Society, 2002.
Ibid.
Institute for Public Policy Research (2007) Britain’s Immigrants and Economic Profile: A Report for Class Films and Channel Four
Dispatches, London: IPPR.
28 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
6 Community Demography and
Key Locations
Estimated Indian Muslim Population (2005): 154,00023
Census 2001: Indian Muslim population: 131,098
The Indian Muslim community is a relatively small subset of the substantial Indian
population in England, which was estimated to be 1.2 million in 2005 by the ONS. The
2001 Census recorded 131,098 Indian Muslims residing in England of whom 72.6 per
cent are spread across London, the North West and East Midlands. Although London
has the highest number of Indian Muslims, the population is more evenly dispersed
across England’s regions than some of the other communities in this study – see Table
1. Over a quarter of the population live in the North West mostly in the three Local
Authorities of Blackburn with Darwen (10 per cent), Bolton (8 per cent) and Lancashire
(5 per cent) – see Figure 1. By comparison, two per cent of Indian Sikhs and five per
cent of Indian Hindus live in the North West.24
The percentage of the Indian population that is Muslim varies considerably across
different Government Office regions. For example, in the North West 49 per cent of
the Indian population is Muslim, whilst in the South East only four per cent of the
Indian population is Muslim. The Indian Muslim population also varies considerably as
a proportion of the total Muslim population in each region. While there are over
10,000 Indian Muslims in the West Midlands, they comprise only five per cent of the
total Muslim population in that region, compared to the 20,050 Indian Muslims in the
East Midlands who represent 29 per cent of the region’s total Muslim population.
23
24
This figure is based on the ONS’s 2005 estimate of the Indian Muslim population and the religious data on the population from
the 2001 Census.
ONS (2006), Focus on Religion and Ethnicity.
Community Demography and Key Locations | 29
Table 1: Distribution of Indian Muslim population by Government Office
Region in England (Source: Census 2001, C104)
GO Region
Indian
population
Indian
Muslims
population
% of
Indian
population
that is
Muslim
% of total
Indian
Muslim
population
% of total
regional
Muslim
population
London
436,993
40,497
9
30.8
6.7
North West
72,219
34,994
49
26.6
17.1
East Midlands
122,346
20,050
16
15.2
28.6
Yorkshire and
the Humber
51,493
15,499
30
11.8
8.2
178,691
10,775
6
8.2
5.0
South East
89,219
3,443
4
East
51,035
3,141
6
2.4
4.0
South West
16,394
2,293
14
1.7
9.8
North East
10,154
406
4
0.3
1.5
1,028,546
131,098
West Midlands
Total
13%
2.6
100%
3.2
8.5%
Figure 1: Distribution of Indian Muslim population in England (Source: 2001)
30 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
Table 2 lists the Local Authorities in England with Indian Muslim populations above
2,000. Seventy per cent of the total Indian Muslim population in England resides in
these 14 Local Authority areas. Blackburn with Darwen has the highest percentage of
Indians who are Muslim (91 per cent), followed by Kirklees (72 per cent), Preston (60
per cent) and Bolton (63 per cent). The London borough with highest percentage of
Indians who are Muslim is Hackney (49.1 per cent).
Table 2: Local authorities in England with Indian Muslim populations above
2,000 (Source: Census 2001, S104).
Local
Authority
Indian
population
Indian Muslim
population
% of
% of total
total Indian
Muslim
population who population in
are Muslim
local authority
Leicester
72,033
18,180
25.0
58.9
Blackburn with
Darwen
14,654
13,260
91.0
49.7
Kirklees
15,829
11,358
72.0
28.9
Bolton
15,884
9,970
63.0
54.1
Newham
29,597
6,989
24.0
11.8
Preston
11,436
6,882
60.0
64.4
Birmingham
55,749
4,978
9.0
3.6
Hackney
7,624
3,746
49.0
13.4
Waltham Forest
7,671
3,277
43.0
10.0
Redbridge
33,304
3,093
9.0
10.9
Bradford
12,504
2,887
23.1
3.8
Brent
48,624
2,694
5.5
8.3
Ealing
49,734
2,331
4.7
7.5
Harrow
45,310
2,092
4.6
14.0
According to the 2001 census there are over 40,000 Indian Muslims living in London,
mainly in East and West London boroughs – see Figure 2. An Indian Muslim
respondent from London noted that patterns of residence are often linked to the
different religious strands and denominations. For example, in West London, including
Regent’s Park, Maida Vale, Northolt and Knightsbridge, there are well-known
communities of Shi’a Imami Ismailis and Daudi (Dawoodi) Bohras. Both branches of
Ismailis, the Daudi Bohras and Nizaris are represented in London as well as in the
Midlands and the north of Britain.25
25
Barot.
Community Demography and Key Locations | 31
Figure 2: Distribution of Indian Muslim population in London
(Source: Census 2001, S104)
32 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
7 Socio economic situation
From early beginnings in unskilled and low paid jobs, the community has grown and
developed to a remarkable degree in socio economic terms. Muslims of Indian origin
tend to be far more educationally and economically successful than their Bangladeshi
and Pakistani co-religionists and in 2001 had the highest employment rates of any
Muslim ethnic group in England and Wales.26 However, Indian Muslims are still underrepresented in the labour market and are often last on most indicators compared to
Indians from other religious backgrounds. The failure to differentiate the religious
background of Indians in many statistical indicators and in research masks many of
these inequalities and differentiations.
For example, according to the 2001 Census, 65 per cent of Indian Muslim males and
35 per cent of Indian Muslim females were employed compared to 76 per cent and 67
per cent of all males and females in England and Wales respectively.27 Figure 3 shows
how the Indian Muslim employment rate in England and Wales compares to other
Indian religious groups. Indian Muslim males and females have the lowest
employment rates compared to Indian Christian, Hindu and Sikh counterparts.
Similarly, 11 per cent of Indian Muslim males were unemployed in 2001, compared to
seven per cent of all Indians in the England and Wales and six per cent of the total
population. For females the percentages are 12 per cent, eight per cent and five per
cent respectively. Figure 4 shows how Indian Muslim male and female unemployment
rates compare to other Indian religious groups.
Figure 3: Employment rate28 (percentage) across different Indian religious groups in
England and Wales (Source: ONS, 2006; from 2001 Census)
Men
Indian Christian
Women
Indian Hindu
Indian other religion
Indian Sikh
Indian Muslim
0
26
27
28
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
Joy Dobbs, Hazel Green and Linda Zealey (eds.) (2006), Focus on Religion and Ethnicity, Basingstoke: Macmillan Palgrave for
the ONS.
Employment rate refers to the proportion of working age population (men aged 16-64, women aged 16-59) in employment.
ONS, 2006.
Proportion of working age population (men aged 16-64, women aged 16-59) in employment.
Socio economic situation | 33
Figure 4: Unemployment rate (percentage) across different Indian religious groups in
England and Wales (Source: ONS, 2006; from 2001 Census)
Men
Indian Muslim
Women
Indian Sikh
Indian Christian
Indian other religion
Indian Hindu
0
3
6
9
12
Indian Muslims are also more likely to be in semi-routine and routine occupations than
the rest of the population and other Indian religious populations and, with the
exception of Indian Sikhs, less likely to be in managerial or professional occupations –
see Figure 5. In 2001, 37 per cent of Indian Muslim males were in managerial and
professional occupations compared to 42 per cent of all males of working age in
employment in England and Wales and 33 per cent were in semi-routine or routine
occupations compared to 24 per cent of all males.29 For Indian Muslim females the
percentages were 33 per cent and 32 per cent respectively.
29
ONS, 2006.
34 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
Figure 5: Working-age people in employment in England and Wales
(Men aged 16 to 64): by selected ethno-religious group and NS-SEC2,
(Source: ONS, 2006; from 2001 Census)
Managerial and
Professional
occupations
All people
Intermediate
occupations, small
employers, lower
supervisory and
technical
occupations
Indian Sikh
Indian Muslim
Semi-routine
and routine
occupations
Indian Hindu
Indian Christian
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Indian Muslim households also differ in their composition from the national average
and from Indian households of other religious denominations, being more likely to be
larger and to contain dependent children. In 2001, 13 per cent of Indian Muslim
households were single person occupants compared to 30 per cent of all households
in England and Wales. Figure 6 shows how Indian Muslim household size compares to
other Indian religious groups. While Indian Sikh and Hindu populations have similarly
low numbers of one person households, 12 per cent and 14 per cent respectively,
Indian Muslims have a significantly higher percentage of five person plus households
than all other Indian religious groups (33 per cent of all Indian Muslim households).
Figure 6: Household size: by main ethno-religious group in England and Wales
(Source: ONS, 2006; from 2001 Census)
One Person
households
All ethno-religious
groups in
England and Wales
Two person
households
Indian Sikh
Three person
households
Four person
households
Indian Muslim
Five person
households
Indian Hindu
Indian Christian
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Socio economic situation | 35
Sixty per cent of Indian Muslim households contained dependent children, a greater
proportion than for Indian Sikh (56 per cent) and Indian Hindu (49 per cent)
households. More than 42 per cent of Indian Muslim households contained two or
more dependent children in 2001, also a higher proportion than among Indian Sikh
(36 per cent) and Indian Hindu (28 per cent) households.30
As with other migrant communities, it is thought by some respondents in the
community that many Indian Muslims with no educational qualifications started their
own small businesses as the only means to gain employment and work experience. As
one respondent from Yorkshire noted:
Gujaratis are involved in all types of businesses and professions. Muslim
businessmen import and distribute goods such as icecream, they are involved in
the rag trade distributing buttons, threads and zips, they run cash and carry
businesses, they are fruit and vegetable importers and many run grocery shops.
Amongst the second and third generation Gujaratis, there are many teachers,
business advisers and accountants, as well as growing numbers in other
professions such as music.31
Sir Gulam Noon, the Indian food tycoon, is perhaps the most high profile example of
Indian Muslim entrepreneurs in the UK. The Ismailis have also established themselves
as a highly educated community of high level professionals and businessmen and
women. Indeed, the success of the community has enabled many Gujarati Muslims to
become engaged in Muslim education and other forms of philanthropy. The
community is said to be responsible for much of the funding for Muslim charitable
causes in Britain that is not from the Arab states.
Respondents also noted that the economic success of the community is not evenly
spread, and there are marked regional differences in socio economic outcomes.
Respondents perceived the Indian Muslim community to be doing extremely well in
London and the Midlands, but communities in the north of the country are thought to
still face high levels of deprivation. In these areas where the community is
concentrated in small towns with few employment opportunities, young people are
particularly affected. The number of graduates is increasing but without suitable jobs
available, most have no option but to move away from their families and communities
to find work.
30
31
Ibid.
Indian community respondent: Female, Yorkshire, 30s.
36 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
As one interviewee from Yorkshire noted:
Lots of people are starting small businesses to get experience since they don’t have
education. Also there are many students who are graduates but lack experience
and there are not many suitable jobs for them in the area. Their only option is to
move away but this is difficult with family commitments. Originally the community
was based in factory jobs but now they are branching out, working as councillors,
working in the health sector etc.32
There are also differences between those who migrated directly from rural parts of
India and those who came via East Africa. The latter are thought to be more successful
because of the high education levels and the capital they were able to bring with them
to help them get established in the UK. These, combined with the experience of being
twice migrant, are believed to have enabled them to settle and prosper more quickly
than the others.
Many respondents stressed that despite educational and economic progress,
employment remains a problem and that the community faces a high level of
discrimination on religious grounds related to Muslim dress, in particular to the
wearing of hijab and niqab by women, and beards by young men. For example one
respondent from London noted that:
Female Muslims often feel disadvantaged in employment areas because of the
dressing and covering of the body [including the hijab]. They feel that this
appearance tends to overtake their identity rather than being looked at as whether
or not you are right for the job.33
According to another:
Islamic dressing is a central issue and Indian Muslims feel that the government
should consider the disadvantages Muslims are facing because of the portrayal of
covering.34
Additionally, some women indicated that practical issues and requirements of some of
the professions can restrict employment opportunities. One respondent gave the
example of nursing, which can conflict with religious practices concerning the need
for complete covering for women:
Females are required like any other nurses to roll up their sleeves for hygiene
reasons when serving a patient but these issues create conflict for the Muslim
women and therefore it de-motivates them to take up employment as Islam
requires full covering of female body.35
32
33
34
35
Indian community respondent: Female, Yorkshire, 20s.
Indian community respondent: Male, London, 40s.
Indian community respondent: Male, London, 50s.
Indian community respondent: Male, London, 30s.
Socio economic situation | 37
Perceived increases in levels of Islamophobia are believed to have made the situation
worse, with a very negative impact on people’s employment and promotion prospects.
Older women are also said to be disadvantaged because of a lack of fluency in English.
Some respondents spoke of the difficulties of reconciling their religious practice and
prayer requirements with full time employment.
38 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
8 Key characteristics
8.1 Identity
The Indian Muslim community is thought by respondents to be one of the more
‘invisible’ communities whose distinct identity often gets subsumed within that of the
other South Asian communities. Respondents perceived that there is a widespread
assumption in the wider community that all Indians are Hindu or Sikh, as well as a
public perception that all Muslims are Pakistani.
According to most interviewees, the majority of Indian Muslims regard Britain as their
home, although many people identify themselves variously as Indian, Gujarati, Muslim
or Asian alongside being ‘British’. However respondents from across England noted
that there has been a sharper focus on religious identity post 9/11, particularly among
young people. They believe that younger people are now more likely to define
themselves as Indian Muslims, British Muslims or Gujarati Muslims than the older
generation.
Mosques are believed to have played a critical role in supporting and reinforcing new
Muslim identities. As with other Muslim communities, respondents highlighted a
gradual move away from particular cultural forms of religious identity and practice,
and mosques are now thought to be more equipped for dealing with the complexities
of living as a Muslim in Britain rather than as Muslims from a particular national or
cultural background. As described by this respondent:
Generally speaking, the younger imams are very good at steering away from
cultural Islam, and towards a ‘purer’36 form of Islam. They are of a generation that
understands the differing shades of grey occurring in Britain.37
Within the Indian Muslim community in the UK there are distinct differences based on
whether groups have migrated directly from India or from East and South Africa.
Regional economic differences are also very marked across London, the Midlands and
the communities settled in former mill towns in the North. According to a respondent
who is a journalist in Yorkshire:
When you look at some other communities outside of here, we feel that we are
behind in terms of where we are and other communities are moving ahead.38
Some respondents suggested that the Indian Muslim community has a marked sense
of victimhood, based on being a minority in both its country of origin as well as in
Britain. In some areas of the country the community is said to have experienced
36
37
38
This is likely a reference to Salafism of Deobandi teachings.
Indian community respondent: Male, London, 30s.
Indian community respondent: Female, Yorkshire, 20s.
Key characteristics | 39
considerable racism from the white community, and in others there has been
additionally hostility from other communities. For example, respondents in the East
Midlands claimed that there is a lot of anti-Muslim sentiment within the Indian Hindu
community, and that followers of some other strands of Muslim traditions can also be
quite hostile towards Gujarati Muslims. Paradoxically, coupled with the experience of
being twice migrant, as in the case of East African origin Indians, the minority status of
the community is also seen by some as being one of its key strengths, due to the
community being used to living and thriving in such a context wherever it settles.
8.2 Ethnicity
The vast majority of the Indian Muslim population in England, whether coming directly
from India or from different parts of Africa, has its origins in the Indian state of
Gujarat. Anecdotal evidence from respondents suggests that the remaining
population has migrated from various states across India including Bengal, Kerala,
Uttar Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh.39
The two main groupings of Gujarati Muslims in the UK are the Baluchis and Surtis,
who originate from the port cities of Baruch and Surat and their surrounding villages.
Other significant groupings include the Worahs, Memons, Khojas, Ismailis, Daudi
Bohras and the Khalifa. These groupings are based on a complex combination of
geography, ethnicity/caste and religious denominations, and the differences between
them can sometimes lead to tensions. For example, according to some interviewees,
the smaller communities listed above are not perceived as ‘mainstream’ Muslims by
the majority Sunni Muslim population in England, who believe that they do not follow
the five pillars of Islam. There are also reported to be considerable variations in
religious practice amongst the two main groups. For instance, according to
respondents, Eid can fall on different days for the two groups according to the
sighting of the moon in Arabia (Baluchis), or in Egypt and Morocco (Surtis). Most
respondents agreed however that whilst the differing theological strands can cause
some tensions, on a day-to-day basis the communities coexist in relative harmony.
As well as the complexity of different religious groupings, differences exist within the
wider Indian Muslim community based on regional, linguistic and cultural lines. A
female interviewee described what she saw as some of these differences in relation to
the two groups she was most familiar with:
Surtis originate from the rural parts of India surrounding Surat, whilst Wohras
come from urban parts of India for example Mumbai and Baroda. The languages of
the two differ and whilst Surtis follow many of the same traditions and customs as
Worahs, there are also many differences, for instance in the timing of the Nikah
[religious marriage ceremony].40
39
40
There are few significant sources of information available on the origins of Muslims in the UK from other parts of India.
Although, Bhachu (1985) predominantly focuses on Sikh East African Indian migrants, it does provide coverage of Ismailis from
East Africa.
Another respondent disputed this and suggested that Nikah times are set according to convenience rather than being dictated
by different traditions.
40 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
Respondents stressed however that the differences between most of the groups are
not great and centre mainly on different Gujarati dialects and marriage customs. The
caste system however continues to have an impact across the whole Indian Muslim
community in relation to marriage and family formations, and the Khalifa, who are
estimated to number about 5,000 in England, are believed to be the most
disadvantaged on caste grounds.41 The majority of the Khalifa community lives in
Leicester or Bradford. In Gujarat they held a low caste position in the social hierarchy
due to their traditional occupations as barbers and musicians. Most have come to
Britain from East Africa where the community had established a strong economic and
educational base.
According to a Khalifa respondent, opposition to their attendance in many mosques
from other castes has led them to create their own societies and mosques in the UK.
Within the community, there is also a revitalised connection with their traditional and
folk music forms, which can lead to conflict with purist or revivalist sentiments that
have emerged among some Muslim groups and traditions. The same respondent
claimed that:
In many Muslim countries such as Iran, Afghanistan and Iraq, music has been
banned. The veto illustrates well the development of religion in such societies.
Recently an edict was given stating that no more live music can be played in the
Khalifa community. How this has influenced the community is as yet unclear.42
Whilst acknowledging the prevalence of caste hierarchy and discrimination, most
respondents suggested that taboos surrounding the caste system have less salience in
the UK, and that consequently its significance is beginning to diminish. This is
particularly the case in relation to mosque attendance. Respondents suggest that
ethnicity used to play a key role in attendance and allegiance towards specific
mosques, but that this is being eroded due to the increase in overall numbers of
Muslims in Britain.
8.3 Religion
According to the 2001 Census, Muslim Indians make up nine per cent of England’s
Muslim population and 13 per cent of the Indian population in England. The
remaining Indian population is predominantly Hindu (45 per cent) and Sikh (29 per
cent).43 As highlighted in Section 6, Indian Muslims are often concentrated in specific
areas and do not reflect the distribution of Hindu and Sikh Indians.
41
42
43
Baily, 2006.
Indian community respondent: Male, East Midlands, 40s.
Census 2001, S104.
Key characteristics | 41
Indian Muslims are thought to be predominantly Hanafi Sunni Muslims who follow the
Deobandi and Barelvi schools, together with smaller numbers of Shi’a and revivalist
groups.44 Other key strands are the Khalifa Jamat, with a small community in East
London, and the majority of followers living in the north of the country. There is also a
community of Memons in the UK, who are a small but important linguistic and social
group originating in Sindh that subsequently settled in Kutch and Kathiawar regions
of Gujarat. There is a strong Shi’a presence within Indian Muslim communities,
represented mainly by the highly educated, professional and prosperous Ismaili
community, together with other sub-sects of Daudi Bohras, Nizaris, Khojas and Ithna
Asharis.
The Deoband School,45 to which the majority of Indian Muslims in Britain subscribe,
has a large number of mosques, schools and community organisations aligned to it in
the UK. Some interviewees claimed that starting in the 1950s, the Gujaratis were the
first Muslim community to establish mosques and madrassahs for religious instruction
in Britain, and that many mosques originally set up by Gujaratis were later converted
for use by other communities.
The Deobandi School is associated with a more ‘puritanical’ and ‘isolationist’ strands
of Islam, and it stresses the seeking of guidance in all matters of ritual, practical and
social life in Islamic scriptures and the Sharia. It is assisted by the extensive outreach
work of the Tablighi Jamat (TJ), a separate offshoot influenced by Deobandi thought
but which asserts no overtly political aspirations. According to the TJ, Muslims are
obliged to live as responsible citizens of the society in which they have decided to
settle.46 The first recorded meeting of the Jamaat in Britain was held in 1945 in
London.47 There are many reasons given for TJ’s popularity amongst Gujarati Muslims.
In his history of Muslims in Great Britain Humayan Ansari notes:
A historical link exists between the urbanising middle class Gujarati community and
the Deobandi school of thought, while the TJ’s detached approach to political
engagement has suited Gujarati trading classes wishing to avoid controversy whilst
they pursue their entrepreneurial interests. Having been a minority for centuries,
they realised that anything other than a politically quiescent sort of Islam of the TJ
variety could cause considerable discomfort.48
In recent years, the TJ has attracted increasing controversy in the UK, particularly
following the London bombings in 2005. The group has applied for planning
permission to build a large mosque in the London Borough of Newham, close to
where the London 2012 Olympic Games will be staged. With a planned capacity of
40,000 worshippers to be expanded to take 70,000 if demand grows, the proposed
44
45
46
47
48
Ansari, 2004.
Deobandi: See glossary.
Ansari, 2004.
Ibid.
Ibid.
42 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
Abbey Mills Islamic Centre would be Britain’s largest religious building. Whilst many
Muslims welcome the idea because the planned size will allow all ethnic Muslims to
come together, the proposed mosque is generating considerable fear and resistance
amongst non-Muslim groups.49 A number of interviewees expressed concerns about
the negativity that the plan is encountering, feeling that the proposal is being
misunderstood when it is essentially just about meeting a growing need:
The particular planning application currently concerning the Indian community is
the Markaz Project [West Ham Mosque]. The Muslim population is increasing and
to provide the best religious education, bigger mosques are desired. Also there are
times when limited spaces for prayers at local mosques are an immense issue
particularly during Jumma prayers on Fridays and other festive occasions, like Eid.50
There are still mosques that are dominated by different ethnic groups, eg ‘Gujarati’
mosques, and mosques based on different strands of Islam such as the Ismaili Centre
in Kensington. However, respondents suggested that nowadays more people tend to
attend the nearest local mosque due to the inconvenience of traveland that if
particular mosques appear to be dominated by a specific group, this is generally a
reflection of the population of the locality rather than it being based on ethnic or caste
differences. Additionally, on special occasions such as the month of Ramadan and Eid,
Muslims of all nationalities and backgrounds get together for collective celebrations at
larger mosques, for example in London the Regents Park Mosque or the East London
Mosque were mentioned as key locations for such celebrations. In many areas across
the country it was noted that women are generally not welcome in most mosques but
are encouraged to pray at home, assisted in some areas by CB radio transmission from
the mosques.
8.4 Language
Amongst the older generations, Gujarati is the main language spoken, in a number of
different dialects such as Kutchi and Bharuchi. British-born Indian Muslims are more
bilingual and able to communicate well in English outside the home and with children,
whilst using Gujarati to speak to parents and elders. There is also a small Urdu
speaking Indian Muslim community spread across the North West, West Midlands and
London. Young people communicate mostly in English amongst their siblings and peer
groups. Through the influence of Indian TV programmes, many people can also
understand Hindi, even though it is not commonly spoken in the community.
49
50
Since being dubbed a ‘mega’ mosque by commentators, the plans have attracted international media attention and vociferous
opposition through an online petition signed by approximately 250,000 people. ‘Debating the Abbey Mills mosque’, BBC,
7.11.2007: www.bbc.co.uk/london/content/articles/2007/09/10/newham_abbeymills_mosque_video_feature.shtml
Indian community respondent: Male, London, 40s.
Intra-community Dynamics | 43
9 Intra-community Dynamics
The analysis and description in this section is primarily based on findings from the oneto-one interviews with community respondents and focus groups with the community.
This section highlights points of interest that were raised and common themes that
emerged during the research but, given the limitations of the primary research, should
only be seen as a starting point for those interested in researching or engaging further
with the Indian Muslim community in England.
9.1 Intergenerational dynamics
According to some older respondents, the generations that follow them are suffering
from an identity crisis. In their eyes, many young Indian Muslims are engaging in
activities such as drinking alcohol, taking drugs and having sexual relations outside of
marriage, that are perceived to be due to an influence from their British counterparts.
Some respondents noted that part of the reason for intergenerational conflicts may be
that while families constantly exhort young people to work hard and get a good
education, there is no real dialogue between parents and children, hence children are
left very much to their own devices. According to a young interviewee, people have to
maintain respect for older people, but this is more an issue of good manners than of
real understanding.51
Young people also offered some critical perspectives about the older generation.
According to some of the younger respondents in this research, the older generation
sees the changing roles of men and women as a loss of Muslim identity. In their view,
older people think that young people are becoming less religious and losing their
Muslim identity either because of the way they dress, because they do not speak their
mother tongue or because they are not getting married in the traditional way. British
lifestyle choices such as going on holiday are also reported to be frowned upon by
older Indian Muslims, particularly in the case of young women, and seen as another
example of a lack of religiosity in the young. In some areas, young respondents were
critical about the expectation for young people to live at home even when they are at
university. However, young respondents stressed that none of these issues are
necessarily related to being Muslim but to the culture and traditions of their parent’s
country of origin.
Marriage is an apparent area of generational divide where parents’ desire for their
children to marry someone from India is said by respondents to be met with a
preference by many to settle down with partners from the UK. However, some
younger respondents also suggested that better educated parents are increasingly
more likely to allow young people to choose their own partners – as long as they are
Muslim. Family ties are still very strong but the extended family structures are
changing, with increasing numbers of young people moving out once they get
51
Indian community respondent: Female, Yorkshire, 20s.
44 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
married. Some female respondents were particularly critical of the traditional views of
older people in matters of marriage and gender roles. In the words of one young
female respondent:
They ask any unmarried man ‘why aren’t you married yet? – you need a woman to
look after you when you get older, or who will cook you dinner?52
Young people believe that older people are more submissive and used to being seen
and treated as second class citizens, whilst the younger people are ready to challenge
discrimination and stand up for their rights as citizens. Older people in turn are
concerned about the young becoming an apolitical generation. According to one first
generation respondent:
The young generation is not getting involved with politics. Most are not politically
motivated, although certain parts of the young generation are becoming more
active. Some are concerned with dilemmas around terrorism but are not interested
in getting involved.53
9.2 Young people
The majority of the community respondents have urgent concerns about young
people and stressed the need for concerted work with young people to enable them
to channel their energies into constructive activities. Respondents involved in
community organisations also spoke about the need to guide young people’s efforts
into local rather than international concerns such as the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan
and the Israel/Palestine issue. While these issues are thought to be important, too
much focus on them prevents real engagement with and talking about issues within
the community in England. Members of local mosques and individual teachers are said
to be trying to reach out to young people by organising youth events, seminars and
lectures at local religious institutions. Some mosques and religious institutions also
actively involve them in organising conferences (Jalsas) and other community events by
leaving them in charge of marketing, preparing the venues and by giving them the
responsibility for welcoming people and looking after people who attend the events.
The lack of provision and facilities for young people was seen as a critical issue by
respondents, particularly those involved in community organisations and is perceived
to be the main cause of increasing levels of drug use, a growing gang culture in recent
years and more involvement with the criminal justice system. Parents are equally
concerned about the exposure of their young people to violence in the wider
community. The murders of two young Indian Muslims, Rizwan Darbar in West Ham
Park in October 2007, and recently that of Amar Aslam in Dewsbury Park has led to a
lot of fear amongst young people who feel afraid to go to local parks to play or
associate in public. A campaign to stop knife and gun crime called ‘Enough is Enough’
has been launched by Rizwan Darbar’s family.
52
53
Indian community respondent: Female, London, 20s.
Indian community respondent: Male, East Midlands, 50s.
Intra-community Dynamics | 45
One respondent stressed that very little research has been undertaken to date on the
views and experiences of young Indian Muslims and that a study focusing specifically
on this group would be extremely valuable in enhancing understanding about the
ways in which the younger generation of men and women are increasingly
questioning the received wisdom of the mosques, Imams and inherited religious rituals
and traditions. This is particularly the case in relation to practices and attitudes
towards women, which are starting to be highlighted as more rooted in male
interpretation/convenience than in Islam.
9.3 Women
The first generation of women who came to join their husbands in Britain largely
remained confined to their homes and isolated from the wider community. However,
according to respondents a significant number of women of this generation worked at
home in the rag trade, where the work would be delivered and collected from their
home. Others were involved in selling fabrics and/or tailoring clothes for other women
in their immediate community. While the percentage of Indian Muslim females in
employment remains low (35 per cent)54 respondents perceived that the situation is
changing for the younger generation, most of whom are getting a good education
and taking up paid employment. Increasing numbers are also said to be starting to run
their own businesses and many are active in charity work. However, as most
community organisations are male-dominated, facilities for women to meet socially or
to get involved in community-based activities outside the home remain very limited.
According to some young women, the changing roles and responsibilities of women
can cause considerable conflicts in the family. These respondents state that whilst for
economic reasons women are more likely to be allowed to work by their husbands,
there is reportedly very little recognition or support from men concerning the added
workloads such women carry by still remaining fully responsible for all the housework
whilst holding down full time jobs.
According to views expressed by respondents from different parts of the country, there
appear to be some regional differences relating to the realities of women’s roles. In
London for instance, a number of the female interviewees suggested that women are
increasingly encouraged to make choices about marriage, educational and
employment paths. They are also said to be playing a more pronounced role in leading
civic activism, particularly around community service provision that is appropriate to
their Islamic and Muslim lifestyles. According to a respondent from the North West,
women, including women from the older generation, are beginning to be less isolated
and more involved in activities outside the home. The establishment of Asian carers
groups and activities such as women only swimming/sauna days are said to have
encouraged increasing numbers of older women to attend the groups and participate
in activities such as swimming. However in the views of this respondent from
Yorkshire, whilst a lot of changes are taking place in women’s lives, the attitudes of
men and older people in the community remain extremely traditional:
54
Percentage of working (16-59) age Indian Muslim females in employment. (Source: Census, 2001) .
46 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
Men are still very traditional. At family gatherings women are still in the kitchen
cooking while the men sit in another room chatting and socialising. It doesn’t
matter what job a woman is doing, it doesn’t matter if she is better paid than a
man. He still thinks she is inferior. [Supposedly] The Qu’ran says women should not
be given responsibility, that women are inferior, that women should be covered.
That’s all bullshit. Basically it’s all about how to control women. But the frightening
things is, even educated women believe and accept this.55
9.4 Cohesion and integration issues
Most respondents questioned what it means to be integrated, as in the views of the
majority the community is already very integrated. Most believe that it is important for
there to be a common vision for the nation, but one which allows for the celebration
of differences in dress, belief, lifestyle, and for every community to be seen as
contributing equally to the British way of life. However, some respondents stressed
that more effort is needed on both sides. Some young people were critical of mosques
and felt that they do not encourage mixing and partnerships with other communities.
Others suggested the need for organisations that do not ‘belong’ to any particular
community but which people of all ethnicities can attend and use.
According to some respondents, Muslims are all being perceived as potential
extremists. Respondents in community facing roles stressed that there are positive
initiatives that are happening in the community and with young people but that they
are not getting any media coverage or acknowledgement by the authorities. Examples
provided included a significant inter-faith conference on the day of the London
bombings that went unreported by the national press. Whilst it was acknowledged
that the bombings overshadowed all other news on the day, it was felt that such an
event should still have been given coverage.
In some areas respondents talked about high levels of racial tensions between the
Indian Muslim community and neighbouring white communities and in other areas
about anti-Muslim sentiment from non-Muslim Indian communities. The problems
between Muslim and white communities which led to what much of the media
reported as race riots in 2001 in some of the towns in the North West stimulated the
Cantle Inquiry, which concluded that white and black people in Britain’s inner cities are
leading “parallel lives” which never meet. Whilst there have not been similar
outbreaks of violence, respondents in Yorkshire also reported high levels of racism and
BNP activity in the area. In Leicester focus group respondents suggested that there is a
significant level of anti-Muslim feeling in the majority Hindu and Sikh Indian
community. They suggested that this mostly stems from ongoing issues and problems
between Hindus and Muslims back in India. They also reported anti-Indian Muslim
sentiment within the Pakistani community in the area, which they believed to be the
result of differing religious denominations/practices combined with more general antiIndian sentiment prevalent among some sections of the Pakistani community.
55
Indian community respondent: Female, London, 30s.
Intra-community Dynamics | 47
9.5 Politics
Indian Muslim communities are engaged in mainstream political parties at the local
level through active membership of respective parties across the political spectrum and
this extends to holding officer positions in order to gain influence and leverage in
internal party political debates on local issues and priorities. In most of the areas in
which the Indian Muslim community is settled, there is some political representation
through elected members on local councils. Women councillors, however, are rare and
there appears to be a consensus that the number of people involved at local level is
still too small. Most respondents suggested that there is a need for greater
representation within councils and on associated bodies such as local strategic
partnerships, Primary Care Trusts and educational boards.
The issue of political representation is apparently a source of considerable debate
within the community at the present time, particularly in relation to who can best
represent the community and whether it needs to be on ethnic or religious lines.
Particular concern has been expressed about how some Muslim ethnicities, religious
denominations and other groups dominate the mainstream political sphere, ie
Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Hindu and Sikh communities, both at local and national levels,
limiting the ability of the Indian Muslim community to make adequate representations
about their concerns.
48 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
10 Media
10.1 Perceptions of the UK media
In common with all other Muslim communities Indian Muslims believe that the British
national media on the whole is extremely anti-Islamic and perpetuates negative
stereotypes of Muslims in the UK. In addition to this, many people in the community
also feel that they have to contend with similar anti-Muslim sentiment from within
sections of the Indian media.
Indian Muslims in different parts of the country, however, spoke of good relations and
coverage in their local media. ITV broadcasts from Nottingham, BBC Radio Leicester
and Leicester Mercury (which has an Asian supplement), Batley News in Kirklees, and
the Recorder and Newham Magazine (free LA monthly newsletter), were cited by
various respondents as providing good coverage of local communities and of being
more fair and balanced than the national press.
10.2 Media consumption
It was reported by most respondents that large sections of the community and young
people in particular rely on the mainstream British press and broadcast media for news
and entertainment. Interviewees in East London stressed that many in the community
take an active interest in broad local community issues, keeping abreast of
developments through the local papers. Some respondents have suggested that a
small minority of orthodox families rely primarily on the written media because they do
not have televisions due to religious considerations.
Indian newspapers such as the Gujarat Samachar and The Gujarat Times are popular
with many Indian Muslims and provide information on political issues as well as
celebrity/social gossip. However some respondents believe that the Gujarat Samachar
is very anti-Muslim. The Milli Gazette is a twice-monthly English language newspaper
for Indian Muslims which is available online in the UK and was mentioned by some
respondents.56
There are a number of local community newspapers which are very popular in certain
communities. Awaaz based in Batley is one of these. It has been in circulation for 25
years and is a multilingual monthly printed in English, Gujarati and Urdu. The paper
has a strong community focus and works closely with the local council and voluntary
sector. The newsletters of some religious institutions are also widely read. Examples
include Paigaam, which is published by the IMWS in Batley and the Azhar Academy’s
monthly newsletter called Al Qalam (based in Forest Gate, East London).
56
www.milligazette.com
Media | 49
Mainstream and satellite TV are the most popular medium for most people. BBC, Al
Jazeera and Sky News are viewed as trusted sources for news. Star News is also widely
watched by the older generation as it presents news from India in Gujarati. Zee TV,
Star Plus and other Indian channels are the popular choices for entertainment.
Some communities are connected via radio to their local mosque. For example, all
Indian Muslim families in Dewsbury and Batley receive a free receiver from the
mosque, which transmits on a specific frequency to the entire community. A similar
service is also available in neighbouring Halifax to the Pakistani community but people
have to subscribe and pay for the transmitters. For many in the community, especially
the elderly and housebound, the radio transmission is a key source of information,
community and international news and is also the main vehicle for fundraising.
50 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
11 Links with country of origin
There is a marked difference in relationship to their country of heritage/origin between
the generations. The older generation feels a strong link with India, but young people
who are far removed from their parents’ migration experience are more concerned
about their future in Britain. Whilst young people have some sense of attachment to
India as the place of their parents’ birth, the attachment is limited. One indication of
the break with their cultural past is that for the majority English is their first language.
11.1 Travel
The first generation Indian Muslim community has a strong relationship with its
country of origin and frequent visits are made to see family in India. While this
attachment is stronger in older generations, British-born children often accompany
parents who use this as a conscious process of cementing a sense of heritage amongst
the younger generation. A number of interviewees however expressed some concerns
about young men being harassed and victimised under Indian Anti Terrorism Laws on
arrival in the country.57
While the figures for Indian Muslims specifically are not available, the Home Office
records the number of trips to the UK according to the individual’s nationality.58 Out of
846,000 trips in 2006, 35 per cent were issued short-term visitor visas, 13 per cent
arrived for business purposes and 2.5 per cent for students.59 Thirty-six per cent of
arrivals were from Indians based in the UK and returning from India after a ‘temporary
leave of absence’. There is around one flight per Indian student paying international
University fees in the UK (23,835 in 2007).60
11.2 Remittances
Remittances to help family and relatives are common, especially on special occasions
such as Eid and Ramadan and are said by respondents to be largely sent via Western
Union. Many families also send sums of money over a long period of time via friends
or family members making trips to India in order to gradually save enough money to
buy plots of land for house building.
Remittances to India have increased year-on-year since 1991 with only two exceptions
(1998 and 2004) – see Chart 1. These remittances are currently estimated to total over
£25 billion per year.61
57
58
59
60
61
The Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance law was signed in 2001 and replaced the Terrorism and Disruptive Prevention Act
(TADA). The act allows the police to arrest and keep in its custody for three months without filing any charges anyone
suspected of involvement in terrorist activity.
Home Office, Control of Immigration Statistics, 2006.
Ibid.
HESA: www.hesa.ac.uk/index.php/content/view/1158/161/
World Bank (2008), Migration and Remittances Factbook.
Links with country of origin | 51
Chart 1: Worldwide official remittances to India 1991 to 2006 (Source: World Bank)
30,000
25,000
20,000
15,000
10,000
5,000
0
1991
1996
2001
2006
Specific data on remittances is not available on the Indian Muslim population. Official
remittances by all Indians in the UK to India were estimated to be £643million in 2004.
This is likely to be an under-estimate as it does not factor in transfers made
‘informally’.62
11.3 Political links
Pre-independence, Indian Muslims were actively engaged in the Indian National
Congress and the country’s freedom struggles. However, the community in the UK
now does not have many political links, as the State governments of Gujarat and
neighbouring Maharashtra are perceived by respondents to be extremely Hindu
nationalist and anti-Muslim. Various community associations do however maintain
close links with the Indian High Commission in London and often invite High
Commission representatives to community-organised events.
62
Michael Blackwell and David Seddon (2004), Informal Remittances from the UK: Values, Flows and Mechanisms, London:
Department for International Development.
52 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
Whilst not directly involved in Indian politics, the community keeps a close watch on
unfolding events as well as the consequences of various pieces of anti-terrorism
legislation in both India and the UK. A key recent concern for the community in this
respect was the proposed increase of detention without charge from 28 days to 42
days in the UK. Respondents suggested that this had a direct and negative impact on
Muslims in both India and Britain, with people feeling that it sent a strong signal to
India that the British are really worried about Muslim extremists and that India should
also be worried about the Indian Muslims who are travelling from the UK to India.
Many believed that as a consequence they would be subjected to increased suspicion
and harassment when they travel to India.
11.4 Culture and entertainment
Cultural links are maintained mostly through the Indian TV channels, Bollywood and
music. Whilst most young people wear Western clothes on a day-to-day basis, Indian
dress is still preferred for special occasions and women in particular tend to keep
abreast of changing fashions and styles in India. Many also go to India to do their
wedding shopping.
11.5 Other Links
Regular contact with family and friends is also maintained by telephone (international
calling cards), letters and the internet. The Indian Muslim community also regularly
invites Gujarati imams and scholars from India to come and give talks at special events.
Some respondents noted that growing numbers are also going back for health reasons
– for medical treatment or a change of climate.
There is also an increasing level of investment in other areas, primarily in property
investment. The level of interest and investment is evident in the annual international
property exhibitions arranged each year by Al Falah Properties Ltd in London.
Civil Society | 53
12 Civil Society
12.1 Brief overview
The motivation for travelling to Britain for the vast majority of Indian Muslims was to
escape financial hardship and to create a better life for themselves and their families.
Soon after their arrival, the distinct religious and cultural needs of the community
provided the focus for the establishment of the early community associations.
Community organisations are said by respondents to have made a vital contribution to
keeping a Gujarati way of life and identity alive as well as and in meeting their social,
cultural and religious needs.63
Many organisations have rich histories. For example, in commemorating 50 years of its
establishment, an IMWS publication outlined the arrival and establishment of the
Indian Muslim community in Batley and Dewsbury. In 1957, when the community
numbered 40 males, it established the Yorkshire Muslim Association (the first Muslim
organisation in the north of England) with the prime objective of creating appropriate
burial facilities in the areas. One of the first actions of the organisation was to buy four
burial plots in Dewsbury community.
The nascent community across different parts of the country also developed small
enterprises to cater for the dietary needs and preferences of the community. As men
were joined by their wives and children, the need to provide religious instruction for
them led to the development of the first madrassahs. Community members pooled
small donations to pay the salary of a religious teacher and classes were initially held in
private homes. Gradually, a network of small shops, businesses, mosques and schools
in differing geographical locations became important places for contact and
communication in the community.
One strategy for the early migrants in the face of hostility from the host community
was to keep a low political profile while establishing itself and developing
entrepreneurially. It had a strong focus on the education of children in order to enable
their entry into professional occupations. From this position many diverse interest
groups ranging from business associations, religious organisations, student groups,
education associations and music organisations have been established.
Over time a number of national umbrella organisations have also developed, both
specifically Muslim ones such as the Indian Muslim Federation UK as well as umbrella
bodies that represent all Gujarati organisations across the religious divide. These
include the National Congress of Gujarati Associations of UK, Gujarati Sahitaya
Academy of Great Britain and the United Kingdom Gujarati Teachers Association.
63
Barot.
54 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
12.2 Types of organisations and services they offer
Mosques and other religious institutions remain the focal point for the Indian Muslim
community. Whilst their primary purpose is as places of worship and to provide
madrassah classes for children, they also cater for a growing range of personal and
social needs. The work of some mosques with young people has been highlighted
earlier. Whilst women do not by and large attend the mosques for prayer, many seek
guidance and advice on personal matters from the Imams, or more commonly through
the wives of Imams who are seen as significant influencers by other women due to
their proximity to the mosques and religious leaders. Whilst these institutions offer
spiritual and personal guidance for women in this form, other types of facilities for
women and children remain limited.
The community has a strong focus on charity work and charity events organised by
community associations are a regular occurrence. Funds are raised mainly for
education and poverty reduction projects in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. A number
of organisations have recently held events to raise funds for the Burma cyclone victims.
Many of these events are organised jointly with other Muslim communities. Religious
organisations are also active in developing relationships and activities with other faith
communities. Various mosques and Islamic societies also host regular family-oriented
events and conferences in which activities such as fashion shows and face painting are
often included in order to attract young people and children to take part.
Other services offered by community organisations include visa surgeries (outside
London) so that people do not have to travel to London for visas. Many offer advice
and information on benefits, employment, homelessness and housing rights,
immigration and financial or debt counselling. Some include activities for women, the
elderly, mother tongue classes for children and a range of youth activities.
12.3 Key organisations
The following organisations were identified by respondents as being relevant and
important to Indian Muslims in the UK.
Indian Muslim Federation UK is a key national organisation which has been in
operation for about 50 years. It has a large membership among the Indian Muslim
communities across the country and is affiliated to localised branches. Most regions
have a large number of small organisations affiliated to strong umbrella organisations.
Federation of Muslim Organisations (FMO) was established 20 years ago in
Leicester, the FMO is an umbrella body for local mosques and other religious
institutions. FMO is the primary organisation through which Indian Muslims organise
and engage with the local authorities and services in the Leicestershire area.
Civil Society | 55
Indian Muslim Welfare Society (IMWS) started life as the Yorkshire Muslim
Association in Batley in 1957. It is the umbrella organisation for local mosques and has
a large centre with prayer, conferences, sports and a range of other facilities.
Approximately 250,000 people from all local communities use the centre every year. It
runs groups for young people, women and the elderly and has a strong focus on
education projects and getting people into work and paid employment.
Azhar Academy, Forest Gate, was established in 1996 with the aim of advancing
Islamic education and promoting an awareness of Islam amongst both Muslim and
non-Muslim communities. Its activities have included the establishment and running of
the Azhar Academy Girls’ School; the setting up and running of numerous Madrassahs
across South London and the city; organising conferences and lectures; fundraising
and a variety of other activities.
Ansaar Organisations is a voluntary community organisation set up in 2001 by
volunteers from Dewsbury and Batley to tackle issues of health, education and
recreation for youth people in North Kirklees. It works closely with schools and
statutory services to offer a wide range of activities and events aimed at developing
skills and empowering young people. The organisation has a specific focus on
women’s issues and holds annual ‘fun days’ and sports events for women which
attract up to 2,000 participants.
The Gujarat Muslim Welfare Association64 is based in Preston and serves the
Lancashire area. It delivers a range of services to the community and has run a range
of projects to enhance cohesion and inter-ethnic and inter-religious understanding
among the community.
Markaz ud Dawat wal Irshad Islamic Centre is a deobandi mosque and Islamic
centre run by Gujaratis in Newham.
Indian Muslim Association, Leicester, was established in 1984-85 in response to
Indian Muslims feeling marginalised and excluded due to local politicians and
authorities assuming that all Muslims were Pakistanis and Indians only Hindu. They
also wanted to break down the barrier and participate in public forums with highranking visitors from India which were dominated by Hindus. The IMA encourages and
supports the community, especially the youth, to make informed choices in regards to
politics. They also support mosques and education groups such as Masjid Al Falah and
Madressah Falahe Darian.
Masjid Al Falah & Islamic Educational Trust in Leicester work closely with the
Indian Muslim Association. A deobandi mosque which also offers Islamic education
services.
64
www.gmws.org.uk (15.2.2009)
56 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
Nurul Islam Madrasah in Seven Kings has been running for over 15 years. It provides
Quranic and Islamic studies classes for young Muslims every evening with a capacity
for about 70 children. Most of the pupils are from South Asian backgrounds (Indian,
Pakistani and Bengali) but there are also Eastern Europeans and Somalians using their
services.
Ismaili Centre, Kensington, is the central cultural, religious and social centre for the
Ismaili community in the UK.
12.4 Key influencers
The main influencers in the community are the mosques, Imams and large Muslim
umbrella organisations. These following comments from some of the young
respondents are typical of views expressed about the influence of mosques and
Imams:
My mum and dad live in Leicester – they won’t listen to anyone except the
mosque. If a young person came along with different ideas, they would say that
he’s talking nonsense. It’s the same at the national and local level. On the
international level again I would say the Imam and the mosque.65
Or
The mosques rules the roost, they don’t let anyone else come in. What the mosque
leaders don’t know about they won’t endorse, but they also won’t go out to see
what others are achieving. The committee members are from the older generation
but when they move on they pass on positions to those with similar ideas.
However there are new mosques that don’t have any hang-ups. They are more
open and they attract a different type of Muslim. They have young Imams who are
born in the UK.66
Some respondents mentioned the recent emergence of the sheikh system, with
particular imams developing personal followings among practicing Muslims and being
invited from abroad to address community gatherings. As a general rule, the key
community organisations are controlled by influential male gatekeepers and have few,
if any, women involved in the governance or running of these organisations. It is
unclear how much of this relates to a cultural trait of ‘respect’ for male elders, though
anecdotal evidence from respondents suggests that respect for male elders is a
particular cultural characteristic. Despite this, there are clear signs that shifts are
beginning to occur, with women being encouraged to actively get involved in the
governance of mosques.
65
66
Indian community respondent: Male, East Midlands, 20s.
Indian community respondent: Female, London, 30s.
Civil Society | 57
Local councillors and wealthy established businessmen are seen by respondents as
increasingly influential people in the community. Additionally, the wives of imams and
male members of mosque governing committees are important interlocutors for
women in the community and are frequently approached and called on for guidance
and support. Some women commented on their ease in accessing imams whom they
can speak to about religious issues but also about issues relating to marriages, families
and homes. However, whilst having a strong influence within the community itself, all
these key influencers are thought to have only a marginal voice or presence in the
wider public life of the local areas in which they operate.
12.5 Engagement with public authorities
Most interviewees noted that on the whole there is variable contact and engagement
between public authorities and the Indian Muslim Community. Engagement is said to
be good in some parts of the country and not in others and between some well
established organisations but not others. For many people the only contact with public
authorities is said to be with local councillors and political leaders around election
times. Whilst there are local elected members in most parts of the country, political
representation at the national level is thought to be non-existent.
People have differing views about the relative lack of political engagement by Indian
Muslims, but anecdotal evidence suggests that the lack of representation in British
politics is largely linked to the challenges of penetrating a system that is dominated by
other ethnic Muslim and/or other faith/community groups. Respondents said that
there is also a general lack of interest in mainstream politics, with Indian Muslims like
many of their white British counterparts desiring to just get on with life and vote with
their feet.
Alongside this is a historic and cultural reason for non-involvement in politics,
stemming from the minority position of Muslims in India, where the chances of being
successful in politics were thought to be limited. In contrast, Indian Muslims see the
relatively greater involvement of Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities as being
linked not only to their larger size and potential support base, but also to a strong
tradition of political activism in their countries of origin.
Respondents highlighted a number of key barriers to engagement, one of which is the
language of mainstream politicians which is felt to be extremely off-putting. In the
words of one respondent: We don’t need a tolerant society but a respectful one, and
the use of terms such as jihad and extremists by politicians needs to change.67 As with
other Muslim communities, the Iraq war is believed to have done a lot of damage to
government and community relations which will be difficult to repair.
67
Indian community respondent: Male, East Midlands, 40s.
58 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
In addition to political language and foreign policy, individuals perceived as
gatekeepers both within the authorities and in the community, are also seen as a key
barrier to engagement by grassroots individuals, groups and women. This is coupled
with a level of cynicism and lack of trust of Local Authorities as exemplified by this
quote from a respondent relaying their experiences of engagement on public service
delivery with their local council: They don’t do what they promise – and always fail to
deliver.68
Respondents also complained about a tendency for the distinct nature of the
community to be overlooked by most authorities. In policy terms, they believe that the
community is either lumped together with other Indians or is perceived as Pakistani
Muslims. Due to the size and influence of these two communities, centres funded by
local authorities for ‘Asians’ are often dominated by them in terms of attendance and
services. Additionally, some Indian Muslims in focus groups highlighted a general antiMuslim sentiment from Hindu and Sikh communities and anti-Indian feelings from
Pakistan communities which limits political representation and voice. Denominational
differences among Muslim communities also exacerbate the situation. For instance,
Indian Muslims in Leicester, who predominately follow the Deobandi tradition, feel
that tensions and differences driven by their Barelvi counterparts hinders their ability to
engage effectively on the political front.
However, despite these difficulties and barriers there are many individuals and groups
that are actively involved in various public forums, including police liaison committees,
as school governors, and in consultations and negotiations on specific issues such as
planning permission for community institutions, halal meat provision and burial needs.
There is also some involvement through pan Muslim organisations such as the Muslim
Council of Britain. Functions held by the Indian Muslim Federation include invitations
to local and national political leaders such as councillors and MPs to enable people
from the community to put forward their concerns relating to crime, gangs, media
and political issues. Individuals are also quite happy to take personal and community
issues and concerns to surgeries run by their local councillors and MPs.
Community associations maintain close links with the Indian High Commission,
particularly in relation to the high levels of anti-Muslim sentiment being currently
expressed in India, as they see this as critical not only for the community in the UK but
also for the Muslim community back in India. Respondents highlighted the need for
more members of the community to play a greater role in the wider society outside
the home and community associations and to be represented in public leadership
positions. The IMF has been quite proactive in promoting debate in the issue and
encouraging the community to get more involved in politics.
68
Indian community respondent: Male, London, 40s.
Civil Society | 59
12.6 Civil society capacity building needs
The difficulty in obtaining core funding is the most pressing concern for community
organisations according to respondents. A number of interviewees suggested that
funding has become a tick box exercise to satisfy local and central government
agendas, hence there is little, if any, scope for innovation. They point to good
grassroots projects that are trying to meet community needs but struggling to access
any new funding.
The older and well established organisations which have good contacts with local
authorities and local strategic partnerships are seen as being reasonably successful in
getting public funding support. A respondent explained the relative funding security
of a large community association in the following words:
It has the academic and well-educated people who are involved with mainstream
stakeholders and who understand the funding criteria and creativity needed in
applying for funds under the various priorities set by funders. It is all about who
you know and not what you know.69
Sources of public money for smaller and newer organisations is limited and most rely
primarily on voluntary donations and self financing activities such as letting out
premises to other groups and events. Some organisations also rely on sponsorship by
businesses, but it is important that such businesses are ethical and acceptable on
religious grounds. For this reason, respondents believe that many organisations choose
not to apply for National Lottery money as it is unacceptable on religious grounds to
profit from gambling related money. The lottery funding stream is also thought by
some respondents to impact on other aspects of life, for instance the five-fruits-a-day
policy for school children is seen to stop young Muslims from participating as the fruits
are deemed non-halal because of them being funded through lottery money.
The tendency of most civil society organisations to be run and managed by men leaves
women especially vulnerable and isolated. The need for funding and support for
women’s organisations and youth provision are highlighted by many respondents in
community-focused roles as the most urgent community need.
69
Indian community respondent: Male, North East, 50s.
60 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
13 Conclusions and recommendations
The Indian Muslim community is a significant community in terms of its size, which is
estimated to be around 150,000 in England. However, it is perceived by respondents in
this research as remaining largely invisible in public policy and the political arena
because of its relatively small size in comparison with the broader Indian and South
Asian Muslim communities. Respondents from the community stress its historic tradition
of co-existence with other communities through its experience as a minority in its
country of origin. However, at a broad level, specific issues and needs get lost in the
public policy focus and engagement with Pakistani and other Indian communities.
The community has also remained marginalised from mainstream politics both in India
and in Britain, hence there is less of a culture of civic participation and engagement than
some of the other established ethnic minority communities. This is an issue that is
readily acknowledged within the community and there is currently considerable debate
and encouragement for the community to be more politically engaged.
Additionally, the primary strategy of the community to date appears to have been to
pursue entrepreneurial opportunities and focus on the educational and professional
achievement of its young people, rather than to get as involved in public and political
life than the other South Asian diaspora communities.
The Indian Muslim community is relatively better off in terms of education and other
socio economic indicators than Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslims but lags behind other
Indian religious groups in many areas. Opportunities for women are also increasing in
terms of education and employment and along with this, there is a gradual change in
their roles within the home, as well as in the expectations the community has about its
women. However, they continue to play a very marginal role in public life and civil
society organisations run by women are few and far between.
Religious institutions continue to constitute the main civil society organisations and in
addition to religious services, also cater for most of the communities’ social and welfare
needs.
There is concern that increasing numbers of young Indian Muslims are adopting what
the community sees as the worst elements of mainstream British culture: drug use,
gangs and petty crime. Much of the blame for this is placed on the lack of youth
facilities and provision, and there is a heightened fear in the community about the
exposure of young people to knife and gun crime in the local areas where people live.
Conclusions and recommendations | 61
13.1 Recommendations
This research has provided many insights into the Indian Muslim community in England,
however while many areas were highlighted as community concerns they require further
enquiry to draw firm conclusions. The UMEC reports should be seen as a starting point
in the process of understanding England’s diverse Muslim and ethnic minority
communities in greater detail.
The UMEC Overview report provides detailed recommendations for engagement with
and development of Muslim civil society organisations. The following specific
recommendations for public authorities are in relation to responding to the Indian
Muslim community.
Specific community recommendations include:
• Measures to encourage pro-active public authority engagement with communities at
the local level, with a particular focus on the direct involvement of women and
young people rather than through established community organisations and
gatekeepers
• Authorities to recognise the centrality of mosques within these communities as
important potential partners in delivering services for youth, women and the elderly
• Targeting funding and a comprehensive package of capacity building support
measures to community facilities run by and for women and young people
• In addition to direct funding support for women’s organisations, establish gateways
for engagement with influential women within the community, for instance wives of
imams and male members of mosque governing committees in order to access a
broader spectrum of Muslim women in the community
• Research into the views and experiences of young Indian Muslims to enhance
understanding about the ways in which the younger generation is negotiating its
religious, gender and national identities in the context of its British identity and
environment.
62 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
14 Glossary
Baluchis: A traditionally nomadic Muslim people from Baluchistan.
Barelvi/Barelwi: Founded in northern India in 1880s, based on the writings of
Mawlana Ahmad Reza Khan Barelvi. Barelvis believe themselves to be South Asia’s
heirs and representatives of the earliest Muslim community. The movement was
triggered by the failure of the Indian revolt of 1857 and the subsequent formal
colonisation of India by the British, which led to the final dissolution of the Mughal
Empire. (Esposito, 2008).
CI: The Change Institute.
Daudi (Dawoodi) Bohras: Bohra refers to any Shi’a Ismaili Muslim of the Mustali
sect, which originated in Egypt, from Gujarat. Daudi (Dawoodi) Bohras formed in
1588 following a split in the Bohra community between followers of Daud ibn Qutb
Shah (d. 1612), and Sulayman who both claimed leadership of the communtiy. The
current form of the community has also been shaped by two later da’i (vicegerent)
Tahir Sayf al-Din (1915-1965) and Muhammad Burhanuddin (b. 1915).
Deobandi: a Sunni Sufi Islamic revivalist movement which developed in India in the
19th Century. Its name derives from the small Indian town of Deoband, located north
east of Delhi, where the school Darul Uloom Deoband is situated. Founded in 1867 by
scholars associated with the thought of Sayyid Ahmed Reza Khan Barelwi to preserve
the teachings of the faith during non-Muslim (British colonial) rule, the school
reflected Deoband’s prominence as a centre of Muslim culture and religion. Deobandis
educated Muslims in ‘correct practice’ and emphasised individual responsibility for
correct belief. Deobandis place an overriding emphasis on encouraging a range of
ritual and personal behavioral practices linked to worship, dress, and everyday
behavior. The school emphasised hadith and the Hanafi legal tradition and
encouraged spiritual transformation through “sober” Sufism. By 1967 Deobandis had
founded 8,934 schools throughout India and Pakistan. Originally quiescent politically,
the majority of Deobandis opposed the partition of India and saw Pakistan as the
creation of Western forces. Since the 1920s the Deobandi apolitical stance has taken
shape in the transnational movement Tablighi Jamaat but trends such as those of
Pakistan’s Jamiatul Ulama-i Islam and Afghanistan’s Taliban have also emerged from
the ranks of the Deobandis. In 2007, an article published by The Times caused
controversy when it claimed that about 600 of Britain’s nearly 1,400 mosques are run
by Deobandi affiliated clerics, and 17 of the country’s 26 Islamic seminaries follow
Deobandi teachings, producing about 80 per cent of all domestically trained Muslim
clerics. In February 2008, an ‘Anti-terrorism Conference’ organised by the Darul
Uloom Deoband seminary denounced all forms of terrorism. The conference also
denounced widespread attempts to blame religious Muslims for terrorist incidents.
(Sources: Barbara Metcalf (1982), Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband 1860-1900,
Princeton University Press; Barbara Metcalf (2001) ‘Traditionalist Islamic Activism:
Glossary | 63
Deoband, Tablighis, and Talibs’, University of California; Social Science Research
Council. Online: www.ssrc.org/sept11/essays/metcalf.htm; ‘Deobandis’ in John L.
Esposito (ed) (2008), The Oxford Dictionary of Islam, online; ‘Hardline takeover of
British mosques’, The Times, 7th September 2007.)
Hanafi School: Major Sunni Islamic school of law which emphasises analogous
reasoning of jurists over literal interpretation of hadith. Predominate in the Arab world
and South Asia. It is the oldest of the four schools of thought (jurisprudence or Fiqh)
within Sunni Islam. Named after its founder, Abu Hanifa an Nu’man ibn Thait (699767), the Hanafi school is the oldest but it is generally regarded as the most liberal and
as the one which puts the most emphasis on human reason. The Hanafi school also
has the most followers among the four major Sunni and is predominant among the
Sunnis of Central Asia, Afghanistan, Pakistan and the most of the Indian
Subcontinent, China as well as in Iraq, Turkey, Albania, the Balkans and the Caucasus.
(Esposito, 2008)
Ismailis (also ‘Seveners’): A Shi’a sect which emerged in 765 over a disagreement
over the successor to the Sixth Imam. In common with other Shi’as, the Ismailis affirm
that after the Prophet’s death, Ali, the Prophet Mohammad’s cousin and son-in-law,
became the first Imam (spiritual leader) of the Muslim community and that this
spiritual leadership (known as Imamate) continues thereafter by hereditary succession
through Ali and his wife Fatima, the Prophet’s daughter. The point of difference with
‘Twelver’ Shi’as is the acceptance of Ismaili ibn Ja’far as a divinely appointed successor
and seventh Imam, rather than Musa al-Kazim.
Ithna Asharis (twelvers): Twelver is a branch of Shi’a Islam that refers to Muslims
who adhere to the 12 succeeding imams ending with the Prophet Muhammad alMahdi in the 10th Century. The majority of Shi’as are twelvers. Also known as Ja’fari
or Ithna Ashari. (Esposito, 2008).
Khalifa: Muslim community/caste originating from Gujarat. Traditionally held low
positions in the social hierarchy.
Khojas (Nizaris): Caste of Indian Muslims in Gujarat converted from Hinduism to
Islam in the 14th Century by the Persian Pir Sadr-ur-Din. Khojas mainly follow a distinct
form of Ismaili Shi’ism (Nizaris), however Khoja is not a religious designation and there
are also Sunni Hanafi Khojas and Ithna Ashari Khojas. (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2008).
See also ‘Ismailis’, ‘Nizaris’, ‘Ithna Asharis’, ‘Hanafi School’.
Memons: An ethnic and linguistic group that originated from lower Sindh near the
Indus delta region.
64 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
Nizaris: Ismaili (sevener) Shi’a sect and division of the Khoja originating in Gujarat
who recognise Aga Khan IV as the 49th hereditary Imam.
Pir: Religious leader.
Shi’a: Muslims who believe that succession to the political and religious leadership of
the Muslim community should be hereditary through Muhammad’s daughter Fatimah
and her husband, Muhammad’s cousin, Ali. Although Shi’as do not believe that these
successors (imams) are prophets, they do believe that they are divinely inspired and
infallible. Approximately 15 per cent of all Muslims are Shi’as. (Esposito, 2008).
Sunni: Muslims who emphasise the importance of the actions and customs of
Muhammad and the first generations of Muslims, viewing as legitimate the
establishment of the caliphate, in contrast to Shi’a beliefs. About 85 per cent of all
Muslims are Sunnis.
Surtis: Ethnic group originating from the Surat district in Gujarat.
Worahs: Ethnic group originating from Mumbai and Baroda.
Glossary | 65
15 Bibliography
Ansari, H. (2004) The Infidel Within: Muslims in Britain since 1800, London: C Hurst &
Co Ltd
Armstrong, K. (2001) Islam – A Short History, London: Orion
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68 | Understanding Muslim Ethnic Communities – The Indian Muslim Community in England
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This report presents a picture of the Indian Muslim community in England. It is one of a
series of thirteen reports on different Muslim communities in England.
It has been commissioned by the Department for Communities and Local Government
to enhance the understanding of the diversity of England’s Muslim population and as an
effective route to engagement.
Price: £25
ISBN 978-1-4098-1271-5