Deforestation: past and present
by Michael Williams
I
Introduction
topic of the conversion and modification of the earth’s mantle of trees
impinges on the interests of many different geographers. Unfortunately, interest
in what is essentially people/land relationships has, with few exceptions (Goudie,
1986; Sauer, 1938) not been too common in Geography, and while geographers
have been engaged in other concerns in recent decades (quantification,
perception, social relevance, to name but a few) workers in other disciplines,
particularly biology, engineering and economics, have been beavering away
diligently at a whole range of ’environmental’ relationships and problems.
The topic of deforestation occasionally appears in geographical journals, but
then usually as a part of historical change in past landscapes. But the clearing of
the forests cannot be dismissed as a topic of antiquarian interest; it is one of the
main processes whereby humankind has modified the world’s surface, and it is
now reaching critical proportions. Moreover, the continuity of this process of
The
terrestial transformation over time, and its interaction with other elements of
both environment and human society, should illuminate our understanding of the
cause and nature of deforestation both past and present.
II
The extent of the forest
1
The
’original’ forest
Deforestation implies a diminution from some previous original stock that existed
in immediate postglacial times, but clearly, the task of reconstructing that stock
is difficult. The climatic fluctuations of the late Quaternary were immense and
far-reaching. As radiocarbon-dated sequences of the palynological record of the
late Quaternary become available and are synthesized for wide areas of the
northern (Huntley and Birks, 1983; Velichko, et al., 1984; Wright, 1983) and
southern (Kutzbach, et al. , 1988) hemispheres, it is clear that we cannot be
dogmatic and say that a particular forest of a particular composition extended
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177
particular area for all time. The dynamics of forests are bewildering,
particularly in the middle latitudes, as retreating or advancing ice associated with
warming and cooling caused shifts in their location, while in the upper latitudes
new species invaded the deglaciated areas.
An alternative approach to the reconstruction of past forest extent has been
provided by climatic modellers who are aware of the role that terrestrial
vegetation plays in the radiation balance of the earth and in various biogeochemical cycles related to climatic change. A range of sources have been analysed
digitally, which is an advance on the previous practice of aggregating small-scale
vegetation map data, with its inherent problems stemming from diverse and
subjective classifications and boundary delimitation. Consequently, during the
last decade there have been a number of attempts to overcome problems inherent
in qualitative maps, that of Matthews (1983) being the most valuable for our
purposes. She constructed two separate data bases, one of natural vegetation, the
other of current land use. In the vegetation base an attempt was made to
reconstruct the preagricultural vegetation, and the land use data base was used
to calculate the amount of vegetation remaining. Both data bases were
constructed on 1° latitude x 1° longitude cells so that they could be quantified.
This detailed study can be used to calculate the decrease in major vegetation
types (Table 1). A total of 61.51 x 106 kM2 of closed forest and open woodland
has been reduced by 9.14 x 106 km2. Of this, 7.01 x 106 kM2 has come from the
closed forest, only 0.48 x 106 kM2 from the tropical rainforest and the bulk (6.53
over a
106
kM2)
from the temperate forests. Most of the decline in the temperate
from the clearing in Europe and eastern America of the cold
x
(2.57 106 km2), and cold deciduous with coniferous forests (1.53 x
106 kM2) to the north by intensive small-scale peasant farming over millenia
followed by commercial farming more recently. The temperate evergreen forests
(0.82 x 106 km2) and the subtropical drought-resistant forests (1.0 x 106 kM2) of
x
forest has
deciduous
come
Table 1
Estimate of
( x 106 kM2)
preagricultural
and present
area
of
major ecosystems
Source: Matthews, 1983, 482
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178
Asia have succumbed to intensive subsistence farming (0.39 x 106 km’).
Woodlands have declined by 2.13 x 106 knr, much of that in the dry African
miombo where widespread subsistence farming has been practised for centuries;
around the Mediterranean basin from both widespread subsistence farming and
small-scale commercial agriculture; and in the dry eucalyptus and mallee lands of
Australia where vast areas have been cleared for large-scale commercial
agriculture.
Thus, the total
area of forest in the world has possibly decreased by 15.15 per
and the woodlands by 13.8 per cent, a massive amount of one calculation,
but not, perhaps, the world-wide devastation that is commonly supposed.
Independent calculations by the author (Williams, forthcoming b) in which all
the known information on deforestation is assembled, arrived at a high estimate
of 8.05 x 106 km2 cleared, and a low estimate of 7.44 x 106 knr, which confirms
the general magnitude and trend of forest conversion although it does not provide
the detail.
cent
2
The contemporary forest
There is little agreement about the extent of the ’contemporary’ forest (Mather,
1987). Between 1923 and 1985 there have been at least 23 estimates of closed
forest land, and these arranged chronologically in Figure 1. They range from 60.5
x 106 km2 to 23.9 x 106 km2. They are randomly distributed around a mean of
40.6 x 106 km2, and show no discernible trend over time. We should not expect
to read too much into these figures for they are estimates compiled from different
sources, utilizing different definitions, and they certainly cannot, therefore., be
used as an indicator of current deforestation rates (Allan and Barnes, 1985: 16769 ; Sedjo and Clawson, 1984: 156).
The only time-series data for forest area comes from the FAO returns for the
35 years between 1950 and 1985. the FAO figures, especially the earlier ones,
must be used with caution. Nevertheless, if the total world forest is divided
crudely into temperate forests (North America, Europe, mainland China, USSR
and Oceania) and tropical forests, then the temperate forests appear to be in an
acceptable steady state, with slight increase (Figure 2). However, the aggregate
total masks many fluctuations. For example, the forest of North America was at
its peak in 1962 with 0.75 x 106 knr but had declined to 0.61 x 106 kM2 (a fall
of 140 000
in 1980. On the other hand the USSR forest was 0.88 x 106 kM2
in 1962 but had risen by 40 000 kM2 to 0.92 x 106 kM2 during the same period
and China’s forest had risen by an almost identical 39 000 km2. The immense
area of tropical forest shows more variation in its extent than does the temperate
forest, nevertheless, on the basis of the FAO data the change between 1949 and
1985 has been about one per cent only, and not the decline that one might have
expected. Thus, the apparent hemispheric fluctuations have been ironed out by
compensatory factors; clearing for agriculture and urban and industrial purposes
in North America has been balanced by massive deforestation in other parts of
the temperate world.
km 2)
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179
1
Estimates of forest extent, 1923-1985. The figures on the diagram refer
Zon and Sparhawk, 1923; 2
the following authors listed in the references. 1
Weck and Wiebecke, 1961; 3
FAO, WFI, 1963; 4 = FAO, Prod. YB., 1966; 5 =
Olson, 1970; 6 = Bazilevich, Rodin, and Rozov, 1971; 7
Brüning, 1971; 8
Whittaker and Likens, 1973;
Whittaker and Woodwell, 1971; 9
Leith, 1972; 10
11 = Persson, 1974; 12 = Brüning, 1974; 13 = Windhorst, 1974; 14
Olson, 1975;
15
Ross-Sheriff, 1980;
Leith, 1975; 17 = Eyre, 1978; 18
Eckholm, 1975; 16
19 = Openshaw, 1978; 20
Steele, 1979; 21 = FAO Prod. YB., 1980a; 22
FAO Prod. YB., 1985; Source: Based on Figure 2 of Allen
Matthews, 1983; 23
and Barnes, 1985, with additions and amendments.
Figure
to
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
The problem of definition that bedeviled global estimates, particularly the
distinction between closed and open forest, become more critical as the scale of
analysis shrinks. For example, Table 2 shows calculations by Barney (1980),
Postel (1984), the World Resources Institute (1987) and Postel and Heise (1988)
for three major continental areas, North America, Africa and Latin America.
There is little agreement except in a most general way. Overall, new calculations
by FAO suggest that the area of the forest appears to have decreased from 43.2
x 106 km’ in 1980 to 41.4 x 106 kM2 in 1985, the open forest experiencing a 6.6.
per cent decrease and the closed forest a 2.9 decrease and the closed forest a 2.9
per cent decline) (World Resources Institute, 1987: 59). Given the current
uncertainty about the extent of the forest and the similar uncertainty about the
rate of tropical deforestation (and the rate of temperate reforestation), clearly
the last has not been heard on the topic of the extent of the forest.
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180
.
Figure
2
The
area
of temperate and
tropical forests,
1950-1985. FAO Production
Yearbooks, 1950-85.
Table 2
1988 (x
Estimates of closed forest and open woodland in three continents, 1980-
106 ha).
Sources: Barney, 1980; Postel, 1984; World Research Institute, 1987; Postel and Heise,
1988.
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181
III
Historical change
The reduction of forest and woodland by 7.01 and 2.13 x 106 kM2 respectively
during the postglacial era (Matthews, 1983) has been accomplished by human
forces. The slow and almost imperceptible increase in population during
premodern times, and its rapid rise from roughly 1600 onwards has led to a steady
decrease of the world’s forests as humankind has needed more land for growing
food, timber for construction and shelter, and fuelwood to keep warm, cook food
and smelt metals. The transformation has probably been greatest with the
development of sedentary agriculture, but has not been confined to agriculturalists alone. Fire, ’the first great force employed by man’ (Stewart, 1956), was used
by pastoralists to extend pastures, revitalize herbage and herd game for hunting.
Some of the main historical phases in this transformation are now looked at
briefly.
1
Prehistoric impacts
During the Holocene the evidence of change brought about by prehistoric
cultures becomes obvious and abundant. For example, in the UK mesolithic (8000
BC to 3500 BC) hunters had a local effect on vegetation by burning it. The tree
line in the upland fringes of the Pennines, North York Moors and Dartmoor is
found to be consistently below the altitude at which climatically it was possible
for trees to grow, and in places evidence of successive clearings is accompanied
by the presence of pollens of light-demanding plants such as sorrel and ribwort
plantain, which could only flourish as a result of clearing (Jacobi, 1978; Smith,
1970) .
But this was minimal compared to the extensive forest clearing that occurred
later in the neolithic centuries (c. 5000 BC to 3000 BC) in middle Europe when
agriculturalist/pastoralists cleared the deciduous forests on the loessic lands with
flint and stone axes, which modern experiments show were quite capable of being
used for forest felling (Nietsch, 1939). It was a ’slash and burn’ type of operation
aided by burning and animal grazing. The same process continued unabated
during the late neolithic to early bronze ages (c. 3000 to 1000 BC). Charcoal
layers and successive decreases in forest pollens, followed by increases in cereal
and weed pollens in peat deposits, together with interbedded farming and clearing
implements, leave one in no doubt about the sequence of events (Iversen, 1949).
Gradually the woodland was disturbed and degraded enough to become savanna;
temporary clearings of restricted areas sometimes reestablishing themselves as
farmers and stock moved on (Clark, 1947), the final breakdown of the forest
ecosystem occurred during the late neolithic as population pressure increased and
new communities hived off from old ones. A point was reached where ’clearance
outstripped the capacity of the woodlands to regenerate themselves’ (Barker,
1985; Clark, 1952).
The evidence for
a
similar process of transformation is
beginning to
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unfold for
182
other parts of the world. Some agricultural or pastoral activities, with associated
clearing in the rainforest of equatorial upland areas, may date from at least the
early Holocene (Flenley, 1979). In North America the impact of the native
Americans on forest vegetation is being revealed by an abundance of archaelogical and palaeobotanical evidence which more than supports the hints contained
in sixteenth and seventeenth century travel accounts of what might have
happened based on the evidence of contemporary Indian practices (Day, 1953).
From at least 12 000 BP the aboriginal population occupied the rich bottom lands
of the many river systems of the continent, although they never abandoned
hunting and gathering. Progressive clearing of the forests on the flood plains and
lower terraces and the intensification of cropping gradually converted the
landscape into ’a mosaic consisting of permanent Indian settlements and
cultivated fields, early successional forests invading abandoned Indian old fields,
and remains of the original deciduous forest in the uplands’ (Chapman et al. ,
1982). In central and Latin America the record is equally convincing and
deforestation here may be the earliest of all (Flenley, 1979b). One example must
stand for many. Salati (forthcoming) concludes that some 200 000 km of the
Peruvian Amazonian rainforest have been converted to almost treeless plains
during the last 23 000 years, mainly by civilizations developing in the western
Andean and inter-Andean valleys of northern and central Peru. In some places
the forest recovered, but only rarely as repeated burning kept the plains open
for game, principally llamas and alpacas. Sternberg (1968) summarizes other
evidence.
Whether in Europe, Africa, Asia or the Americas, the record is clear that the
axe, together with dibble and hoe cultivation and associated pastoralism, reduced
the extent of the forest. Fire was particularly destructive in the process. Delcourt
(1987) has suggested that humans produced four major impacts:
1)
2)
3)
4)
The increased frequency and magnitude of disturbance resulted in the expansion of
nonforested patches or clearing.
The increasingly sedentary life style, the development of territorial control, and the high
energy investment in the cultivation of crops resulted in a new sort of disturbance in
which large areas were kept in the early stages of succession, allowing the invasion of
subsequent weed populations.
The selective utilization of plants resulted in longterm changes in the dominant tree
structures within forest communities.
There were substantial changes in the distributional limits of certain species.
In every way, the early impact of humans on the forests
suspected, and greater than many would care to admit.
2
was
greater than
The classical and postclassical world
There is no one great or consistent body of evidence on which to draw in order
to understand the immense impacts on vegetation that occurred during this period
of increasing population, urbanization, mineral extraction and trade by different
cultures and civilizations. Nevertheless, the record of the Mediterranean basin,
and in particular that of its northern rim, from about 3000 BP to the end of the
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183
dark ages, is circumscribed and small enough for one to feel reasonably confident
that most of the available literary sources have been located (Darby, 1956). Most
references are inferential but sometimes they are specific about agricultural
clearing. During the early half of the last century BC the Roman writer Lucretius
stated categorically: ’And day by day they [agriculturalists] would constrain the
woods more and more to reside up the mountains’ (Lucretius, V: 505).
Metalsmelting, the general timber trade (Meiggs, 1982), destruction through
warfare, and particularly shipbuilding in these quintessentially maritime civilizations (Lombard, 1959) also led to a decrease in forest cover. General accounts
are to be found in Heichelheim (1956), Semple (1919), and Thirgood (1981).
Thus, although evidence of the impact on the forests is patchy, a general picture
emerges of considerable change. Darby (1956: 186), in his wide-ranging review
of the Mediterranean lands concludes that they ’were more densely wooded than
they are today, but that already there had been considerable clearing and that
the extensive forests which remained were for the most part in the mountainous
areas’. It may well be that further advances in our knowledge will come, not
through documentary evidence, as most is known, but through the use of air
photography (Bradford, 1969) and geomorphological field work, as in Vita-Finzi
(1969) where changes in river valleys, particularly the younger valley fill, and
subsequent erosion since classical times, is correlated with the evidence of
archaeological finds, or as in the integrated approach of Bintliff and van Zeist
(1982), which has many lessons for our understanding of current deforestation
processes.
3
The middle ages
The middle ages, particularly in Europe, encapsulated an active and energetic
world in which humankind began to make conscious and purposeful decisions
about land use and population densities, as society, under both lay and
ecclesiastical administrators, strove to colonize new lands and reduce unsettled
areas, particularly in the expansive colonizing movement southeast and northwest
of German settlement into central Europe. One should also be aware of the
enormous changes that were taking place in the equally energetic society of China
(Murphy, 1983; Smil, 1985).
It is impossible and unnecessary to catalogue the vast amount of information
available in Europe about the nature and history of deforestation, particularly
during the eleventh to thirteenth centuries, the age ’des grands d6frichments’ that
led to so much clearing in the cold deciduous forests (Schluter, 1959); that is well
done by Darby (1957), Bloch (1960), Koebner (1941), Schluter (1952), and
others. Rather, it is more valuable to pick out some of the themes that
characterize the age (Glacken, 1967). In general there was a strong relationship
between the changes in the forest (and in other waste areas such as marshes,
heaths and bogs) and settlement history and economic and social change, that
has had a lasting significance.
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184
First, land reclamation contributed in general
to the
emancipation
of the
greater opportunity for advancement and
freedom. Secondly, peasant competence and technology persisted in clearing and
common
man; more land meant
farming. Thirdly, ’antiphonal themes’ of resistance to change and progress
towards change, as witnessed for example in the efforts of the nobility to reserve
forests as hunting grounds, and the counterefforts of the peasantry to clear them,
were common. The Swedish proverb that the forest was the mantle of the poor
suggests the closeness of the forest to the everyday life of ordinary people and
the essential nature of its products. Consequently, a body of custom, usage and
rights grew up either to govern the use of this valuable common resource or to
totally prohibit the use of its many products (Young, 1979). It was a question of
achieving the correct balance between various land uses. Finally, the close links
between medieval European religious motivation and land reclamation, particularly land clearing, need to be stressed. There was a deep belief in man’s
command of the activities of the earth, and the monastic orders of the
Benedictines, Carthusians, and particularly the Cistercians, were the shock troops
of clearing. Piety was an accompaniment of improving zeal, and the creation of
landscapes fit for Christian settlement gave a just reward for that piety.
clearing demonstrated the compressed social energy of Europe that
was to erupt and burst through the confines of the continent during later centuries
with devastating consequences for the forests of the rest of the world.
new
Above all,
4
The
early
modern age
The early modern centuries span a period of roughly four hundred years from
the sixteenth century to the fourth decade of this century. This age is
characterized primarily by the aggressive outreach of Europe overseas and the
creation of a global economy, all against a background of a steadily increasing
world population (up nearly threefold from 600 million in 1500 to 1.6 billion in
1900) and a rising consumption of raw materials and food in Europe and, after
the midnineteenth century, in the USA. In this process of global colonization new
peoples, crops, animals and economic and social systems were Imposed or grafted
on to existing societies.
As far as the forest was concerned the impacts were many, but four stand out
for consideration:
1) In sparsely settled and mainly temperate areas neo-European societies were
planted and created, in most of which the virtues of agriculture and of freehold,
of dispersed settlements and of ’improvement’ were extolled. Tree growth was
considered a good indicator of soil fertility in all pioneer societies, and
consequently the forests were felled to make way for farms. The USA was the
classic example with about 60 000 km2 being cleared by about 1850 and
660 000 km2 by 1910 (Williams, forthcoming a). But there were other areas such
as Canada, New Zealand, South Africa and Australia, where perhaps a total of
400 000 km2 of forest and sparse woodland were cleared by the early twentieth
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185
century (Williams, 1988). However, in focusing
on the overseas expansion of
Europe one should not forget that the continent was also colonized internally
during these centuries (Darby, 1956), particularly eastwards into the mixed forest
zone of central European Russia where over 67 000 km2 were cleared between
the end of the seventeenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century
(French, 1983).
2) Elsewhere, and particularly in the subtropical and tropical forests, European
systems of exploitation led to the harvesting of indigenous tree crops (e.g. rubber,
hardwoods), but also to the replacement of the original forest by crops grown for
maximum returns in relation to the labour and capital imputs, often in a
’plantation’ system and often too with slave or indentured labour. Classic
examples of this are sugar in the West Indies (Watts, 1988); coffee and sugar in
the subtropical coastal forests of Brazil (Monbeig, 1952; Dean, 1983), where
perhaps over half of the original cover of 780 000 km2 had disappeared by 1950;
cotton and tobacco in the southern USA; and later rubber in Malaysia and
Indonesia. A variation of this agricultural expansion clearing occurred in southern
Asia where peasant proprietors were drawn into the global commercial market.
Outstanding was the vast expansion of rice cultivation in lower Burma which
resulted in the destruction of perhaps as much as 90 000 km2 of rain forest
between 1850 and 1950 (Adas, 1988), and the complex and varied expansion of
all types of crops in the Indian subcontinent that led to massive forest clearing
(e.g. Richards and Mcalpin, 1983). In all, as much as 216 000 kM2 of forest and
62 000 km2 of interrupted or open forest were destroyed in south and southeast
Asia for cropland between 1860 and 1950 alone (Richards et al., 1987).
3) Some of these developments meant not only the interchange of people and
societies on a global scale but also of crops; for example potatoes and maize to
Europe; sugar cane and coffee from Africa to the western hemisphere; rubber
from Latin America to south east Asia; and European grazing animals
everywhere, each introduction further extending the impacts on the forests in
new areas.
The insatiable demand for forest land to grow new crops and settle new
societies was matched by a new and rising demand for forest products themselves;
for example the strategic naval stores (masts, pitch, tar, turpentine) from the
Baltic and latterly from the southern states of the USA (Albion, 1926); hardwood
timber such as teak and mahogany for ship construction and furniture; and then
more recently, the more abundant softwoods for general constructional purposes,
such as housing, bridges, fences and railway sleepers (Olson, 1971; Lower, 1973
Williams, 1982; forthcoming a); and everywhere wood for fuel.
Tracing the development of these impacts up to about the middle of the
nineteenth century is primarily a story of the destruction of forested lands,
although after that time, more grassland was being converted than was forest.
Nevertheless, it is probably that 2 432 000 km2 of forest were cleared between
1860 and 1978, together with 1 502 000 km2 of more open woodland (Revelle,
1984; Richards, 1986). The topic is vast and complex, and is no less than a sizeable
4)
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186
portion of the world history of these centuries. It is a fruitful field for historical
geographical research of which there are few overviews or syntheses (Richards
and Tucker, 1988; Tucker and Richards, 1983; Williams, forthcoming b).
5
Recent decades
Since the second world war the upsurge of world population from 2.5 billion in
1950 to five billion in 1987, together with the widespread availability and use of
trucks, tractors and chain saws has put an unprecedented strain on the world’s
forest resources. In a detailed study of 19 developing countries Allen and Barnes
(1985) found a statistically significant relationship between forest loss and
population growth. Nowhere is too remote and no wood too inferior to be
harvested and used. The regional impact has varied in large measure according
to the development status of the countries concerned (Figure 3). It has largely
been concentrated in the developing world and its causes have broadly been
threefold:
1)
2)
3)
To provide more land for a largely subsistence population, particularly in the countries
of the greatest population growth, e.g. India, Indonesia, Kenya, and Brazil.
To provide fuelwood for cooking and heating for the vastly expanded population.
To provide hard currency and vital export earnings from the sale of timber products,
such as hardwood and woodchips.
Because the developing world is largely coterminous with the tropical world
attention has focused primarily on tropical deforestation. The subject is
bedevilled by a lack of objective data, and consequently, by claim and
counterclaim. Given the seemingly contradictory conclusions drawn between
comparing global totals and trends of forest areas and on the spot evidence of
clearing, it is not surprising that there is a vigorous debate about the magnitude
of change (Allen and Barnes, 1985; Fearnside, 1982; Lugo and Brown, 1982;
Melillo et al., 1985; Molofosky, Hall and Myers, 1986; Myers, 1982; Sedjo and
Clawson, 1983). Disagreement is a product of differing definitions of what
constitutes forest (as before), and of the contentious role of shifting agriculture
(there being perhaps as many as 250-300 million slash and burn agriculturalists)
in causing either permanent change or modification, and hence ultimately
ecosystem degradation. Some paint a bleak picture of future trends, which are
multifaceted and exponential (Barney, 1980; Caulfield, 1985; Eckholm, 1976;
1982; Myers, 1980b; 1983a; 1984). Others have a more ’upbeat’ view and think
that deforestation is but a continuation of past trends of economic development
and attempts to raise wellbeing, that reports are greatly exaggerated and that all
will be well if the forests are managed carefully (Clawson, 1981; Sedjo and
Clawson, 1984; Simon, 1981).
Calculations of annual conversion leading to permanent elimination of forest
vary from 110 000 km2/yr to 200 000 km2/yr, the lower figure being
generally acknowledged to represent the complete removal of trees, and
acceptance of the upper figure depending upon a wider definition of deforestation
cover
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187
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188
which could include modification to some degree. Thus, an area nearly equal to
that destroyed could be severely disturbed or degraded (Figure 4). In all this
uncertainty we can be sure of one thing; the debate on the rate of deforestation
is not over: for example, a recent estimate based on satellite imagery over the
Amazonia has put the rate as high as 270 000 km2/yr. (Christian Science Monitor,
10 October, 1988).
There have also been great fluctuations either way in the forested area of
individual countries in the developed world. For example, there have been
spectacular declines in the USA with the expansion of commercial agriculture
during the late 1970s and early 1980s (US Government, 1987), and in Australia
from the late 1950s to early 1980s (Williams, 1988), these being counterbalanced
by equally spectacular gains through farm abandonment and reversion in Europe,
and extensive reforestation programmes in the USSR, China and New Zealand.
4
Estimates of annual rate of deforestation, 1978-1987. The figures on the
diagram refer to the following authors listed in the references. 1 Saoma, 1978; 2
Barney, 1978; 3 Lanly and Clements, 1979; 4 Barney, 1980; 5 Myers, 1980b;
1984; 6 US Interagency Task Force, 1980; 7 FAO Prod YB, average 1968-78; 8
Figure
=
=
=
=
=
=
=
FAO/UNEP, 1982a; 1982b; 1982c; 9 International Task Force, 1985; 10
Prod. YB, 1985; 11
FAO Prod. YB, average 1974-84.
=
=
=
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=
FAO
189
Substantive work on the causes of deforestation in the contemporary world and
likely effects can be looked at by topic. Some topics are more applicable (or
at least have been written about more) in certain parts of the world than in others,
which gives the thematic treatment a regional emphasis.
its
IV
1
Contemporary change:
Expanding population
some causes
and resettlement schemes
in the developing world expanding population numbers are having
twofold impact on the forests. On the edges sedentary cultivators are nibbling
away in order to create more land to grow food, while in the forest itself the
expanding numbers of shifting cultivators are forced to shorten rotations leading
to permanent change. An analysis of LANDSAT imagery between 1973 and 1976
in a roughly 45 000 km2 area in south central Thailand, Morain and Klankamsorm (1978) shows clearly that it is the edge of the forest which succumbs first in
a piecemeal fashion, but the thinning from the interior of the forest is more
difficult to detect. The same is true for other parts of the world (Lanly, 1969;
Salati and Vose, 1983).
In contrast to this spontaneous and diffuse deforestation that is difficult to
calibrate, and is the primary cause of the debate on rates (Melillo, et al., 1985),
there are the planned and deliberate schemes of governments to promote
resettlement in order to alleviate population pressures elsewhere, although the
schemes themselves also prove to be the catalyst for larger, spontaneous
migrations. In Indonesia the government has attempted to shift over two million
peasant farmers from overcrowded Jaya to forested lands in Sumatra, Irian Jaya
and Kalimantan - the transmigration project. (Karawinata et al., 1981; Ranjitsinh, 1979; Rich, 1986; Secrett, 1986). Attracting much less attention, but equally
as devastating, are the activities of the Federal Land Development Agency
(FELDA) and associated government agencies in peninsular Malaysia, which
have embarked on a deliberate policy of expanding primary production of food
and cash crops in order to increase national wealth for a rapidly growing
population (Bahrin and Perera, 1977; Brookfield et al., forthcoming). As a result,
the rainforest has been reduced from 84 832 km2 in 1966 to 67 351 kM2 in 1982,
a decrease from 64 per cent of the land surface of the peninsula to 51 per cent.
At least another 10 per cent will be cleared before government aims are fulfilled,
but the ability of the government here, or anywhere, to put a brake on associated
spontaneous clearing is doubtful.
Perhaps the largest and most notorious colonization and resettlement projects
are those in Latin America, particularly in Brazil and in adjacent countries that
share portions of the same rainforest ecosystem in the Amazonia basin. In Brazil,
government-backed schemes to move settlers from the overpopulated north east
to the Amazonian basin (Barbira-Scazzocchia, 1980; Denevan, 1973; Fearnside,
Everywhere
a
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190
1979; 1985; Goodland and Irwin, 1975), together with
an extensive programme
construction
and
have
the
forest to planned and
highway
paying,
opened up
alike
and
Bookman,
1977;
(Goodland
spontaneous migration
Hemming, 1985;
Moran, 1983; Sckmink and Woods, 1985; Smith, 1981). One region on which
attention has been particularly focused is the state of Rondonia, virtually
unsettled and undisturbed in 1960 except for about 10 000 Indians and a few
rubber gatherers. Now, about 45 000 km2 are cleared, and more than one million
people live there. The herringbone pattern of main and branching minor roads
cut into the forest shows up clearly on LANDSAT and AHVRR imagery, and it
is a favourite symbolic image of deforestation (Malingrau and Tucker, 1987;
Mueller, 1980; Tucker, Holben and Goff, 1984; Tucker et al., 1986; Woodwell
et al., 1986). But Rondonia is not the only place; a report by the Sao Paulo based
Institute for Space Research, analysing images drawn from an 80 day period
during 1987 ’conservatively estimated’ that over 200 000 km2 of the forest, or four
per cent of the Amazon region were burnt between July and October (The Times,
6 August 1988). If correct, then this region alone is being cleared at a rate equal
to the highest global estimate put forward so far.
To the south in the zona central of Paraguay, 40 000 km2 of tropical rainforest
in 1945 have been reduced to about 13 000 kM2 today (Kleinpenning and
Zommers, 1987; Nickson, 1981), and on the western edge of the Amazon basin
in the eastern portions of Venezuela, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, a
mixture of planned highway development and spontaneous migration has resulted
in perhaps as much as 720 000 km2 of forest disappearing between 1940 and 1987
(e.g. Bromley, 1972; Crist and Nissly, 1973; Eidt, 1962; Hegen, 1966; Hiraoka
and Yamamoto, 1980). Much of this clearing happened during the 1960s and
1970s before the current upsurge of interest in tropical forest conversion, and
most of it has been forgotten in the face of current concerns.
of
2
Ranching and pasture development
While the stated aim of many of the Latin American projects is the resettlement
of peasant proprietors on agricultural smallholdings, a whole amalgam of
economic, social and fiscal reasons work toward the new clearings eventually
being converted to pasture. Pasture is the easiest means of keeping the land from
reverting to secondary forest, cleared land has a speculative value far in excess
of crop production in high inflation economies, pastures are encouraged by tax
laws, and cleared land is the surest title to ownership in a situation of chaotic land
title registration and not a little corruption. (Fearnside, 1983; Furley and Leite,
1986; Shane, 1986).
In central America, however, pasture development is probably the major initial
causal factor in forest clearance which is carried out by a minority of hacienda
proprietors who own disproportionately large areas of land. They wish to supply
cheap beef for domestic use, and particularly for export, mainly to the USA for
pet and fast foods (DeWalt, 1983; Guess, 1979; Myers, 1981; Myers and Tucker,
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191
1987; Nations and Kumer, 1982). Of
course, individual peasant proprietor
is
in
a
with
one
of the fastest growing populations in
not
absent
clearing
region
the world (e.g. Lewis and Coffey, 1985). Perhaps as much as 25 000 km~ is
cleared annually for ranching.
3
Fuelwood and charcoal
Clearing for fuelwood and charcoal is of major global importance. Approximately
1.5 to two billion people (30 to 40 per cent of the world’s population) rely on
wood, not only for warmth but for the daily preparation of the very food that
they eat. In many parts of the developing world fuel is scarcer and more expensive
than the food that is eaten, and sometimes it can consume a fifth to a half of the
monetary budget of urban households and up to four-fifths of the annual working
year as the countryside is scoured for the last remnant of woody fibre to burn
(Arnold and Jogma, 1978; Eckholm, 1975; FAO, 1983). This is particularly true
around urban and industrial areas. For example, the closed forest cover within
100 km of nine major Indian cities has been reduced from 96 625 km2 to
72 278 km2 between 1972 and 1982 (Bowonder et al. , 1987). Rural dwellers rarely
cause the same sort of absolute deforestation, rather they collect deadwood or
cause a ’thinning’ of the forest, but in the extreme, that too can become complete
deforestation especially in the drier, more open forests.
Deficiencies are particularly acute in Andean Latin America, the Caribbean
Islands, most of the Indian subcontinent, and particularly Nepal (Alam et al.,
1985; Cecelski, Dunkerley and Ramsey, 1979), but most of all in Africa which
depends on wood for up to 90 per cent of all energy requirements (Anderson and
Fishwick, 1984; Eckholm et al., 1984) and where depletion far exceeds the rate
of growth.
Currently just over half of all wood known to be extracted from the forests of
the world (3.2 x 109 m3) is fuelwood, and just as demand has nearly doubled
during the last 20 years, so the predictable increase in world population makes it
unlikely that the demand will slacken in the future. In addition, the rise of oil
prices in the 1970s added pressure to fuelwood resources. Nearly 85 per cent of
the demand is in the developing world. Energy is essential in a developing
economy (Earl, 1975), as is shown clearly by the story of fuelwood use in the
industrial and transport growth of the USA during the nineteenth century
(Williams, 1982; forthcoming a), which has been repeated with variations in
twentieth-century Brazil (Dean, 1987). A switch to alternative fuels such as
petroleum and kerosene by the two billion fuelwood burners is feasible in terms of
the extra amount consumed - a mere 3.5 per cent of the current world petroleum
production - however, the income and the hard currency needed to pay for this is
usually not forthcoming (Foley, 1983). In all, it is thought that as much as 2025 000 kM2 of woodland and forest is cleared annually by fuelwood gathering.
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192
4
The timber trade
In the face of the ever-increasing demands for fuelwood, industrial roundwood
accounts for increasingly less of the drain on the forest, but it is still sizeable at
about 1.5 x 109 m3 per annum. In the industrial economies of the developed
world extraction and regeneration are roughly in equilibrium, regrowth exceeding
extraction in Canada, New Zealand, the USSR and Scandinavia, but not in the
USA or Japan. But this internal conservation is often achieved at the expense of
producers in the tropical world who are ready to supply hardwood for hard
currency. If the big softwood exporters such as Canada, Sweden, Finland, the
USSR and the USA are excluded, then the next largest exporters are the tropical
hardwood exporters, Malayasia, Indonesia, and the Phillipines.
The decline of production in Indonesia and the Phillipines through sheer
overexploitation is now being played out again in Malayasia. Sabah and Sarawak
are the main areas of cutting, and the rate of extraction is roughly four times the
natural regrowth. Although the valuable hardwoods account for only as little as
2-10 per cent of any unit area of the forest, careless and indiscriminate logging
destroys up to 60 per cent, and the soil is compacted or eroded (Myers, 1984).
Roads made by the loggers become pathways of exploitation by spontaneous
migrations of slash and burn cultivators. The degradation of the ecosystem can
be completed if fire sweeps through the logged area, as happened with a
combination of logging, shifting cultivation and drought in east Kalimantan in
1983 when about 3500 km2 were destroyed or heavily damaged (Malingrau et al. ,
1985). In the Ivory Coast, a substantial exporter in Africa, current exploitation
rates (combined with a rapid population growth and clearing) will most likely
eliminate existing forest resources in about 16 years time (Bertrand, 1983; Lanley,
1982; Postel and Heise, 1988). In toto, about 44 000 km2 of the tropical forest is
2
logged over annually and largely destroyed, in addition to the c. 110 000 km2
cleared for agriculture.
5
Other
causes
In all of the above instances the focus has been on the tropical, developing world,
but it would be remiss not to point out that the forests of the developed temperate
world are not immune to destruction. Felling for more crop land in response to
changing agricultural prices during the 1970s has been mentioned already in
relation to the USA, although current ’set aside’ schemes underway in the USA
and western Europe might eventually rectify that. Ultimately more important,
but less easy to predict or prevent, are the potential consequences on forest extent
of acid rain pollution caused by gaseous emissions and heavy metals.
The many possible processes and biological pathways of Waltsterben, or forest
death, are not fully understood (White, 1988), and there are many hypotheses.
Equally difficult is to separate the rhetoric from the reality of what is happening
(Park, 1987). Nevertheless, it is incontestible that possibly between 70 and
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193
km2 of forests in central and eastern Europe are affected and highly
that triple that figure are at risk, perhaps as much as one-fifth of all
forests there (Mandelbaum, 1985; Nilsson, 1986). The problem is not confined
to Europe but is becoming evident in northeastern USA and Canada, the
Appalachians, and the coastal ranges of California (Postel, 1984; World
Resources, 1986: 209-10) and has even been detected in China, Malaysia and
100 000
possible
Brazil
V
(McCormick, 1985).
Contemporary change:
some
effects
the main effect of deforestation is the decline in the amount of tree
deficits, could, in theory at least, be rectified by massive programmes
of afforestation. But there are other effects that are probably irredeemable, and
which are particularly relevant to the developing world (Bowonder, 1987).
Although
cover, such
1
The elimination
of species, cultures,
and peoples
Because of the climatic
regime and the relatively long period of nondisturbance,
the evolutionary process has produced a biotically richer and more varied biome
in the tropical rainforest than in other vegetation areas. Depending upon the
estimates one accepts of the area involved, which range from 9 x 106 kM2 (Myers,
1984) to 17 x 106 kM2 (Leith, 1975), then between 6.7 and 12.8 per cent of the
earth’s land surface contains at least half, if not two-thirds of the estimated 1015 million species that exist, although only about 1.4 million have been identified
positively (Jansen, 1970; Wilson, 1984; 1986).
Given the disproportionate concentration of species in tropical rainforests, and
given the rate of conversion - large even if one takes the lower estimates - then
the conclusion seems inescapable that large numbers of species will be lost in the
foreseeable future (Ehrlich and Ehrlich, 1981; Myers, 1980a; 1983b; Simberloff,
1986; Wilson, 1985). This is particularly true in tropical areas as many tropical
species are peculiarly susceptible to extinction by being widely spaced (e.g. 13 km apart in some cases), by having low densities per unit area, by being
endemic to relatively small areas, by being characterized by intimate links, or,
put another way, by narrow ecological specialization (e.g. certain plants depend
on particular humming birds for pollination) resulting in a delicate dependence
of one species on another. These dynamic linkages can be radically upset by
interference (and possible microclimatic changes), leading to the destabilization
of ecosystems and the eventual loss of species. Collating a wide range of evidence
from the Brazilian Atlantic rainforest, the Equadorian western rainforest, and
Madagascar, Myers (1987) estimates that the combined total forest in these three
regions has been reduced from 1 089 000 kM2 to 32 500 kM2 at the present; that
the original endemic plant species have declined in number from 26 000 to c.
12 400, of which about half have been eliminated
or are on
the verge of
extinction.
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194
The rate of extinction is open to debate (Lugo, 1986); Wilson (1984) has
proposed about 1000 species per annum, a figure which he has now suggested
might be as much as 17 500 per annum, which makes the present decline approach
the greatest ever known - those at the end of the Palaeozoic and Mesozoic eras
(Wilson, 1986: 11-13). As with the debate on the deforestation rate, so there are
contrary views over species extinction, some thinking that the reports are
exaggerated and that the link between extinction and tropical deforestation is not
proven (Simon and Kahn, 1984; Simon and Wildavsky, 1984; Sedjo and Clawson,
1984).
Just as fauna and flora are disappearing from these remote and hitherto
inaccessible regions so are cultures and even the people who practise them.
Disease and cultural contrasts are decimating the native populations, as indeed
they always have. The Brazilian Amazon is the classic example: the Indian
population is estimated to have been well over 1 000 000 at the time of first
European contact, but has now dwindled to a mere 50 000 (Hemming, 1978). The
network of highways being constructed has been designed with no regard for 200
odd tribal hunting areas. A total of 96 tribes and their areas have been severed,
and of these 45 had never before been exposed to exogenous contacts (Goodland
and Bookman, 1977). The highways are the pathways for the waves of settlers
who are encouraged to clear the forest for up to 100 km on either side, and who
have little respect for the tribal people or their rights, and extinguish both equally.
What is not done on purpose is done accidentally by the diseases which the
construction workers and settlers bring with them, from the endemic schistosomiasis and onchoceriasis (river blindness) (Goodland, 1974) to the equally
devastating common cold, influenza and measles. Alcohol accelerates the process
of extinction at all phases.
Similar accounts of population decline and cultural extinction are common
elsewhere in the tropical areas: for example, the carefully documented decline of
the Agta negrito tribesmen in southeast Luzon in the Philippines, with the
progressive decrease of the forested areas through logging and the encroachment
of Filipino homesteaders (Headland, 1987).
2
Soil
degradation, siltation
and
desertification
The knock-on effects of excessive clearing for whatever purpose are immense. In
tropical regions with gentle to moderate slopes and constant and heavy
precipitation (e.g. Amazonia, Congo basin) soils undergo erosion but, more
importantly, many are permanently and irreversibly changed as they become
laterized or stripped of their cover. In other humid regions with steep slopes and
violent tropical rainstorms (e.g. Himalayan foothills, central African highlands,
Central American and Andean highlands) massive erosion occurs with equally
massive downstream consequences through siltation. In semiarid marginal areas,
particularly around Saharan Africa, northwest India and western Pakistan,
desertification is the inevitable accompaniment of the stripping of the land of its
remaining woody fibre.
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195
of irreversible soil change has been more than adequately dealt
host of publications (e.g. Gomez-Pompa et al., 1972; Lal et al., 1986:
215-402) as has desertification (e.g. Dregne, 1985; Glantz, 1977; Mabbutt, 1984;
United Nations, 1977) but the topic of the massive erosion of steep slopes and
its downstream consequences has only more recently impinged on the consciousness. Population increases put even more pressures on marginal lands (Blaikie
and Brookfield, 1987). It is calculated that 160 million ha (16 x 106 kM2) of
upland watersheds are already degraded (ITF, 1985, I: 8), that the population in
such upland regions is increasingly markedly, and that destructive clearing for
fuelwood and fodder are making the already poor conditions worse.
The Andean ranges are heavily settled and overgrazed leading to massive
erosion and sediment yields in the rivers. In Argentina 80 x 106 tonnes of clay
sediments from the overgrazed Bermejo watershed are carried annually via the
Parana some 1200 km to the sea at Buenos Aires (ITF, 1985, 1:9). Similarly, the
upland watersheds of central America (particularly the western slopes) are
undergoing extensive deforestation for cattle raising and agricultural settlement,
to the extent that the forest cover has been reduced from about two-thirds of the
region in 1950 to about one-third today (Leonard, 1987). Erosion is evident in
the silting up of reservoirs, to the extent of diminishing the water supply of the
Panama canal (Alvarado, 1985; Robinson, 1985). The central highlands of
Ethiopia (Lamb and Milas, 1983) and Madagascar (Randrianarijaona, 1987) tell
similar stories.
Not every incidence of heavy sediment yield is necessarily caused by destructive
landuse. A lively debate is emerging between those who believe that tectonic
activity and natural causes have led to the huge sediment load of 1670 x 106
tonnes/yr on the Ganges-Brahmaputra river system, and there are others who
believe that the load is largely caused by the destructive landuse practices of the
46 million inhabitants of the Himalayan highland zone (The Independent, 17
September 1988). The evidence of silted-up reservoirs (Cool, 1980; Gupta, 1981;
Myers, 1986; Trejwani, 1987) is alarming in its implications of wasted infrastructural and financial investment. Additional evidence is provided by the Centre for
Science and the Environment at New Delhi which estimates that the flood-prone
area in India is now 59 x 106 ha, and that between 1913 and 1978 the peak flood
level in the Brahmaputra rose an average of 30.5 cm per decade (2 m over the
65 years) as runoff becomes greater and more rapid, and sediment builds up river
beds (Postel and Heise, 1988). The devastating floods in Bangladesh in 1984,
1987 and now again in 1988, when about half of the country has been under water,
bring an added urgency to the need to understand this process completely.
The
with in
3
question
a
Forests and climate
this review began with a consideration of the effect of the postglacial
on the extent of vegetation, so it must end with a consideration of the
clearing of the forest as the cause of contemporary climatic change, and what
Just
as
climate
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196
effect, in turn, present and future climates will have on the forest (Kellogg, 1987).
It is realized that when forests are cleared the carbon stored in the trees is
oxidized and released into the atmosphere, either rapidly if the trees are burned
or slowly if they are left on the ground to decay. In a similar fashion organic
matter in the soil is reduced by cultivation (Clark, 1982; Dickenson, 1982). It is
thought that the accelerated release of carbon and other gases into the
atmosphere augments the ’greenhouse effect’ which may raise global temperatures by at least 2°C by the middle of the next century and by 5°C by the year
2100 (Seidel and Keyes, 1983). The possible effects on world cropping patterns
(Bolin et al., 1988) and on raising sea levels through polar melt could be
enormous. Increased C02 will also stimulate photosynthetic responses, and
increased yields of crops like wheat, barley and rice, but decrease photosynthetic
responses and yields in crops like sorghum and maize.
On the basis of land use change and timber production statistics, Woodwell et
al. (1978) and Woodwell et al. (1983) suggested that between 1860 and 1980 forest
clearance contributed between 135 x 1015 g C and 228 x 1015 g C to the
atmosphere, and that the annual rate of discharge was in the region of 1.8 to 4.7
x 1015 g C in 1980, of which 80 per cent was due to forest conversion, mainly in
the tropics (Palm et al., 1986). Later work more or less supports this figure
(Houghton et al., 1986), although the degree of coincidence varies according to
the assumptions implicit in, and understanding of, the processes involved
(Houghton, 1986). These estimates suggest a release of carbon as great as, or
more than, that arising from the burning of fossil fuels, Rotty (1986) going further
by suggesting that fuelwood burning alone during the last decade has surpassed
fossil fuel emissions into the atmosphere. The matter is far from settled (Trabalka
and Reichle, 1986).
Studies of the possible effects of rising temperatures with increased carbon
concentrations on the distribution of forest zones around the world, suggest that
the greatest changes would be in the highest latitudes, where the Boreal forest
might be replaced by cool temperate forest or steppe; changes in the tropics
would be much smaller (Emanuel et ~al. , 1984; Henderson-Sellars and Gornitz,
1984; Kellogg and Schware, 1981; Parry, 1986). In practical terms the effect of
increased carbon and an increase in average temperature of 2°C could be to raise
yields in the main midlatitude cereal producing regions by 3-17%, and shift their
margins several hundred km per °C of change (Warrick, 1988). The effect on the
Canadian and Australian wheat belts, for example, could be enormous.
VI
Conclusion
This review has covered a wide range of topics in order to show the continuity
of a process of terrestial transformation over time and the interrelationships of
processes at present. Past and present can hopefully illuminate each other.
The process of deforestation will not end in the future. Nothing will stop the
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197
from being over 6 billion at the turn of the century, and
9
billion
possibly
by 2100. The ’antiphonal themes’ of the past will still be
relevant. For those living in or near the tropical forest it will continue to provide
land, fuel and shelter for as long as it lasts, to be ’the mantle of the poor’; others
will wish to restrict its use and preserve it. Deforestation is fast becoming a matter
of humanitarian concerns mixed with long-term environmental ethics.
In all of this, there is a need for much more accurate data, principally through
the medium of a more rapid interpretation of remote sensing evidence that is
accumulating faster than it can be assessed, and also by making a precise
inventory of what is known of past forest conversion with a view to calibrating
the rate of change. In addition, geographers could play an important role in the
elucidation of this process, if they applied the wide range of skills that lie within
their repertoire, thus claiming what Stoddart (1987) has called ’the high ground’;
or as Kates (1987) puts it, travelling along ’the road still beckoning’ those with
interests and concerns in the human environment. Their contribution would be
all the more valuable as they could add knowledge where at the moment there is
much engage polemic and the scantiest of objective insight into the relationship
of human and physical environments.
world’s
population
University of Oxford,
VII
UK.
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