Verb Extensions in Vute
Rhonda Thwing, 7/2006
1.0 Introduction
Vute is a mambiloid language spoken by 20-25,000 people in Cameroon, in the Centre
Province in Mbam et Kim and in Haute Sanaga Divisions; in the Adamawa Province in Mayo
Banyo and Djerem Divisions, and in the Eastern Province, Lom et Djerem division. It is
classified by Grimes as Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Benue-Congo, Bantoid,
Northern, Mambiloid, Suga-Vute (2000, 53). ALCAM classifies it as “bantoid, non-bantu,
mambiloid (#720). The Vute population in this large area is very thinly scattered and mixed
with Tikar (Northern Bantoid) and Bafeuk/Yangafeuk (Narrow Bantu, A70) speaking peoples.
Vute is a S V O language in the indicative, positive, perfective or narrative clause. It shows
S O V order in the perfective negative. In the imperfective aspect, S AUX V O and S AUX O V
are permitted in both positive and negative, unless O is a pronoun, in which case O V order is
obligatory. Likewise, in infinitival complements both O V and V O orders are possible unless
O is a pronoun; then O V order is mandatory. This alternation of constituent order allows any
new/focused information to occur in clause final position, as well as indicating lowered
transitivity.1
For the most part, verb extensions in Vute are derivational extensions, including valency
changing, phasal, evidential, adverbial, additive, and directional extensions. Many of the Vute
verb extensions transparently reflect the verbs from which they have been derived. With the
possible exception of two of the valency changing extensions, the verb extensions of Vute can
not be related to proto-bantu or proto-benue-congo verb extensions, but seem to be either the
result of the gramaticalization of frequent patterns of verb compounding, which is itself a
likely grammaticalization of serial verb constructions (Dimmendaal, 185). Only one of the
verb extensions, the hortative plural marker –ná, is inflectional; the adverbial extensions
whose meanings resemble those of aspectual markers do not have any effect on the T/A/M of
the verb. Some of the extensions can occur with the tense/aspect markers which precede the
predicate, e.g., yaá-cì ‘P2.IPFV-already’, du-ɓa ‘IPFV.D-really’, in verbless clauses.
1
Sentence final position is the unmarked focus position. See Thwing and Watters, 1987, for more information on
the focus system of Vute.
1
1.1 Structure of the verb phrase in Vute
The Vute verb phrase is composed of the T/A/M markers in VP initial position, the object NP
(especially as a pronoun), and the verb word. The verb word is composed of the verb root,
verb extensions (if present), and verb-final aspect/mood markers, if required by the A/M form
of the verb.2
VP ---> [T.ASP3 / M + object NP + [[+verb root +extensions] + ASP/M]]]
Figure 1: Vute verb phrase structure
The inner set of brackets encloses the verb stem, the unit over which the tonal4 morphemes
that indicate aspect and mode spread. The middle set of brackets encloses the verb word. The
outer set of brackets encloses the whole verb phrase.
The morphemes termed verb extensions in this paper are considered to be clitics of the verb
root. They obey certain morphophonemic word level rules and they are effected by all the
tonal phenomena that effect the verb root (the first morpheme in the verb word).
For example, the floating H that is the preverb aspect marker in the perfective aspect, positive
form, raises all L tones in the verb word (root and its extensions) to M:
(1)
Kí á
mɨ (H) sáktɨ -ya
-ye
Mèín … (t1.44)
AN FOC 1s PFV thank -INCH -before God ...
So, I thank God first ... (sáktɨ ̀-nɨ ‘to thank’, -yà from yà-nɨ ‘to begin’, -yè ‘first,
before’)
1
These include –nɨ INF, –tɨ ́ PFV, -ré PFV.AM, -ˋr F.NEG, ɗàà IPFV.NEG, -!wá PFV NEG, -tɨ SBJ, as well as
some purely tonal morphemes that appear to be suffixes, since they only effect the final syllable of the verb, e.g., a
final floating L that indicates the consecutive (CNS) form of the verb.
Vute tense markers: P3 = ya, P2 = yi, P1 =tɨ,P0 = Ø, F1 = ɓa , F2 = kwá
Vute has three tone levels, H, M, L, plus downstep. Vute has both lexical and grammatical tone. In the Vute
'Vɨ ́te∆(orthography, H tone is written with an acute accent over the vowel/syllable nucleus, L tone is indicated with
a grave accent over the vowel, the falling tones (HL or HM) are marked with a circumflex accent, M tone is
unmarked as are the rising tones unless they occur on long vowels, when each vowel is marked with the
corresponding tone. Downstep is also unmarked. In addition, Vute has some three tone units on single syllables
containing two or more morphemes, the HLH(non-perfective) or HMH (Perfective) tone pattern of a gerund
formed on a H tone verb or verb extension and HLM (future negative, hortative negative). They are all written
with a circumflex accent on the first vowel and either an acute accent or absence of tone mark on the second
vowel. All examples after example (2), do not have the floating tones marked in them
2
4
2
The floating L that is the modal verb suffix in the subjunctive causes all final high tones to
become HL while L tones remain L.
(2)
Kí á
ndèɗú ta
màŋgù góòm -sê-(L)
AN FOC sheep say.PFV hyena look
So Sheep told Hyena to look down.
íí
ɗàá,
(t7.26)
-down.SBJ eyes ground.LOC
(-sé ‘downwards’ from sé-nɨ ‘to descend’)
In addition, the extensions that begin with l have morphophonemic alternates with initial
r/l/nd, just like other clitics in the language that begin with 1. 5
The verb final aspect/mood markers are suffixes of the verb word rather than extensions and
are inflectional in nature.
In the following sections, I present the different types of verb extensions and discuss the
syntactic and discourse-pragmatic implications of their use. All Vute citations are in the
official orthography for the language. All the data for this study are either from our own data
notebooks and transcribed texts, or from books published by the Centre de Litterature Vɨ ́tè,
Yoko, Cameroon, which consist of folktales and a hortatory text in Vute.6
2.0 Extensions that change the valency of a verb
There are three extensions and some morphophonemic processes that change the valency of
the lexical verb.
5
In most dialects of Vute l and r are part of the same phoneme (l in root initial position and r elsewhere), while nd
is a separate phoneme. r/l/nd alternation is a common morphophonemic process in both verbs and nouns. The
variants work in the following manner:
the r-initial form occurs following a vowel, that is following open syllables,
the l-initial form occurs following a root ending, historically at least, in a stop,
the nd-initial form occurs following a root ending in a nasalized vowel or nasal consonant.
Besides verb extensions, other instances of this process are found in the demonstratives, –lè∫chrs`k∫+
-lì‘proximal’+-lò‘distal, but approaching’, the cleft sentence marker lu+ and -lé the associative suffix of a verb
in the perfective aspect.
6
Dehir Maurice, Nogoadjere Doussam Jean, James Maxey, Oumarou Alfred, Tchouelour Victor,
Toueh Roger and Yakoura Valentin, compilers. 1998.Gèìn Vɨ ́tè(Vute folkstories). Yoko,
Cameroon: Centre de LitteratureVɨ ́tè.
Nogoadjere Doussam Jean. 1997. Hààmɗə́ŋhȩ̀ȩ ́ Muti ́i ́-Yoko, Cameroon: Centre de Litterature Vɨ ́tè.
3
(3) (a) -tɨ ̀
(b) -lɨ ̀
valency raising, “causative”
valency raising or lowering, idiosyncratically dependant on
the verb root
(c) Morphophonemic processes operating on the verb root:
i) verb root vowel lengthening/ -hɨ ̀: valency raising
ii) change in the quality of the root vowel: valency lowering
(d) -nà indirect object / benefactive (IO)
Extensions (a) and (b) listed above are partially productive in Vute. Many verbs in regular use
today seem to be formed with -tɨ ̀ or -lɨ ̀, but no unextended form of the verb is currently in use
in the language. (c), is also partially productive, especially the process of root vowel
lengthening, (d) -nà extension is completely productive, but has a different origin from the
other valency changing extensions, being part of the verb extension system discussed in Sec.
3-6 below. I have included it here because it functions much like valency raising applicative
extensions in Bantu languages.
2.1 -tɨ ̀ : valency raising extension (VR)
This extension is a direct descendant of the proto-Niger-Congo causative verb extension *-ti
(Williamson and Blench.39) . The most common use of this extension in the current language
is to derive a transitive verb from an intransitive (state or process) verb, i.e., to add an agent
to the arguments of the verb. The
-tɨ ̀ extension immediately follows the verb root and precedes any other extension.
(4) ɓáí-nɨ
ɓá-tɨ ̀-nɨ
(5) yèì-nɨ
yè-tɨ ̀-nɨ
(6) làì-nɨ
là-tɨ ̀-nɨ
‘to live, to save oneself (intr, refl)’
‘to save someone, to cause someone to live (tr)’
‘to become tired’
‘to tire s.o., to cause someone to be tired’
‘to burn (intr)’
‘to burn (tr), to light a fire or a lamp’
4
Some verb roots only exist in a form that includes this extension. They are all
transitive verbs.
(7)
nàtɨ ̀-nɨ
‘to wash hands/feet before eating or praying’
cə́ŋtɨ ̀-nɨ
‘to mock, tease’
7
cf. mɨ ̀cə́ŋkáín ‘mockery’
2.2 -lɨ ̀ / -rɨ ̀ / -ndɨ ̀ : valency lowering or raising extension (VL)
This extension is most commonly found in valency lowering constructions, but also occurs in
some valency raising constructions. It has the morphophonemic alternates -rɨ ̀/-lɨ ̀/-ndɨ ̀ as
discussed above (footnote 5). Like the valency raising extension in §2.1, this extension occurs
immediately following the verb root, preceding any other extensions.
2.2.1 Valency lowering constructions
This extension turns an inherently transitive verb into an intransitive one in (8-10 ) below.
(8)
(9)
(10)
sà-nɨ
‘to rub, to clean, to anoint (tr)’
sà-rɨ ̀-nɨ
‘to be clean, sacred (intr)’
gè-nɨ
‘to bring or lead an animate being (tr)8’
gè-rɨ ̀-nɨ
‘to go for a walk’
yɔ́k-nɨ
‘to surpass (tr)’
yɔ́k-lɨ ̀-nɨ
‘to be difficult (intr)’
There is an interesting set of participles that contrast the meanings of –tɨ ̀ and -lɨ ̀ / -rɨ ̀ / -ndɨ ̀:
(11)
sîn
‘black’, from an old verb sí-nɨ ‘to be charred’
sírîn
‘black, blackened’ from sí-rɨ ̀-nɨ ‘to blacken (refl)’
sítîn
‘made black, blackened’ from sí-tɨ ̀-nɨ ‘to blacken (tr)’
7
A verb cə́ŋ-nɨ ‘to dry’ exists, but I wonder if it could really be the source of cə́ŋtɨ ̀-nɨ.
8
The verb gè-nɨ is also used today to mean ‘to drive a vehicle’
5
2.2.2 Valency raising constructions marked with -lɨ ̀ / -rɨ ̀ / -ndɨ ̀
(12) (a) ɓéín-nɨ
(b) ɓé(n)-ndɨ ̀-nɨ
(13) (a) sə̀ə(̀ k)-nɨ
(b) sə̀k-lɨ ̀-nɨ
(14) (a) nyìn-nɨ
(b) nyì(n)-ndɨ ̀-nɨ
‘to become hot, to boil (intr)’
‘to heat, to reheat (tr)’
‘to humiliate oneself (refl)’
‘to humiliate, to dishonor someone(tr)’
‘to talk quietly (refl or intr)’
‘to greet (tr)’
It is interesting that speakers of one of the more conservative dialects of Vute pronounce
(12)(b) and (14)(b) and other verbs whose roots end in n as ɓéín-tɨ ̀-nɨ and nyìn-tɨ ̀-nɨ. This
probably reflects the origin of the valency raising sense of the -ndɨ ̀ extension in these verbs.
Vute phonology does not allow prenasalised consonants with a sequence of nasal + voiceless
obstruent . These verbs seem to have been resyllabified and then the stop became voiced as a
result. Examples of this extension with r or l initial and having a valency raising function do
exist, e.g., (13) above.
At this time in the history of the Vute language, some verb roots only exist in a form that
includes this extension. Some behave intransitively (15) and others transitively (16).
(15)
(16)
mà-rɨ ̀-nɨ
‘to get used to (intransitive or reciprocal)’
sə̀-rɨ ̀-nɨ
‘to smile, laugh (intr)’
wà-rɨ ̀-nɨ
‘to fry (tr)’
pà-rɨ ̀-nɨ
‘to skin, peel (tr)’
2.3 Other morphophonemic valency changing processes
Vute exhibits two morphophonemic processes that influence the valency of a verb. As stated
above, these two processes are not classified as verb extensionsm but they act on the verb
very much as –tɨ ̀ or -lɨ ̀ / -rɨ ̀ / -ndɨ ̀.
6
2.3.1 Root vowel lenthening: valency increaser
This morphophonemic process is an extension only in the loosest terms. The vowel of the verb
root is lengthened by adding a L tone copy of it9. It has two functions in Vute today:
a) changes an intransitive verb into a transitive one (this function is less common in the
language)
b) changes a transitive verb to an iterative/ pluractional verb: many transitive verbs can be
marked this way. Iterative / pluractional is the most common meaning for a lengthened
vowel in a verb root. (17-20) are examples of intransitive transitive usage of this
morpheme. (21-22) are examples of its iterative/pluractional function.
(17) nyàŋ-nɨ
nyààŋ-nɨ
(18) kú-nɨ
kwíì-nɨ
(19) ɓáŋ-nɨ
ɓáàŋ-nɨ
(20) hàm-nɨ
hààm-nɨ
(21) nóm-nɨ
nóòm-nɨ
(22) ɓé-nɨ
ɓéè-nɨ
9
‘to be good, beautiful (intr)’
‘to make good or beautiful (tr)’
‘to die’
‘to kill’
‘to be bad (intr)’
‘to spoil, make bad (tr)’
‘to grow (intr)’
‘to raise’
‘to bite (tr)’
‘to bite many people or bite many times’
‘to call’
‘to call many people or the same person repeatedly’
Some dialects of Vute add the syllable–hɨ ̀ to a verb with a CV or CVŋroot, e.g.,ɓéhɨ ̀-nɨ‘to call many people,
or the same person repeatedly’ rather thanɓéè-nícf. (22); ɓáŋhɨ ̀-nɨrather thanɓáàŋ-nɨ+cf (19).In these same
dialects, a CVC shaped verb root becomes CVCɨ ̀+e.g.,hàmɨ ̀-nɨ rather than hààm-nɨ ‘to raise’, cf.(20).
7
2.3.2 Root vowel quality changes: valency decreaser
Underlyingly transitive verbs become intransitive. This process is limited to two verbs that I
know of, but they are both used frequently, so I list them here.
(23) cáàŋ-nɨ
‘to finish (tr)’
cɔ́ɔ̧ -̧́ nɨ
‘to finish, be finished (intr)’
(24) láàŋ-nɨ
‘to lose (tr)’
lɔ́ɔ̧ -̧́ nɨ
‘to get lost, “go missing”
Other verbs with roots ending in –aŋ form their (passive) past participles with this same
vowel change:
tɔ̧ɔ ̧́ ‘eaten’
(25) tàŋ-nɨ‘to eat’
nyàŋ-nɨ‘to be good, beautiful’ nyɔɔ̧̧́ ‘good, beautiful’ (cf (17) above.)
̧ jɔ̧̀ (lit: evil liver) said of someone who
ɓɔ́ɔ̧ ̧́ ‘evil’ cf. ɓɔ́n
ɓáŋ-nɨ‘to be bad’
is mean and spiteful.
2.4 -nà indirect object / benefactive (IO)
-nà is added to a verb to indicate that there is an indirect object or benefactive NP present in
the clause. Its function is similar to a Bantu applicative extension in this way.10 -nà is derived
from the verb nà-nɨ ‘to give’.
(26) Kúr
kwè
no, mvèìn yi na-á
village certain in chief
lâs, gè
-wò -nà
ní,
ɓíì
i ̧na -yáànaá nò
noò,
P2 give-PFV order TOP.AM11 how -DM
ni ́
ɓɨ ́ -nà
mwin kɨ ́ ɨ ́r
all bring -CPTL -IO.SBJ LOG LOG call-IO.CNS child
ní
fein
muní
person bear.PFV child.AM
ɗú ré. (t6.6)
AN name LOG want -PFV.AM
In a certain village, the chief gave his order that, whoever gave birth to a child should bring
(it) to him, he would call that child the name he wanted.
10
Many African languages use the verb ‘give’ in serial verb constructions to indicate benefactive. Also, in many
NW Bantu languages the applicative extension is -n / -en / -ne
11
This possessive form can only refer to the 3s topic of the sentence.
8
(27) Nɨ ̀vɨ ́tè
á
ndɨ ̀ŋ-nɨ nyíne
kùŋ
woò
ɨ́
gì
jɨ ̀r
kóóm -é
Vute.person IFPV do -INF 2P.with neighbor 2s.AM NEU go.CNS path fiancée -AM
kóóm ɨ ́
si ̀
-na
wu naŋ, wu a
fiancée NEU cook -IO.CNS 2s
ɓé -ɓwê
nò
wo
gùr -í. (t8.23)
fufu, 2s SEQ call -ADDP.CNS person 2s.AM journey-AM
It is the custom of the Vute (lit: Vute people do) (that if) you and your neighbor go to your
fiancee’s, and she cooks fufu for you, then you call also your neighbor of the journey (to eat).
-nà can also be used in the negative or when stating that something did not happen for
the good of the “malefactee” (28)(a), and also when it indicates an event that is adverse,
as in (28)(b)12:
(28)(a)Ɗà tùkur á
then hare
-kî
fèé
lâs, ŋgə́ mvom nɨ ́m kwè mbɨ ́k -nà -wá (t15.12)
take -comp.CNS meat all 3s
tortoise thing INDF leave -IO -PFV.NEG
Then hare took all the meat, he didn’t leave anything for tortoise.
(b) ɓetí
wu ɗə̀əŋ
̀ -wá
because 2s
nò
ɓa wu jíì
-nɨ ɓwâ jábɨ ́r féín-na
wé13.(t11.30)
know -PFV.NEG person F1 2s endure -INF time trouble arrive-IO.PFV.D14 2s.O.AM
because you don’t know who will put up with you when trouble comes to you.
3.0 Extensions with Modal and Phasal meanings
3.1 Modal extension -ná
There is one morpheme that occurs as an extension in Vute verbs but functions synactically as
part of the A/M inflectional suffixes of the verb. The extension -ná indicates either the
cohortative or imperative plural form of the verb.
(29) Ɗàrò kɨ ́k -sé
now
-ná
-am tó
ɗàá,
nyí a
put -down -HOR.PL -IMP ear ground.LOC 2p
nyàŋhȩ̀
juu. (t14.12)
SEQ make.good.CNS life.style
Now, put your ear to the ground and you will make your life better. (‘put your ear
to the ground’ means to listen well.)
12
However, –nà is not always present in such statements.
Sgdoqnmntmvdæ'vt*@L(b`qqhdrsgd@Lgdqdadb`trdhshrhmehm`konrhshnmhm`qdk`shudbk`trd-
14
In a relative clause or in a sentence in which the scope of focus does not include the verb, the dependent form of
the aspect markers (D) is found. See Thwing and Watters, 1987.
02
9
(30) (a) Nɨ ́m gɨ ̀-ná-nɨ
1p
cúk. (t17.10)
go- HOR.PL-CF together
Let’s go together. (CF: contrastive focus; traveling together rather than separately.)
(30) (b) Nɨ ́m ɗəəŋ -ná -ɓa
1p
-tɨ nɨ ́m kùb
du
tà -nɨ
‘hààm-mèé mutí
know -COH -really -SBJ thing INDF.PL IPFV.D say -INF raise -GER
-í’. (t22.3)
child.DIM -AM
We really should know what ‘raising children’ means.
3.2 Phasal Extensions
The phasal function may be encoded by means of an auxiliary verb followed by the infinitive
as well as by extensions. yà-nɨ ‘to begin’ is most often found as an auxiliary verb, but occurs
as an extension preceding the extension –yè ‘already, before’ to give the meaning ‘first’. As
for cáàŋ-nɨ ‘to finish’, about half of its occurrences are as an auxiliary verb + infinitive and
the other half as the verb extension, -cáàŋ and its morphophonemic variants. In (31a,b)
‘begin’ and ‘finish’ function as auxiliaries. In (32, 33) we see them as extensions. See also (1)
above for another example of the extension –yà.
(31) (a) Ɓwâ ŋgə́ yi lé
time 3s
nùb
-cu
yó -ò, …
ŋgə́ ɨ ́
yà
nyìndɨ ̀ -nɨ
P2 enter -again.PFV.D house.LOC-AM 3s NAR begin.CNS greet
-INF
lâs. (t9.08)
people all
When he got home, ... he began to greet everyone.
(b)
Ɓwâ ŋgə́ yi cáŋhȩ
time 3s
ə́r
-ɨ ́b kɨ ́ lâs, á
ŋgə́ yi gɨ -ndóŋ
P2 finish.PFV.D work -PL AN all FOC 3s
tí-í. (t16.18)
P2 go -pass.PFV forehead-LOC
When she finished all that work, she continued on her journey.
(32) -yà inceptive (INC) (from yà-nɨ ‘to begin’)
Ɗàrò wu ɨ ́
Now
du
gwi moò
ru,
mɨ ɗú -ú
wu hȩ wu
2s SF EQ.D wife 1s.AM CLFT 1s love-PFV 2s
ɗú -ya -ye
like 2s
mé. (t11.25)
love -INC -before.PFV 1s.O.AM
Now it is you who are my wife, I love you as you first loved me.
(See also (1) above for another example of this extension.)
10
(33) -cáàŋ ‘finish’ (from cáàŋ-nɨ ‘to finish’)
a) Á
ŋgə́ ta -na
FOC 3s
cwé ŋgə́ móŋ -yè,
say -IO.PFV death 3s
ní
sì
-cáàŋ -yè
naŋ. (t21.35)
wait -first.SBJ LOG cook -finish -first.SBJ fufu
Then she said to Death that he should wait, she had to finish cooking fufu first.
b) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́
3s
nà
ŋgə́ cɔŋ ŋgə́ yi du
NAR give.CNS 3s
food 3s
nyòm
taŋ -cáaŋ -ndé
ɗàwá -á. (t.20.36)
P2 IPFV.D strength.N1 eat -finish -PFV.AM IPFV.NEG-AM
He gave him so much food that he was not able to finish it.
4.0 Adverbial Extensions
There are many extensions that fall into this category. We continue to discover more possible
combinations of verb roots with these extensions. Many of the extensions are derived from
verbs through a process of grammaticalisation; some are derived from nouns. Only forms that
are widely used and may be attached to almost any verb are considered extensions and are
listed here.
-bɨ ̂ŋ
wholly, to the exclusion of anyone or anything else (from bɨ ̂ŋ (n) ‘a whole one’)
-ɓà
really
-cɨ ̀
already (positive), never again (negative)
-cù
again (from cù-nɨ ‘to return’)
-ɗóò
enough (from ɗóò-nɨ ‘to measure’)
-gàìn
with, accompanying (from gàìn-nɨ ‘to accompany’)
-gì /-gɨ ̀
after, finally (from gì-nɨ ‘to go’)
-há
only
–kɨ ́
completely (from kɨ ́(k)-nɨ ‘to put, place’)
-kòm
often
-kɔ́ɔ ̀
quickly (from kɔ́ɔ-̀ nɨ ‘do quickly, be quick’)
-kwà /-gwà
more
-lɨ ́ŋ
usually
-mè
VER (truly) (from mè-nɨ ‘to stay’??)
-ndóŋ
onward, continually (from ndóŋ-nɨ ‘to pass, surpass’)
-nyààŋ
well (from nyààŋ-nɨ ‘to make good, to repair’)
-tò
by chance
-yè
before, first (positive), not yet (negative)
11
Some examples of the use of these extensions follow.
(34) -mè ‘VER’ is possibly derived from the verb mè-nɨ ‘to stay’.
(a) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́
3s
tà
ndèɗú du -me
NAR say.CNS sheep
mèín mɨ ̀ténè
EQ.D-VER god
á,
little
ŋgə́ gì
FOC 3s
-nɨ. (t.7.30)
go.SBJ -CF
He said that sheep was truly a small god, that he (sheep) should go. (and he
would not eat him)
(b) Sə̀mnèe ́
njɔ̧̀
ŋgéé ɓɔ̧ne
ɓe ɗɨ ́m wu tûm -nà ŋgéé, àm ŋgə́ a
wake.GER liver 3s.AM belly.AM with habit 2s
dù
-mè
nɨ ̀vɨ ́tè
mɨr fɨ ́tɨ
show -IO 3s.AM word 3s
ɗə̀əŋ
̀ -cù
-ɓà
-nɨ
SEQ
nɨ ́m ŋgə́
EQ.D -VER.SBJ Vute.person true be.able.PFV.D know -again -really -INF thing 3s
ndɨŋ -ndé,
do
ŋgə́ a
-PFV.AM 3s
cà
-hô̧
kɨ ́ du
nyɔ̧né
á. (t. 22.78)
SEQ choose -out.SBJ AN EQ.D good.AM FOC
Wake up his spirit with the habits you show him so that he will be a true person able to
really know what he did and to choose what is good.
-ɓà ‘really’
(35) Nyòóm Tá,
wu ɨ ́
du
-ɓa
wu yɨŋmîn ndu. (t6.50)
honored father, 2s SF EQ.D -really 2s crazy
CLFT
Chief, it is really you who are crazy.
(36) Ŋgə́ féi ́n
3s
yí
nɨ ́r -ì,
nɨ ́r ɨ ́
gàm
-ɓà
ŋgə́ mi ̂n. (t10.10)
arrive.PFV place lion-AM lion NAR receive -really.CNS 3s
well
(When) he arrived at the lion’s place, the lion received him really well.
(37) -cù ‘again’ (t5.22)
ŋgə́ ɨ ́
3s
jə́b
-cù
-rê
nɨ ́m
noò
ɗàá
ɗóóŋ.
NAR sleep -again -in.CNS thing TOP.AM ground.LOC IDEO: calmly
he laid down and went back to sleep again quietly.
(38) -gàìn ‘with, accompanying’ (t10.22)
Ɓwâ ŋgáb ŋgóob -so
time 3p
ɓe gbɔ́ nɨ ́r -ì,
ji ́i ́
ɨ́
tà
li ̀
ŋgə́ gi ̀ -nɨ
approach-CFGL.PFV.D with cave lion-AM, goat NAR say.CNS dog 3s
go-SBJ
12
nɨ ́m ɓáŋhîn
kwè kwa -tɨ ́
ŋgə́ ku,
thing bad.PRTC INDF find -PFV 3s
ŋgə́ a
there, 3s
lù -gàìn -cù
-wò
ní
yáá.
SEQ run -with -again -CPTL.SBJ LOG QT
When they approached the lion’s cave, Goat said to Dog that he should go, if something bad
found him there, he (Dog) should return to him (Goat).
(39) -kwà / -gwà ‘more’ (t15.13)
Á
ɗú
-ɓà
-nɨ
IPFV need -really -INF 2s
ə́r
mɨ fèé
wu nà -gwà
ɓetí
kundi móò
give -more.SBJ 1s meat because knife
éí -tɨ ́
1s.AM work -PFV
sam.
work.NOM nothing
It is necessary that you give me more meat because my knife worked for nothing.
–kɨ ́ ‘completely’ is derived from kɨ ́(k)-nɨ ‘to put, place’. It adds the sense of performing an
action completely or thoroughly. It it is interesting that Bybee, Perkins and Pagliuca list ‘to
put or place’ as one of the sources for completive aspect markers around the world, though
Vute -kɨ ́ (comp.) does not seem to have reached this stage of grammaticalisation yet. (1994,
chart p. 58)
(40) Óo wu ɨ ́
if
dù
ə́əm
̀
-wá
mvèìn bɨ ́
2s NEU COND accept -PFV.NEG chief
kwíì -kɨ ́
-nɨ
-nà
wu ɨ ́r,
ŋgə́ ɓa wu
name -IO.SBJ 2s name, 3s
F1 2s
á. (t6.14)
kill -comp.-INF FOC
If you do not accept that the chief give you a name, he will kill you.
́
(41) Ɨdù
dùrù
yi
ɗú -ú
sə̀ə̀
-kɨ ́
-nɨ
ɓwàjìrí noò. (t5.16)
but baboon P2 want-PFV mock -comp. -INF friend
TOP.AM
But Baboon wanted to thoroughly mock his friend.
(42) -kòm ‘often’ (t7.25)
Óo ŋgə́ ɓain -tɨ ́
if
3s
ní
á
ní
hȩ
nàa̧ ́ ̧ ɓain -kom -ndé
naá
strike -PFV LOG manner rain strike -often -PFV.AM DM
ɗə̀əŋ
̀ -gì
ɓè
ŋgə́ du
LOG SEQ know -after.CNS place 3s
mèín mɨ ̀ténè yáa.́
COP.D god
little
QT
If he struck him like thunder strikes (then) he would finally know whether he was a little god.
13
(43) -lɨ ́ŋ ‘usually’
(a) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́
3s
yà
gì -nɨ
jɔ̀
-lɨ ́ŋ
-nɨ
ɓe
munɨ ́b mbaa bɨ jííb
kwé -è. (t6.16)
NAR begin.CNS go -INF play -usually -INF with children noble PL big.PL village.LOC-AM
He began to go play regularly with the children of the big men of the village.
(b) Ɓwâ wa ɓe
kùŋ
ɓan -ndé
ŋgwàr
təə̧̧́
ri,
time fire with neighbour meet -in.PFV.D savannah middle.LOC PROX,
úndi nɨ
mè -lɨ ́ŋ
-nɨ
yá
kɨ ́
ɗàà.
grass NEG stay -usually -INF place AN IPFV.NEG
When a fire meets its neighbour in the middle of the savannah, grass doesn’t usually
stay there. (a Vute proverb)
(44)-há/ -ha ‘only’ (t13.6)
mwin kwíhɨ ̀r rè
Àám kàŋnɨ ̀ lâs ŋgə́ nyin -wú -há
words lie.N2 all 3s
speak -up -only.PFV child
death
só.
DIST body.LOC
All lies she only told about the orphan girl.
(45) -cì / -cɨ ̀ ‘already’ (positive) (t9.22)
Munɨ ́b
yi ŋgàɗə́r
lè -è
ɨ́
sèì
-cì
bɨ ́
mbɔ́klɨ ́b
children P2 form.changer DIST -AM NAR become -already.CNS EMPH.3p slaves
wàánjí
rè -è.
young.man DIST.AM
The children of that form changer became the slaves of the young man.
(46) -cɨ ̀ ‘never’ (negative) (t11.26)
“ɓetí,
wu tɨ du
mɨ ɗú -wá
because 2s P1 COND 1s
ɓɔɔ̧ ̧
gàm
-ndé -cɨ ̀
mouth receive -in
hȩ
mɨ yi du
-cɨ
mɨ ́
àm
woò
love -PFV.NEG manner 1s P2 IPFV.D -never 1s.NEG word 2s.AM
-nɨ ɗàà,
wu yè yi mvú-ú
mɨ.”
-never -INF IPFV.NEG 2s POT P2 refuse-PFV 1s
“...because, if you didn’t love me, since I have never listened to you (lit: received the word of
your mouth), you would have refused me.”
14
(47)-yè ‘first, before’ (positive) (t3.3d)
Ŋgə́ ɨ ́
3s
tà
ní
-hó̧ -yè
ìì
dúhé yanaá ŋgə́ ɨ ́
NAR say.CNS LOG sweep -out -first.SBJ house DM
wùúm kɨ ́kù á
noise
nyìn
3s
ók -cì
NAR hear -already.CNS
-nɨ.
INDF IPFV murmur -INF
She said she should sweep out her house first (before doing other things) and then she
heard a little noise.
In (48), from the text Why God Hid Death (t21.6b-8), the extension -yè appears twice.
(48) “Yée, jíi
-ye
ŋgób. Gɨ -cu
pity, endure -first little
sì
-kɨ ́
-sò
-m. Wu a
tà -nà
Mèín mɨ
go -again -IMP 2s SEQ say -IO.SBJ God
mucutɨ ́b cɔŋ, wu a
-nà -yè
gò
1s
-gì
mɨ gàm -nɨ yáà.”
cook -comp. -CFGL -IO -before.SBJ children food, 2s SEQ come -after.CNS 1s take -INF POL
“Please, be patient a little. Return. You tell God that I should cook food for the children before
you come to take me.”
(49) -yè ‘not yet’ (negative) (data notebook)
Mɨ mɨ
mwáin nɨ ́m kɨ ́kù tàŋ -yè -nɨ
1s 1s.NEG today
ɗàà.
thing INDF eat -yet -INF IPFV.NEG
I haven’t eaten anything yet today.
(50)-gì/-gɨ ̀ ‘after, finally’. The event that is marked with -gì/-gɨ ̀ may be either the goal of the
previous event sequence , as in (49), or it may be the more important event.
Kí du, ɓwâ ti
AN sit
nôm
nɨ ́mè ya du -ré,
kɨ ̀ji ́ri kù
ya ɗú
-ú
ní
,
time country 1p.AM P3 sit -PFV.AM elder INDF P3 want -PFV LOG
gal,
ní
a
gɨ ̀ -gì
vɨ ́nȩ̀ȩ.́ (t4.1)
consult.SBJ diviner LOG SEQ go -after.CNS hunt.LOC
That is, when our country existed a certain elder wanted that he consult the diviner,
after that he would go hunting.
15
The –yè and –gì extensions work together to encode a temporally prior relationship between
predications.
(51) Á
ɗú -nɨ mɨ sè -yè
dúhé, nɨ ́m a
IFPV need -INF 1s wash -before.SBJ house, we
gɨ ̀ -gì
Yàùndè.
SEQ go -after.CNS Yaoundé.
I need to clean the house before we go to Yaoundé
ndóŋ: ‘onward, continue’ This extension can encode forward movement in space (52)(a, b) or
time (53). It is used metaphorically to express forward movement in thought or speech (52).
The temporal function of this extension (53) might also be considered a phasal extension.
(52) spatial (t8.44)
(a)
Hȩ
nèìn
pé
ŋgə́ ya
manner magpie see.PFV.D 3s
mví -ndóŋ
-ré
wàìn -niì,
á
ŋgə́
begin -into.PFV.D sing -INF.AM FOC
3s
tíí.
fly -onward.PFV forward
As Magpie saw that he began to sing, he flew on ahead.
(b)
Óo mbére wóò duú
if
jínɨ ̀m, wu tɨ ̀ wu gɨ ̀ -wá
nə́m-ndóŋ
-nɨ kɨ ́ kù-b-è.
thumb your IPFV.COND dirty, 2s IRR 2s go -PFV.NEG suck -onward-INF AN one-PL-AM
If your thumb is dirty, don’t go suck that (the thumb)of someone else. (a Vute proverb)15
(53) temporal ‘continue’ (t11.8)
(a)
U̧
kɨ ́ kuku̧ á
ju
noò
du -ndóŋ
-nɨ, ŋgə́ nɨ ́m kù
thus AN quail IPFV life TOP.AM sit -continue -INF, 3s
lə́əm
̀ -nɨ ɗàà.
thing INDF think -INF IPFV. NEG
Like this, quail continued to live her life without thinking about anything else.
(b)
Nɨ ́m kɨ ́kù mɨ ta
thing INDF 1s
-ndóŋ
-gwa -cɨ
-ré
ɗàwá . (t2.26)
say -continue -more -not:yet -PFV.AM EX.NEG
There’s nothing more to tell.
15
from: Dehir Maurice, Doussam Jean, James Maxey, Oumarou Alfred, Tchouelour Victor, Toueh Roger
and Yakoura Valentin (compilers).1998. Gèìn Vɨ ́tè (Vute folkstories). Yaounde: SIL.
16
-nyààŋ: ‘well’
(54) Ŋgə́ ta -na -nyaaŋ -ɓa
3s
say -IO -well
-tɨ ́
nùgub lâs nɨ ́m ndè. (data note book)
-really -PFV women all thing DIST
She explained the thing to all the women.
(55) Wu a
2s
nà
ŋgə́ sóoŋ
́ , wu a
SEQ give.SBJ 3s
ɓwâ kɨ ́ á
fɔ́
F1 2s ask -INF question different
-INF thing 3s
ɓe
kɨ ́
gbàŋné,
ɓetí
custom family.AM because
kwin-kwin, àm
ɗə̀əŋ
̀ -nyààŋ -nɨ nɨ ́m ŋgə́ pé -ré
know -well
ŋgə́ ɗɨ ́m
advice 2s SEQ show -IO.SBJ 3s
ŋgə́ ɓa wu fɔ́ -nɨ
time AN FOC 3s
tûm -nà
ŋgə́ ɗú -ú
word 3s
want -PFV
ŋgə́ ók -lé. (t20.25)
see -PFV.AM with AN 3s
hear -PFV.AM
You should give him advice, you should show him the customs of the family because
then he will ask you many different questions because he wants to understand well
what he sees and what he hears.
-bɨ ̂ŋ ‘totally, wholly’ (t5.30)
(56) Cùr kɨ ́ no á
tɨ ́gwi ̀n
yi ta,
á
ɗú
-nɨ lì,
nò
du
mvecɔɔ̀ŋ,
next AN in FOC father.in.law P2 say.PFV IPFV need -INF dog, person EQ.D glutton
ɓú
-bɨ ̂ŋ
nɨ ̀gwi
ɨ́
ndôŋ
dùrù,
nò
du
ɓe
wa
lur
-í
-ì,
marry -whole.SBJ woman NAR pass.CNS baboon person EX.D with fire buttocks -LOC -AM
ŋgə́ tɨ ̀
3s
toŋ -kɨ ́
nɨ ́
kúr
yáá.
IRR burn-comp.PFV NEG village QT
After that the father-in-law said that it was better that Dog, the one who was a glutton,
marry the woman rather than Baboon, the one who has fire on his buttocks, lest he burn down
the village.
-ɗóò ‘enough’ from ɗóò-nɨ ‘to measure’ (data notebook)
(57) Mɨ taŋ -ɗóo
-tɨ ́.
1s eat -enough -PFV
I ate enough. I had enough to eat.
17
-kɔ́ɔ ̀ ‘quickly’ from kɔ́ɔ-̀ nɨ ‘to do quickly, to be rapid’ (t22.30)
(58) U̧
á
wu fɨ ́tɨ
ɗə̀əŋ
̀ -kɔ́ɔ ̀
-nɨ
ɓè
ŋgə́ du
thus FOC 2s be.able.PFV know -quickly -INF place 3s
ɓwâ ŋgə́ ɓa dù
time
-nɨ
jɔ̀ -cɨ ̀
-nɨ
yáb
-niì
kə́sə́k,
IPFV.D be.sick -INF.AM easy
ɗàwá rɨ ́.
3s F1 IPFV.D -CF play -no.longer -INF NEG
PROX
Thus you can know quickly whether he is sick when he won’t play anymore.
-tò ‘by chance’
(59) Ye kù,
ŋgə́ yaá
day INDF 3s
ndóŋ -tò
-kwà -nɨ
mɨ ̀yɨ ́ kɨ ́.
P2.IPFV pass -by:chance -more -INF place AN
One day, she happened to pass that place again.
5.0 Extensions governed at higher levels than the Sentence
There are two groups of extensions whose function may be governed by paragraph and even
discourse level considerations in some cases. In other cases they function at sentence level.
These are the additive or conjoining extensions and the directional extensions.
5.1 Additive/Conjoining Extensions
In Vute there are three extensions that function much like a conjoining conjunction such as
‘and’ in English. Two of them -cé and-cè mark the addition of another event or predication.
The third one -ɓwê marks the addition of another participant, which may function as subject,
object or indirect object in the clause.
5.1.1 Event additives -cé and -cè
The event additive extensions are used to join two events or sentences. Investigation is still
needed to determine the exact difference between them. At this time, it appears that the
distinction is that -cè indicates the addition of a simulaneous event (ADDSM), while -cé
indicates the addition of a sequential event (ADDSQ).
18
(60) -cé sequential events
(a)
Mvèìn ya -ré -é
chief
cɔŋ mɨ ́ŋgòŋ -nɨ ̀, ŋgə́ ɨ ́
begin -in -PFV food corn
njènnèé
-AM 3s
yà
-ré -cê
NAR begin -into -ADDSQ.CNS
ŋgwé -é. (t6.33)
shave.NOM head -AM
(When) The chief began eating the corn, then he began shaving (the chief’s) head.
(b)
Cùr
kɨ ́ ya, kùb
yá
ŋgwé kɨ ́k -lé
behind AN on people place head
gùúm
ɗùgɨ ̀ -cé
àmɨrì
pé -cêe,
put -PFV.AM see -ADDSQ.FNEG
ɗàà. (t22.59)
CONC -ADDSQ marriage truth.AM EX.NEG
‘After that, the people of her family / her home (lit: place put head) will not see her, there
won't even be a true marriage.’
See also (65) below.
(61) -cè simultaneous events: different subjects, contrasting events
Lì
ɨ́
jə̂b
ŋgə́ mwi ̧. Dùrù
dog NAR sleep.CNS 3s
one
a
jə́b -ce
-é
ɓe
nɨ ̀gwi. (t5. 18-9)
baboon SIM sleep -ADDSM -PFV with woman
Dog slept alone. (But/At the same time) Baboon slept with the woman.
(62) -cè simultaneous events: same subject, second predication adds details about the first
predication.
Ŋgáb yi ya
3p
-ré -é
kɨ ́ŋ -nɨ, ŋgáb a
P2 begin -into -PFV yell -INF 3p
ta -ce
-é …
(t5.27)
SIM say -ADDSM -PFV ...
They began to yell, they also said “…”.
In (63), a narrator interruption is encoded as simultaneous with the event in the preceding
sentence.
The event in the relative clause is then encoded as simultaneous with the event in the story
that is immediately previous to the interruption).
19
(63) Cɨ ̀cɔɔ̧̧̀
ɨ́
ɗə̂ŋ
ɓe
ɨ ́sɨ ̀m. Ɨna,
nyí fɔ -ce
-é
mɨ nɨ ́m
guinea.hen NAR straighten.CNS with tears how?, 2p ask -ADDSM -PFV 1s thing
kuku̧ yi ndɨŋ -kom -ce
quail
P2 do
ɓwâ kíì
-often -ADDSM.PFV.D time
àà? (t11.12-13)
AN.AM Q?
Guinea Hen was overcome with tears. What? Are you asking me what Quail was doing
(lit: the thing that quail was doing) at that time?
5.1.2 Participant additive -ɓwê
-ɓwê (ADDP) may occur by itself, but frequently occurs with –cé/-cè in a narrative text, since
adding a participant often entails adding another event. The added participant may function
as subject, direct object or indirect object in text material. (64) is a conversation between a
young boy, More-Clever-than-Chief, and the village chief.
(64) Chief, in front of his household, to boy (indirect quote): (t6.50, 52)
Ye ŋgé
á
ŋgə́ ók
day which FOC 3s
-cé
-ye
nɨ ̀ŋgwá fein
hear -ADDSQ -before.PFV man
-tɨ ́
mwin yàà?
give:birth -PFV child
Q
When did he hear before that a man gave birth to a child?
Boy to chief (direct quote):
Ye ŋgé
á
wu ók -ɓwée -cé
i ̧na-yáànaá mberè
-ye
day which FOC 2s hear -ADDP -ADDSQ -before.PFV how-DM
fein
-tɨ ́
ram
mwin?
give:birth -PFV child
When did also you also hear that a ram gave birth to a kid?
(65) Hȩ
nyó̧ó̧ lé
nɨ ́
yó
ku
rè
-é, ŋgə́ ɨ ́
manner snake enter.PFV.D ANT house.LOC there DIST -AM 3s
lé
-ɓwê -cê
yó
NAR
ku ... (t3.3a,b)
enter -ADDP -ADDSQ.CNS house.LOC there
As the snake had entered the house there, then she also entered the house ...
(See also (27) the last clause, where -ɓwê indicates the calling of an additional participant to
eat.)
20
5.2 Directional Verb Extensions
As stated above directional extensions, like additive extensions, tend to be governed at a
higher level than the sentence. The directions indicated by the extensions usually point to the
current centre of reference in a text. Their basic meaning is spatial direction, but the function
of some of this type of extensions has been metaphorically extended to include direction in
time (temporal centre) and one can be used to encode a purpose relationship, cf. -wò ‘toward
centre of reference (CPTL)’ is used spatially in (66-67); it is used as ‘toward the temporal
centre’ (68); in (69) it indicates ‘action toward a purpose’.16
Some of these extensions could also be considered valency raisers in a wider sense because
they require the presence of a locative NP. However because the locative NP follows the
direct object17 and is marked with the locative case18 (73, 76 etc.) or occurs in a
postpositional phrase (77, 81 etc.), I have not considered them to be part of the nucleus of the
clause, and therefore a peripheral element. Thus these extensions are not valency raisers in
Vute in the truest sense of the term, though they have been analysed as such in some
Cameroonian languages (Wiesemann, Nseme and Vallette, 94).
The centre of reference can usually be determined by checking which participant is referred
to by a pronoun, or even by Ø, which indicates that that participant is thematic at that point.
In cases where there is only one participant in a clause, that participant may be referred to by
a full NP, e.g., when there has been a referential discontinuity and a new thematic participant
is being staged/restaged.
Directional extensions may occur with verbs that are not motion verbs as well as with motion
verbs.
16
Some of the examples in this section are longer because the discourse context is necessary to show how the
extensions function.
17
The direct object is the usual boundary of the clause core.
18
usually nasalisation of a final vowel or the addition of a nasal consonant
21
5.2.1 -wò ‘toward centre of reference (CPTL)’19
This extension refers to an event that is conceived as moving toward the centre of reference;
in (66) the young man is following the topical participant who is referred to by means of a
pronoun.
(66) Mutí wàánjí
rè
a
tu
-wo
-ce
-é
ŋgə́ ɓe
child young.man DIST SIM follow -CPTL -ADDSM -PFV 3s
fɔ́
cúk. (t9.16)
with question together.
That young man followed him, asking questions.
(67) Kí á
màŋgù ta
ní
ɗú -ú
ŋgə́ mi ̀ -só
AN FOC hyena say.PFV LOG want-PFV 3s
-wò
nàá … (t7.11a)
mist -down -CPTL.SBJ rain
So Hyena said that he (hyena) wanted him to make rain mist down …
(Both participants are part of the referential centre here, although the hyena may have more
status since he is telling the sheep to do something; both are referred to with pronouns in the
indirect citation: Hyena by a logophoric pronoun and Sheep by the regular 3s pronoun.)
In (68 we see the –wò extension used temporally. Note the focus markers (FOC argument
focus, CF contrastive focus) that accompany the temporal expressions in the three sentences.
The centre of reference here is temporal, the time when the main participant in the story was
born.
(68) Nɨ ́m á
1p
lə́əm
̀ -nɨ ɗɨ ́m kɨ ́ yi ya
fein
ɓwâ Mèín yi nyaŋhȩ
IPFV think -INF habit AN P2 begin -CPTL.PFV time God
Éìyè, ɗɨ ́m kɨ ́ yi -nɨ ́
no
-wo
yà
-wò -wá
ɓwâ kɨ ́. Yi ya
ɗɔ̀ɔb
́ -í
á.
P2 create.PFV world -AM FOC.
-wo -nɨ ɓwâ kù yi
habit AN P2 -NEG begin -CPTL -PFV.NEG time AN. P2 begin -CPTL -CF time one P2
Kɨ ̀cáab
̀ Ndóŋ Mvèìn á. (t6.2-4)
give:birth.PFV.D Clever
Pass
Chief
FOC
We think that the custom (of parents naming their own child) began when God created the
earth. No, the custom did not begin at that time. It began when More-Clever-Than-Chief
[lit: Clever-Pass-Chief] was born.
19
I have followed Wiesemann, Nseme and Vallette. 1993. in using the abbreviation CPTL (centripetal) to gloss
this extension rather than the long gloss “toward deictic centre”. In the same way CFGL (centrifugal) is used rather
than “away from deictic centre”. See §6.2.2.
22
In (69) the –wò extension refers to the central purpose of the action. (see also (81) below)
(69) Á
ŋgə́ ta -na
FOC20 3s
Á
Máálàm naá, yà
say -IO.PFV (name)
ŋgə́ téi ́n -wo -tɨ ́
FOC 3s
DM
-ì
gi -í
ɗȩ̀ȩ ̀
-nɨ mwar heé.
mother LOG -AM go -PFV cultivate -INF field
kpárè kúkú
cut -CPTL -PFV stalk
ní
-mé, ŋgə́ a
cassava -AM 3s
gì
new.
dòŋ -nɨ
SEQ go.CNS plant -INF
mwar hehí. (t12.25-6)
field
new.AM
So he told Malam that his mother went to cultivate a new field. She cut pieces of cassava
stalk, then she then went to plant (them) in the new field.
5.2.2 -sò ‘away from centre of reference (CFGL)’
-sò refers to an event that is conceived as moving away from the centre of reference. The
lexical verb may or may not be a motion verb, cf. (71) below.
(70) Ɓwâ kùb
na
nɨ ́m cɔɔ̀ŋ,
time people give.PFV.D 1s
lee
-hó̧ -sòo
wu nɨ
food.AM 2s
kúkwí kɨ ́ lúu
NEG bone
AN outside
yáà. (t5.8)
throw -out -CFGL.FNEG PC
When people give us food, you shouldn’t /please don’t throw out the bones.
(71) Àm
ní
-ì
á
wu me -kɨ ́
-so
yó? (data notebook)
word what -AM FOC 2s stay -comp. -CFGL.PFV house.LOC
Why did you stay home [not coming along with the others])?
In (72) we see –sò and -wò contrasted within the same sentence. The participant referred to
by the 3s pronoun is the young man who is the central participant in the story.
(72) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́
3s
ók -cù
-sò
cùrì
na, kúu
nò
kwè -è
á
tà -wò -nɨ …
NAR hear -again -CFGL.CNS behind DM voice person INDF -AM IPFV say -CPTL -INF
20
The FOC is used at the beginning of both sentences indicating that this information is the answer to a question
and/or information that needs to be established. It begins with the FOC because the premise (in the question) isn’t
stated in the answer.
23
(72) cont.
“Gùr
móŋ kùŋ
yoo, gùr
móŋ kùŋ
yoo.” (t8.13)
journey wait neighbour TAG, journey wait neighbour TAG
He heard again from behind, the voice of someone saying (towards him), “Journey wait for
(your) neighbour, won’t you?”
5.2.3 -tè / -tèè ‘around’ .
This extension is the distributive marker and refers to an action done all around the centre of
reference or the referent of the locative phrase. In some ways, this extension could also be
interpreted as iterative. However, the most common process used to indicate the iterative
form of the verb in Vute is that discussed in §2.3.1 above. Also, the lengthened vowel of the
verb root, does not indicate action all around the center of reference as -tè does. In (73) we
see –tè used with a locative NP in the main clause. However, the postposed clause contains no
locative phrase, and –tèè seems to refer only to the sick child, who is the centre of reference
in the sentence21.
(73) Hȩ
ŋgə́ go
manner 3s
gù -nɨ yébì,
tá
nóò
ɓe
yà
nóò
ɨ́
come.PFV fall -INF sick.AM father TOP.AM with mother TOP.AM NAR
lù -tè
kwébìn,
má -tèè
-nà -ɓà
-nɨ ŋgə́ ŋgár
run -around.CNS village.PL.LOC seek -around -IO -really -INF 3s
̧ ̧
uu
háa̧ ́ ̧.
(t19.6)
medicine thus long:time
As he fell sick, his father and his mother ran around the villages searching all over for
medicine for him for a long time.
(74) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́
3s
jù
-tèè
-hô̧
kúkwí dùrù
NAR hunt -around -out.CNS bone
tɨ lee
-hó̧
lúu
kɨ ́. (t5.18)
baboon P1 throw -out.PFV.D outside AN.
He hunted all over for the bone that Baboon had thrown outside.
(75) Ŋgáb ɨ ́
3p
yà
ɗóò
-tè
-nà -nɨ
mɨ ̀kóom
́ ɨ ́b lâs, má -nɨ
nò
NAR begin.CNS measure -around -IO -INF young.girls all, seek -INF person
gùr noò
ɓa
èrɨ ̀ -nɨ
ɓe
táb
kíì.
(t13.24)
foot TOP.AM really fit -INF with shoe.N1 AN.AM
They began to measure all the young girls, seeking for the one whose foot really fit that shoe.
21
Note the use of the topical participant possessive form, nóò in the main clause.
24
5.2.4 -wú ‘up, upwards’ (from wú-nɨ ‘to climb toward the center of reference’). It refers to an
action that includes upward motion, often upward towards the centre of reference. It requires
the addition of a locative phrase
(76) Nɨ ̀mɨr ti
-i
ɨ́
sàrɨ ̀ -wû
ŋgáár ŋgwȩ́ȩ.́ (t6.36)
owner country -AM NAR rub -up.CNS hand head.LOC
The chief rubbed his hand on his head.
(77) Yáya
péín
mvii taarɨ ́b -í, mɨ ya
yesterday side.N1 sun
mo22
three-AM 1s
kɨ ́ -wú -nɨ píím
-ré
begin -into.PFV put -up -INF lime
dúhé ya naá … (t2.5)
1s.AM house on DM
Yesterday about 3pm, I started to whitewash my house and then ...
(78) Kí á
mɨ ya
ŋgə́ ya ku
AN FOC 1s begin 3s
ɗèì -wú -nɨ
u̧. (t2.12)
on there step -up -INF thus
So I started to step on him like this.
5.2.5 -sé/ -só ‘down, downwards’ (from sé-nɨ ‘to descend’) encodes movement downward
from a source above. This extension requires the addition of a locative phrase if it does not
clearly refer to the centre of reference. (See also (67) above.)
(79) Mɨ yóŋ -tɨ ́
wu, hain
1s pray -PFV 2s
wu a
2s
kɨ ́k -sê
mɨ wo
njumí,
óo wu pe
carry.IMP 1s 2s.AM back.LOC if
2s
-hó̧ -tɨ ́
cəə́r,
cross -out -PFV other.side.LOC
mɨ ɗàá. (t14.8)
SEQ put -down.CNS 1s
ground.LOC
I pray you, carry me on your back, if/when you cross to the other side, then you put
me down.
(–sé here indicates that the direction is down away from the centre of reference.)
Compare the following example (80) with (78) above, both from the same text. In Vute, you
step up on, but hit down on a mouse on the floor—starting position of the instrument in
22
note also the reversed possessive adjective - head noun order, which is common to all locative phrases.
25
relation to the surface of the object/centre of reference seems to determine which extension is
used.
(80) Mɨ ɨ ́
1s
á
-wò -ɓà
ŋgɨ ́ŋ kàm kɨ ́kù, mɨ ɨ ́
NAR take -CPTL -really.CNS stick big
láà -sé
INDF 1s
yà
ŋgə́
NAR begin.CNS 3s
-nɨ ŋgwȩ́ȩ.́ (t2.19)
hit -down -INF head.LOC
I brought a big stick and I began to hit him on the head.
When the –sé extension combines with –wò ‘toward centre of reference’, the result is
–só(w)ò, as in (81, 82) below.
(81) ɗà
mutí á
-nɨ ŋgə́ pé -só
then child IPFV -CF23 3s
-wò -nɨ
yɔ̀ rè
ya (t9.14b)
see -down -CPTL -INF tree DIST on.
Then the youth saw him from the tree (the youth had climbed a tree).
(82) Mèín yi tóm -só
God
-wo -na -á
nɨ ́m mwin noò. (data notebook)
P2 send -down -CPTL -IO -PFV 1p
child TOP.AM
God sent us his son.
5.2.6 -hó̧ ‘out’ from fó-̧ nɨ / hó-̧ nɨ ‘to leave, go out’. This extension is often combined with
–sò ‘CFGL’ as in (83). In both these examples there is a locative NP, which I think results from
a combination of the main verb and the extension hó.̧
(83) Ŋgáb ɨ ́
3p
tóm -hó̧ -sò
ndèìn ŋgwàrí. (t12.39)
NAR send -out -CFGL.CNS cow
savannah.LOC
They sent the cows out to the bush.
(84) Á
-hô̧o,̧́
mɨ á
take -out.NOM 1s
yú
cùr
-hó̧ -ce
ndú̧ u̧ kɨ ́, mɨ ɨ ́
take -out -ADDSM.PFV sack
-ì
lèè
-sò
ŋgə́
AN 1s NAR throw -CFGL.CNS 3s
rè. (t2.7)
house.LOC.N1 behind -AM DIST
Taking out, I took out the sack, I threw him (shrew in sack) out behind the house.
23
CF contrastive/ counterexpectation focus because it is unlikely that a young person could see through the form
changer’s sorcery.
26
5.2.7 -lé ‘in, into’, from lé-nɨ ‘to enter’, requires the addition of a locative phrase, even when
it refers to direction with respect to the centre of reference. It can be used both spatially and
temporally. In (85-87) the extension is used spatially. In (85), ‘into’ is directed toward the
centre of reference, which is Baboon at this point in the story; both the verb ‘enter’ and the
extension ‘into’ are used in this one sentence. (86) is a proverb, a statement of general truth.
In (87) -ndé refers to the locative NP, ‘in/on each neck’. This extension obeys the
morphophonemic l/r/nd rule, like all other l-initial clitics and suffixes.
(85) Li ̀
ɨ́
ŋgèè -rê
ŋgə́ i ́i ́
dog NAR look -into.CNS 3s
tɨ
lé
-wo
no vùŋ
-cù
-nɨ kúúr ɓe
kùŋ
eye in remember -again -INF secret with neighbour
jȩ̀ȩn
̀ è. (t5.15)
P1 enter -CPTL.PFV.D path.LOC.AM
‘Dog looked him (Baboon) in the eye remembering the secret with neighbor that they
entered on the way there. (Note also the –wò extension in the relative clause.)
(86) Ŋgɨ ́ki ̀n ti
ŋgób ɨ ́ du
pɨ ̀i ̀ -lé -kɨ ́
-nɨ nɔk
waá̧ ̧
sìrì
ndu. (9.25)24
splinter DIM little SF COP.D spill -in -comp -INF pot.N1 cook.GER.AM fire.LOC CLFT
It is a little piece of wood that spills the cooking pot into the fire. (a Vute proverb)
(87) Ŋgáb ɨ ́
3p
sûŋ -ndé -kɨ ́
-sò
ndèìn bɨ lâs ke
NAR tie -into -comp.-CPTL.CNS cow
mȩ̀ȩ ́
mȩ̀ȩ.́ (t12.44)
PL all leaf neck.LOC neck.LOC
They tied up all the cows with leaves around each neck.
This extension can also be used for non-spatial relationships. For instance, it combines with
the verbs yà-nɨ to begin’ (88) and éí-nɨ ‘to leave’ (89) with an incipient sense, adding the
meaning of an action that has just gotten underway, an entrance from the previous event or
state into the current one.
(88) Hȩ
cɨcɔɔ̧̧̀
pé
ŋgwáá
kú -nɨ
rè -é,
á
ŋgə́ ya
manner guinea.hen see.PFV.D husband die -INF DIST-AM FOC 3s
24
-ré
begin -into.PFV
The verb rootpɨ ̀i ̀ ‘spill’ historically ended with an alveolar stop, i.e.,pìt.
27
kɨ ́i ́ -nɨ
ŋgwáá, ŋgə́ a
cry -INF husband 3s
soŋ -ce
-é
wàì
lè. (t11.9)
SIM sing -ADDSM -PFV song.N1 DIST
As Guinea Hen saw her husband die, she began to mourn her husband, and she sang
this25 song:
See (59, 76) above for other examples of yàrénɨ.
́
(89) Ɨdù
dugii ́ u̧,
mbɨ ́b yi móóŋ
ɓwâ ŋgə́ éí
but even thus feces P2 wait.PFV time 3s
-cu
-ré
gùr
-í
-ì. (t8.20)
leave -again -into.PFV.D journey -LOC -AM
But even so, Feces waited until he (the young man) started his journey again.
(90) Á
màŋgù él
FOC hyena
-lé
lùú.
Ndèɗú él
leave -into.PFV run.NOM sheep
-lê
gùr. (t7.33-4)
leave -into.CNS walk.NOM
Hyena took off running, then Sheep left walking.
6.0 Number and Order of Extensions in Natural Text
In natural text one frequently finds examples of up to three extensions following a verb root,
e.g., examples (52) and (86) above. Some examples of four extensions following a verb root
also occur in one folkstory “The Children who Waited for Termites”.
(91) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́
3s
ɓóŋ -ndé -kɨ ́
-sò
-nà
Mèékɨ ̀r waá
NAR steam -into -comp. -CFGL -IO.CNS ogre26
siín. (t16.49)
fire.AM under.LOC
She steamed (it) for Ogre at the fire (and left it for him).
(92) Ŋgə́ ɨ ́
3s
sàìn -kɨ ́
-sò
-nà -ɓwê
ŋgə́ gɔɔ. (t16.55)
NAR roast -comp. -CFGL -IO -ADDP.CNS 3s
termites
She also roasted termites for him (and left them for him).
25
The use of the DIST here 1) identifies the song as thematic in the story and 2) indicates that the song will
follow. In English we use the near demonstrative this to indicate both of these things, so I have translated the DIST
as this in the free translation.
26
In Vute culture, a mythical being with horns, a long beard and huge testicles.
28
See also (95) below for another example of four extensions following a compound verb.
The Vute verb extensions seem to occur in a fixed order The following chart gives our best
guess at the order in which the extensions occur. Extensions that are in the same column do
not co-occur in our data. Since only three or four extensions at most ever co-occur following
the verb root, it is difficult to say with certainty in which order they occur and which
extensions can not co-occur.
Three extensions, -ɓà, -ndóŋ and -kɨ ́, occur in two different positions in the verb word in our
data. The position of -ɓà seems to be determined by whether the verb root itself or one of the
extensions are being marked as intensified. The semantic or synactic rules that govern the
choice in ordering for the other two have not yet been discovered.
1
2
3
4
tɨ ̀
cù
tèè
sé
lɨ ̀
ɓà
ndóŋ
lé
cáàŋ
wú
5
kɨ ́
6
7
sò
nà
8
kɨ ́*
wò
9
10
11
12
ná
mè
há
ɓwê
nyààŋ
tò
hó̧
13
14
cé
yè
kwà
cè
cɨ ̀
kòm
yà
gɨ ̀
lɨ ́ŋ
bɨ ̂ŋ
ndóŋ *
ɗóò
ɓà *
kɔ́ɔ ̀
Table 1: Order of Vute verb extensions included in this paper
*extensions occurring in two different positions
7.0 Post-script: the origin of Vute verb extensions
Throughout this study, we have examined Vute verb extensions that are transparently derived
from verb roots that are still in use in the language today. In the process of
grammaticalisation some have lost the phonological characteristics of independent verbs (-lé
in 5.2.7 above), and the directional extensions that are derived from verbs have acquired
syntactic/pragmatic functions that the verbs themselves do not have (5.2 above).
In Vute narrative and hortative texts one sees some examples of two verb roots juxtaposed,
seemingly within one word, i.e., there is no pause between them nor can a NP occur between
29
them; also, the second verb root is often followed by verb extensions. The combinations of
verbs in these juxtaposed verb roots resemble verb serialisation in other African languages.
However, in Vute there do not seem to be the regularised patterns that are usually found with
serial verbs; rather, each combination idiosyncratically “fits” its context with the second verb
serving to modify the first verb, i.e.,
(93) gù -cáàm -sé
-nɨ
(94) tàŋ -ɓáà -nɨ
fall -kneel -down -INF
eat -meet -INF
to fall down in abject supplication
to eat together
A poignant example was found recently of a father who had died and left his wife and
children. Then the mother also died, leaving the children orphans.
(95) Ŋgə́ yi kú -mbɨ ́k -kɨ ́
3s
-so
-ɓwê -cé
-é
mwin nààsɨ ̀b kɨ ́. (data notebook)
P2 die -leave -comp. -CFGL -ADDP -ADDSQ -PFV child four
AN
(Then) she also died and left the four children.
Example (95) illustrates the idiosyncratic nature of these verb root combinations. (95) also
shows how the extensions that follow the second verb root may also modify the first verb
root: the entensions (-ɓwê ADDP), -cé (ADDSQ) and possibly -kɨ ́ (‘completely’) modify both kúnɨ ‘to die’ and mbɨ ́k-nɨ ‘to leave, allow’. Only -sò (CFGL) might be considered solely to modify
mbɨ ́k-nɨ.
These two-verb root forms raise some questions about their classification. Is the second verb a
verb extension like those in previous sections of this study, are they compound verbs, or is
this a serial verb construction?
7.1 Serial Verbs
One possibility for the origin of the Vute verb extension system is a further
grammaticalisation of a serial verb pattern. Some languages that are closely related to Vute,
e.g., Kwanja (Weber, 1), use serial verb constructions to handle some of the functions which
verb extensions handle in Vute (96-97)27.
27
Kwanja has the following verb extensions: the directional–bá (toward centre of reference) -kɨ́ ‘iterative’, -ná
distributive, ‘all around’ and the perfect aspect marker–kɨ.Used together,-kɨ ́-náoften adds the idea of
reciprocity.
30
(96) Nyaa wu béémɨ ́ ywá -kɨ ́
P3
3s
lay
monɨ ̀ tɔ̀ɔ ́ sáŋdɨ.
put -ANT child into basket.
She had laid the child into (her) basket.
(97) A tɨ ̀ wɨ ̀rà
má ku,
bààkɨ ́nɨ ́
mɨ ̀
if P1 someone COP there sufficient RES
təə swar ywá mɨ ́ yá yəə̀, …
28
take hold put
me outside
If there were someone who could take me outside, …
Vute does not employ a serial verb strategy, but uses verb extensions (as in §2-5 above) or a
second nominalized clause verb (infinitive or gerund), as in (98) below.
(98) Kúr
kwè no, ŋgàɗə́r
village INDF in
kwè yi ndóoŋ -tɨ ́
ɓe
kwíhèé nɨ ̀vɨ ́tɨ ̀b -ì. (t8.1)
form.changer INDF P2 pass.TR -PFV with kill.NOM people -AM
In a certain village, a form changer overdid the killing of people.
See (60) above for another example of a nominalized clause with gerund plus associated
noun. See (85, etc.) above for examples of a lexical verb +infinitive.
In Vute, these two types of two-verb constructions (verb + infinitive and verb + gerund)
share the same subject and T/A/M interpretation but, if both verbs are transitive, they can
not have different syntactic objects, as in classic serial verb constructions such as, a) take
knife cut meat: ‘cut the meat with a knife’ or b) take book give John: ‘bring John a book’.
In SVO languages, in a serial verb construction, the non-final verb(s) may serve
1) to indicate the T/A/M of the verb,
2) to modify the verb as adverbs, or
3) to add a participant or prop.
In Vute only true T/A/M markers precede the semantically main verb while all the valency
changers and modifiers follow it as extensions, (see Sec. 1.1 for ). So it does not seem likely
that the double root verb forms in Vute are serial verb constructions in their present form.
28
RES is Weber’s abbreviation for ‘resumptive pronoun’.
31
7.2 Verb plus Extensions or Compound Verbs?
Dimmendaal (185) states: “Verb compounding appears to be a natural outcome in languages
employing verb serialization.” In light of this statement, I began looking for criteria that
might reveal whether these two-verb forms are lexical verb plus verb extension or a
compound verb. The characteristics that verb extensions and these double-root verb forms
share are
1) the two verb roots share the same subject just as extensions share the same subject
with the lexical verb
2) they have the same aspectual/modal tone pattern overlying both of them just as
for a verb and its extensions.
3) Verb extensions follow the second verb just as they would any other verb
4) The post-verb aspect/mood markers occur only once—at the end of the
verb word
However, there is one major difference between these two types of constructions, the second
verb in a compound verb does not show the root-initial morphophonemic alternations that
occur at the boundary between a verb and its extensions. In the following example (97), the
verbs are juxtaposed with the subjunctive tone pattern over both of them. But àŋ-nɨ ‘to cross’
begins with a phonetic glottal stop in sɨ ́m-àŋ-nɨ ‘jump across’ just as it or any other vowel
initial noun or verb root would in word initial position29.
(99) Nɨ ́m kɨ ́ á
tɨ ́ŋgar
kɨ ́kù ta -na
ŋgáb yòó, ŋgáb ɗú
thing AN FOC medicine:man INDF say -IO.PFV 3p
ŋgábè ɓát -tɨ ̀
kàà,
sé
ŋgáb sɨ ́m -àŋ
3p.AM live -VR.SBJ therefore only 3p
kù lat -tɨ
VOC 3p
wa àm
mwin
want.PFV.D child
kɨ ́kù
jump -across.SBJ fire huge INDF
ɗàâ. (t19.8)
one burn -VR.PFV.D ground.LOC.AM
So a medicine man said to them, if they wanted to save their child, then the only way was to
jump across a huge fire that was lit on the ground.
29
Unfortunately, none of the verb extensions begin with a vowel so comparison is difficult. However, compare
the behavior of the IPFV á or the SF ɨ ́ when following the immediately preceding subject or noun or pronoun in
one phonological word: mɨ + á –> [maá] ‘1s.+ IPFV’ , wu + ɨ ́ –> [wií] ‘2s + SF’ (It’s you who …)
32
The verb word in (100) consists quite obviously of two separate verb roots rather than a verb
root plus extension: it violates the morphophonemic word level rule involving l/r/nd at the
boundary between the two verb roots (See Sec. 1.1 above.).
(100)Yɔ̀
du
gum jáàb
-wá
-á,
kùb
ɨ́
téín -lèè
-ré -kî
tree COND fruit produce.fruit -PFV.NEG -AM people NEU cut -throw -into -comp.CNS
waá̧ ̧
á. (data notebook)
fire.LOC FOC
If a tree does not produce fruit, it is cut and burned
If lèè ‘throw’ was really functioning as an extension in (98) one would expect it to begin with
nd following the nasal consonant in final position in the first verb root, like the extension -lé
‘into’ or -lɨ ̀
‘VL/VR’ (§2.2): *téín -ndèè -ré -kɨ ́ -nɨ. Therefore I conclude that compound
verbs are a part of Vute grammar today. Perhaps the only difference between compound verbs
and verb root plus extension, other than clear cases of compounding where inadmissable
phonological sequences occur between roots, is the increased frequency with which verb
extensions occur in Vute, as attested by the examples in this paper.
8.0 Conclusion
Vute uses verb extensions to accomplish many purposes: as valency changers, as adverbial
modifiers, and as discourse/pragmatic category indicators, among others.
Synchronic evidence from related languages indicates Vute verb extensions might have
developed from earlier serial verb constructions which have gone through two stages of
grammaticalisation
1) serial verb constructions which were reconstrued as compound verbs
2) frequently occurring non-initial verbs in compound verbs were grammaticalized as verb
extensions on the analogy of certain already existing verb extensions, such as the CFGL, CPTL,
valency raising and valency lowering exensions (§7 above).
I would like to propose a continuum of grammaticalisation for the verb forms we have
examined with compound verbs on one end of the scale and inflectional suffixes on the other,
33
with the derivational verb extensions presented above in Secs. 2-6 falling somewhere between
them.
<------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------>
Compound Verbs
Derivational Extensions
Inflectional Suffixes
Figure 2. Continuum of Grammaticalisation: Vute Verbs
34
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Wiesemann, Ursula, Cledor Nseme and René Vallette. 1993. Manuel d’analyse du discours
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Yaounde: SIL
36
Abbreviations Used
1s
1st person singular
2s
2nd person singular
3s
3rd person singular
INF
infinitive
1p
1st person plural
intr
intransitive
2p
2nd person plural
IO
indirect object/ benefactive
3p
3rd person plural
ADDP
participant additive
IPFV
imperfective AUX
ADDSM
simultaneous event
IRR
irrealis
additive
LOC
locative
ADDSQ
sequential event additive
LOG
logophoric pronoun
AN
anaphoric pronoun or
N1
head noun in a NP
demonstrative
NAR
narrative conjunction
AM
associative marker
NEG
negative
ANT
perfect/ anterior
NEU
neutral conjunction
CF
contrastive focus
NOM
nominalising suffix
CFGL
centrifugal, motion away
P0, P1-3
present and past tenses
from centre of reference
PC
polite command
CLFT
cleft sentence
PFV
perfective marker
CNS
consecutive
PL
plural
COH
cohortative
POT
potential mood
comp.
completely
PROX
near demonstrative
COMP
complementiser
Q
question marker
COND
conditional
QT
quote particle
COP
copula
refl
reflexive
CPTL
centripetal, motion
SBJ
subjunctive
toward referential centre
SEQ
sequential
dependent form of aspect
SFs
ubject focus
marker
SIM
simultaneous
DIST
distal demonstrative
TOP.AM
possessive form referring to
DM
developmental marker
F1-2
Future tenses
tr
transitive
FOC
Focus marker
VL
valency lowerer
IMP
imperative
VOC
vocative particle
VR
valency raiser
D
INDF
indefinite pronoun or
determiner
marker
the topical participant
37
Appendix I: Texts used in this paper
True Stories (1st or 3rd person)
Vute Title
English Translation
1. Gùr Yáyàà
Yaya’s Journey
2. Mɨ ́njùmnjúm
The Shrew
3. Nyó̧ó̧ Yó ku
A Snake in the House
4. Fùgamè á Wu Bìnɨ
The Buffalo will Catch You
Folkstories
5. Dùrù ɓe Lì
Dog and Baboon
6. Kɨ ̀cáàb Ndóŋ Mvèìn
Clever Pass Chief
7. Ndèɗú ɓe Màŋgù
Sheep and Hyena
8. Mutí ya Ni Mbɨ ́b Ɓéhíì
The Boy who Defecated on the Rock
9. Mutí ɓe Ŋgàɗə́r
Boy and the Form Changer*
10. Lì ɓe Jìì
Dog and Goat
11. Cɨ ̀cɔɔ̧̧̀ ɓe Kuku̧
Guinea Hen and Quail
12. Máálàm
Malam
13. Àm Níì á du Ɗúwá Kùb Ɓáín Mwin Kwíhɨ ̀r
Why Orphans Shouldn’t be Mistreated
14. Tùkur ɓe Mɨ ̀nyà
Hare and Scorpion
15. Gɔ̀ Tùkur yi Gɔklé
Hare’s Way of Sharing
16. Mucutɨ ́b yi Gi Gɔɔ Móŋniì
The Children who Went to Wait for
Termites
17. Tùkur, Màŋgù ɓe Mɨ ̀cɨ ̀k
Hare, Hyena, and Civet Cat
18. Mvì ɓe Tùkur
Toad and Hare
19. Ɓwàjɨ ̀rí ɓe Kùŋ
Friend and Neighbor
20. Wàánjí ɓe Nɨ ̀wàtɨ ̀b
Young Man and Evil Spirit
21. Àm níì á Mèín ya Yokkɨ ́ Cwé
Why did God Hide Death?
Hortatory Text
22. Hààmɗə́ŋhȩ̀ȩ ́ Muti ́
The Raising and Disciplining of Children
*form changer: a person, belonging to a secret society, who turns himself into an animal to harm
others.
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Appendix II. Vute Text
Dùrù ɓe Lì
(Baboon and Dog)
P1. 01
Ók -ye
nɨ ́m yi ndɨŋ
dùrù
ɓe
v
n
n
prep n
-vex
t
v
lì
du -cɨ
bɨ ́
ɓwàjììb sé-é.
cop -vex
asp
n
prt
hear -first.IMP thing P2 do.PFV.D baboon with dog EQ.D -already 3p.ANT friend.PL
EQ. NEG-AM
Listen to the thing that made Baboon and Dog not be friends any more.
02
Sàa̧ ̀ ̧ mɨ du
wu átɨ ̀ -nà -nɨ rè
n
pro v
pro asp
story 1s IPFV.D 2s
yi ndóóŋ ɓwâ ya kɨ ̀ji ́i ́b -ɨ ́
-vex -vsfx dem t
v
n
t
n
á.
-nsfx prt
tell -IO -INF DIST P2 pass.PFV time P3 elders -AM
FOC
The story I am telling you today happened during the time of the ancestors.
03
Ɓáŋɓɨ ́
kùb
tɨ ̀ fein
mé
ɗàà,
ɨ ́dù ɓe
n
pro
m
pro
prt
cnj
v
ju gín
prep n
kɨ ̀ji ́i ́b -ì
n
n
á
-nsfx prt
past.events INDF.PL IRR give.birth 1s.O.AM IPFVNEG but with life side.N1 elders -AM FOC
mɨ dəŋhȩ
sàa̧ ̀ ̧ kɨ ́ ru.
pro v
n
1s
det prt
know.PFV.D story AN CLFT
There are no past events before I was born, but it is with life near the elders that I know this story.
04a
Yée, mɨ yoŋ-tɨ ́
ex!
pro v
Pity 1s
nyí kɨ ̀ji ́i ́b, nyí nɨ
-vsfx pro n
pray-PFV 2p
elders
pro prt
2p
lɨ ́tɔɔ̧̧́
cɨ ́ra
n
n
mâa
sumé,
v
n
NEG afternoon.LOC waste.time.NOM seek.FNEG wine.LOC
04b,c
ɨ ́dù du -ná
-am
cnj
v -vex
-vsfx
but
sit -IMP.PL -IMP
waá̧,̧
n
nyí a
átɨ ̀ -nà
mucutɨ ́b sàa̧ ̀ ̧ hȩ
kɨ ́
pro
v
n
pro dem
fire.LOC 2p
cc
-vex
SEQ tell -IO.CNS children
n
n
rè.
story manner AN DIST
Mercy, I pray you, elders, You should not seek to waste time with wine this afternoon, but sit by
the fire and you will tell children a story like this.
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39
P2, 05
Dùrù
ɓe
lì
n
prep n
yaám ɓwàjìrí ɓe
cop
n
kùŋ
á.
prep n
baboon with dog P3.EQ friend
prt
with neighbor FOC
Baboon and Dog were friend and neighbor.
06
Ye kwè, ŋgáb ɨ ́
tà
vúm
gɨ ̀
kóom
́
ɓé -nɨ
n
v
pro
v
n
det
pro
cc
day INDF 3p
v
á
-vsfx prt
yáá.
prt
NAR say.CNS LOG.PL go.SBJ fiancee call -INF FOC QT
One day, they said that they should go to call a fiancee.
07
Hȩ
ŋgáb yi du -ye
jȩ̀nè,
á
lì
ta -na
Dùrù, “Ɓwàjìrí moò,
n
pro
n
prt
n
v -vex
n
t
manner 3p
v -vex
P2 sit -before.PFV.D path.LOC.AM FOC dog say -IO.PFV baboon
wu á
mɨ ɗú -nɨ
ceí, mɨ ɗəŋ -tɨ ́
pro asp
pro v
adv
2s
IPFV 1s
-vsfx
pro v
love -INF much 1s
n
poss
friend
my
u̧.
-vsfx adv
know -PFV thus
As they were already on the way, Dog said to Baboon, "My friend, you love me a lot, I know this.
08
Ɓwâ kùb
na
n
v
pro
nɨ ́m cɔɔ̀ŋ, wu nɨ kúkwí kɨ ́ lúu
pro
time INDF.PL give.PFV.D 1p
n
pro prt n
food.AM 2s NEG bone
det n
lèè-hó̧-sòo
v -vex -vex.vsfx
yáà.
prt
AN outside throw-out-away.FUT.NEG POL
"When people give us food, please do not throw the bones outside.
09
Ɓetí
dù -nɨ
jɨ ̀r
tárì
moò á.”
cnj
cop-vsfx
n
n
poss
because EQ.D-INF
taboo father.AM my
prt
FOC
"Because it is my father's taboo."
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40
10
Dùrù ɨ ́
pi ̀i ̀ -nà
ŋgə́, ŋgə́ ɨ ́
n
v
pro
cc
-vex
-vsfx pro pro v
pass
-PFV AN 1s
wé,
pro
àm jɨ ̀r
tárì
pro m
n
n
2s
n
n
wu tɨ dù
cnj
pro t
n
rè
dem
mé
pro v
ɓetí
love.PFV.D 2s.O.AM because 2s
wu yè wú
pro
v
ɗûnɨ ́m wu ɗú
3s NAR say.NS father love
kɨ ́ mɨ ɗú
v
Tá,
pro cc
baboon NAR reply -IO.CNS 3s
ndóŋ -tɨ ́
tà,
2s
pro
like.PFV.D 1s.O.AM
mɨ ɗú -wá,
mood pro v
P1 COND 1s
-vsfx
love -PFV.NEG
yà -wò -wá.
v
-vex
-vsfx
POT 2s.NEG word taboo father.AM DIST begin -CPTL -PFV.NEG
Baboon answered him, he said, "Father, the love (with which) you love me surpasses that (with
which) I love you, because (if) you didn’t love me, you would not have first told(about) (your)
father’s taboo.”
11
Ɗàrò jɨ ̀r
moò á
n
n
poss
now
taboo my
kùb
á
-kɨ ́
ŋgéré
moò lur-í
rè.”
prt pro-nsfx v
-vex
n
pos
dem
FOC INDF.PL take -comp.PFV loin.cloth my
n-nsfx
buttocks-LOC DIST
“Now my taboo is that people take off my loin cloth."
P3, 12
Ɓwâ ŋgáb lé
-cáŋhȩ
kúúr kí -ì,
n
pro
v
-vex.PFV.D
n
time
3p
enter -finish.PFV.D secret AN-AM
kwí
kóómé
yá.
n
n
postp
á
ŋgáb gɨ
det-nsfx prt pro
v
FOC 3p
fén -nɨ
v
-vsfx
go.PFV arrive -INF
village.N1 fiancee.AM LOC
When they finished telling these secrets, they arrived at the village of the fiancee.
13
Ɓwâ mɨkóómɨ ́b yi pé
ŋgáb-è, cunɨ ́b
yi kú -ú
ye kí -ì
n
n
t
pro-nsfx n
t
n
time
young.girls
P2 see.PFV.D 3p-AM
v
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v
-vsfx
det -nsfx
chickens P2 die -PFV.D day AN -AM
41
nɨ
nɨ ́m fain -ndé
sé.
prt
n
prt
v
-vsfx
PRED thing count -PFV.AM
EQ.NEG
When the young girls saw them, the chickens that died that day were not a thing to count.
14a,b
Ŋgáb ya -ré -é
cɔŋ, dùrù
-vex-vsfx
n
n
nyə́mnè kúkwi ́ mwi,̧
pro
v
v
n
3p
begin -into -PFV food baboon suck.CNS
nu
bone
one
14c
ŋgə́ ɨ ́
pro cc
3s
lèe ̀ -hô̧
v
lúu.
-vex
n
NAR throw-out.CNS
outside
They started to eat, Baboon sucked one bone, he threw it outside.
15
Lì
ɨ́
ŋgèè -rê
ŋgə́ i ́i ́ noò30 vùŋ
n
cc
v
pro n
-vex
dog NAR look.at -into.CNS 3s
lé -wo
jȩ̀nè.
v
n
-vex
poss
eye his
-cù
v
-nɨ
-vex
kúúr ɓe
-vsfx n
kùŋ
prep n
tɨ
t
remember -again -INF secret with neighbor P1
enter -CPTL.PFV.D path.LOC.AM
Dog looked at him into the eye, remembering the secret with his neighbor entered into on the road.
16
́ , dùrù yi ɗú
Ɨdù
-ú
sə̀ə̀
-kɨ ́
cnj
n
-vsfx
v
-vex -vsfx
but
baboon P2 want -PFV
t
v
-nɨ
ɓwàjìrí noò* á.
n
shame -comp. -INF friend
poss
prt
his
FOC
But Baboon wanted to shame his friend completely.
30
*This possessive form may only refer to the third person topic of the sentence in which it
occurs.
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42
17a,b
Ŋgə́ ɨ ́
á
-kwà
kúkwi ́ mwi,̧ ŋgə́ ɨ ́
lèè -hó̧ -kwà lúu.
pro
cc
v
-vex
n
v
3s
NAR take -again.CNS bone
nu
pro
cc
-vex -vex
n
one
3s
NAR throw -out -more outside.
He took another bone, he again threw it outside.
18a,b
Lì nɨ
kɨ ́ ji ́i ̀
-cɨ ̀
-wá,
ŋgə́ ɨ ́
jù -tèè
n
pro v
-vex
-vsfx
pro
v
prt
cc
dog NEG AN endure -already -PFV.NEG 3s
tɨ lee -hó̧
lúu
kɨ ́.
t
n
det
v
-vex
-hô̧
-vex
kúkwi ́ dùrù
-vex
n
n
NAR hunt -around -out.CNS bone
baboon
P1 throw -out.PFV outside AN
Dog did not put up with it, he hunted all around for the bones that Baboon threw outside.
19
Ɓwâ ŋgə́ gì -nɨ júŋ -nɨ
n
pro
time 3s
v -vsfx v
kúkwí -í,
-vsfx n
ŋgə́ júŋ -cɨ
-nsfx pro v
go -INF seize -INF bone
-AM 3s
-vex
-nɨ
mɨgùne
ɓusiín á.
-vsfx n
n
prt
grab -already -CF mother-in-law groin FOC
When he went to seize the bone, he already grabbed his mother-in-law in the groin.
20
Dùrù ɓe
n
nùb
prep pro
lâs
ɨ́
quant cc
baboon with people all
yà
ŋgə́ sɔ̀k -nɨ.
v
pro
NAR begin 3s
v
-vsfx
mock -INF
Baboon and everybody began to mock him.
21
Ye kɨ ́, nɨ ̀gwi ɨ ́
mvû
ŋgə́; lì
ɨ́
jə̂b
ŋgə́ mwi.̧
n
v
pro
cc
v
pro
det n
cc
day AN woman NAR refuse.CNS 3s
n
dog NAR sleep.CNS 3s
nu
one
That day the woman refused him; Dog slept by himself.
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43
22
Dùrù
a
jə́b -ce -é
n
cc
v
ɓe
nɨ ̀gwi.
-vex -vsfx prep n
baboon SIM sleep -also -PFV with woman
Baboon also slept with a woman.
P4 23a
Cɨ ́ɨ ́m,
hȩ
dùrù yi du
wum -í
n
n
n
n
t
asp
rè-é,
li ̀
-nsfx dem-nsfx n
ɨ́
nè
-wû
cc
v
-vex
còóm,
n
night.LOC manner baboon P2 IPFV.D sleep -LOC DIST-AM dog NAR be.quiet -up.CNS high
23b,c
ŋgə́ ɨ ́
gì á
-nɨ ŋgéré
tɨ dùrù -ù
rè, ŋgə́ ɨ ́
tàŋ -kî
ŋgéré
kɨ ́,
pro cc
v
-vsfx n
t
dem pro cc
v
n
det
3s
v
n
-nsfx
NAR go take -INF loin.cloth P1 baboon -AM DIST 3s
-vex
NAR eat - comp.CNS loincloth AN
23d
ŋgə́ ɨ ́
jə́b -cù
-rê
nɨ ́m noò ɗàá
ɗóóŋ.
pro cc
v
-vex
n
ideo
3s
-vex
poss n
NAR sleep -again -into.CNS thing his
ground.LOC calmly
During the night, since Baboon was asleep, Dog got up quietly, he took Baboon's loincloth; he ate
that he went to back to bed and slept quietly.
P5 24
Hȩ
ye sallé,
n
n
v
ŋgə́ ɨ ́
pro cc
éí -wû
còóm, gì -nɨ nyìndɨ ̀ -nɨ tɨ ́gwi ̀n
ɓoò31.
v
n
poss
-vex
manner day dawn.PFV.AM 3s NAR leave -up.CNS high
v -vsfx v
-vsfx n
go -INF greet
-INF father:in:law their
As day dawned, he got up to go greet their father-in-law.
25
Dùrù
n
ɨ́
cc
mè -rê
yó,
ɓetí
ŋgə́ yaá
má
v
n
cnj
pro t/a
v
-vex
baboon NAR stay -in.CNS house.LOC because 3s
-nɨ ŋgéré
-vsfx n
noò.
poss
P2.IPFV search -INF loin.cloth his
'Baboon stayed in the house because he was searching for his loincloth.'
31
This possessive form can only refer to the 3rd person plural topic of the sentence in which it occurs.
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44
26
Mvii yi tam
-ce
-é
n
t
-vex
-vsfx quant pro
sun
P2 get.stronger -already -PFV all
v
lâs,
ŋgə́ á
asp
3s
-yè
yó.
-vex
n
IPFV -first house.LOC
The sun was already high, he was still in the house.
27
Sèré lí
ŋgáré
ɗàà,
ɨ ́dù lí
n
n
prt
cnj
n
ŋgéé, nò
n
poss
parɨ -ré
nɨ ɗàà
v
prt
pro
-vsfx
prt
shame cord hand.LOC IPFV.NEG but cord 3s.AM person detach -PFV.AM NEG EX.NEG
Shame has no cord, but its cord, no one can untie it. (a proverb)
28
U̧
á
sèré
adv prt
n
yi kwéí
dùrù.
t
n
v
thus FOC shame P2 tie.up.PFV baboon
It was like this that shame tied up Baboon.
29a
No njɔ̀ɔ̧ ,
ŋgə́ yi ɗə́əŋ
́ -tɨ ́
li ̀ yi éí
ni ́
ə́r
kɨ ́
poss n
pro
n
pro
n
det prt
his
liver.LOC 3s
t
v
-vsfx
t
v
ru,
P2 know -PFV dog P2 work.PFV.D LOG work AN CLFT
29b
á
prt
ŋgə́ ga -hó̧
pro
FOC 3s
v
-vex
take -out
si ́i ́
lúu
ɓe
sèré.
n
n
prep
n
body outside with
shame
In his heart he knew that it was dog who had done this to him.
30a
Ɓwâ nɨ ̀vɨ ́tɨ ̀b yi pé
lur
ŋgéé jandîn, á
n
n
poss
n
t
v
prtcp
time person.PL P2 see.PFV.D buttocks 3s.AM red
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ŋgáb yi ya -ré -é
prt pro
FOC 3p
t
v
kɨ ́ŋ -nɨ,
-vex -vsfx v
-vsfx
P2 begin -into -PFV shout -INF
45
30b,c
ŋgáb a
ta -ce -é, ‟Ŋgə́ á
ɓe wa mbɨ ́m-bín.”
pro
cp
v
prep n
3p
SIM say -also -PFV 3s
-vex -vsfx pro
asp
n
-nsfx
IPFV with fire anus -LOC
When people saw his red buttocks, they began to shout, they said, "He has fire on his back side!"
31
Dùrù ɨ ́
lé
-ndôŋ
lȩ́ȩ
n
v
-vex
prtcp n
cc
káhȩ̀ȩ.́
baboon NAR enter -pass.CNS deep forest.LOC
Baboon entered deep into the forest.
P6 32
Yà -nɨ
v
ye kɨ ́
-vsfx n
á,
dùrù
det prt
n
begin -INF day AN FOC
sei
nyàm
káhȩ̀né.
v
n
n
baboon become.PFV animal.N1 forest.LOC.AM
Beginning with that day, Baboon became a forest animal.
33a,b
Cùr
kɨ ́ no,
n
det postp prt
back.N1 AN in
á
tɨ ́gwi ̀n
yi ta,
á
ɗú -nɨ
n
t
asp
v
v
lì,
nò
du
mvècɔɔ̀ŋ,
-vsfx n
pro
cop
n
FOC father.in.law P2 say.PFV IPFV need -INF dog person EQ.D glutton
33b (cont)
ɓù
-bɨ ̂ŋ
nɨ ̀gwi ɨ ́
ndôŋ
v
-vex
n
v
cc
dùrù, nò
n
pro
du
ɓe
wa lurí-ì,
cop
prep n
n
marry -whole woman NAR pass.CNS baboon person IPFV.D with fire buttocks.LOC-AM
33c
ŋgə́ tɨ ̀
toŋ -kɨ ́
nɨ ́
kúr
pro
m
v
m
n
3s
IRR burn -comp.-PFV 3S.EMPH village QT
-vex
yáá.
prt
After that, the father-in-law said, it was necessary that Dog, the one who is a glutton marry the
woman rather than Baboon, the one with fire on his back side, lest he burn up the village.
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46
34
U̧
á
lì yi sei
nyàm
kwé -è
n
prt
n
n
n
t
v
thus FOC dog P2 become.PFV animal.N1 village.AM
Like this, Dog became an animal of the village.
P7 35
Nɨ ́m yi ndɨŋ
dùrù ɓe
n
n
t
v
lì du
prep n
nyɔɔ̧̧́ fó̧ -nɨ ɗàwá
bɨ ́
asp
prt
prtcp v
-á
-vsfx prt
á
-nsfx prt
kí.
pro
thing P2 do.PFV.D baboon with dog IPFV.D 3p.ANT good exit -INF IPFV.NEG -AM FOC AN
The thing that made Baboon and Dog not come out well is this.
36
Á
-cè
asp -vex
yí
ɓe
kùŋ
n
prep n
ɓain -ndé
v
fɨ ̀n
tɨ ̀
səm -há
mvókín
ŋgábè.
n
m
v
n
pro
-vsfx
-vex
IPFV -also place with neighbour meet -PFV.AM corpse IRR wake -only.PFV place:between 3p.AM
Also where(if) they meet, a corpse should not wake up between them.'
37
Hò̧ne
á
mɨ yɨ ́k -lé
sàa̧ ̀ ̧ dùrù
ɓe
n
prt
pro v
n
prep n -nsfx prt
here.AM FOC 1s
-vex
n
lì -í
ru.
limit -into.PFV story baboon with dog -AM CLFT
It is here that I end the story of Baboon and Dog.
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47
List of Abbreviations
asp
aspect marker
cnj
conjunction
comp.
completely
cop
copula
cc
clause chaining conjunction
DIST
distal demonstrative
dem
demonstrative
EQ
equative
det
determiner (anaphoric or
EX
existential
indefinite)
F1
near future tense
ex!
exclamation
FOC
focus marker
ideo
ideophone
IMP
imperative mood
m
mood marker
INF
infinitive
n
noun
IO
indirect object marker
nsfx
noun suffix
IPFV
imperfective aspect
poss
possessive form
IRR
irrealis mood
postp
postposition
LOC
Locative
prep
preposition
LOG
logophoric pronoun
pro
pronoun
N1
modified head noun of a NP
prt
particle
NAR
narrative verb form
t
tense marker
NEG
negative
t/a
tense/aspect marker
NEU
neutral verb form
v
verb
O
object form
vex
verb extension
P1
near past tense
vsfx
verb suffix
P2
far past tense
P3
removed past tense,
1s
2s
3p
CPTL
centripetal (toward center of
reference)
D
dependent, non-focused
form of the verb
st
1 .person singular
background information
nd
PFV
perfective aspect
rd
PL
plural
rd
2 person singular
3 person plural
3s
3 person singular
POL
polite command marker
AM
associative (genitive)
POT
potential mood
AN
anaphoric determiner
PROX
proximal demonstrative
ANT
anterior aspect
Q
question marker
CF
contrastive focus
QT
end of quotation marker
CFGL
centrifugal (away from
SBJ
subjunctive
center of reference)
SEQ
sequential chain
CLFT
cleft sentence postclitic
SF
subject focus
CNS
consecutive verb form
SIM
simultaneous chain
COP
copula
TOP
topical participant
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