ErinWhalen‘12
GrinnellPeaceStudiesStudentConferenceSpring2012
PerpetuatedBorders:BoundariesandMistrustinPost‐ApartheidSouthAfrica
SouthAfricahasataintedpastofstateenforcedracialsegregation,violence
andcolonialism.Now,inanerawherethedevastatingApartheidRegimehasbeen
abolished,SouthAfricansocietyischaracterizedbyaBillofRights,whichprohibits
discriminationalongthelinesofrace,color,gender,religionandethnicity.Buthow
muchhastrulybeeneliminatedsincetheabolishmentoftheapartheidregimein
1994?Wasitenoughtoeradicatethestateenforcedsystemofracism?Eighteen
yearsago,allindividualsofSouthAfricaweresocializedtoacceptandconsider
divisionsbasedontheprocessofrace‐inghumanbodiesasthebasisfornormalized
geographical,economicandsocialdivisionsinsociety.
Theapartheidsystemhasconstructedphysical,psychologicalandsocial
bordersinSouthAfrica,furtherpromotingconceptionsof“self”and“other.”South
Africanshavebeensocializedtofunctionamidstthesebordersresultinginthe
emergenceofturmoilandmistrustinsociety.Thisbinaryhasproducedideals,
whichhavebeentranslatedintocompetitionandviolenceintheformofcrimedue
toracializedeconomicdiscrepancies,attemptsatmaintainingapatriarchalorderin
theformofgender‐basedviolence,andthepresenceofantagonismagainstAfrican
immigrantsintheformofxenophobia.
TheenactmentoftheApartheidlawsin1948stoodasthemomentwhen
racialdiscriminationbecameinstitutionalizedandsociallyinstilledintotheSouth
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Africansystem.Apartheidliterallymeans“apartness”orseparatenessinAfrikaans
andDutchlanguages(Clark,3).TheApartheidsystemwascreatedbytheNational
Partyandultimatelydictatedwhereonelived,workedanddied.Thiscreateda
systemofviolenceinwhich“race”becameapointofcontention.In1950,the
PopulationRegistrationActestablishedthatallSouthAfricansberaciallyclassified
intooneofthreecategories:“White”,“Black”,or“Coloured”(mixeddecent).The
“Coloured”categoryalsoincludedpeopleofAsianandIndiandecent(Clark,6).Now
thatdivisionsweredrawn,notonlyofgeographicalbutalsopsychological
understanding,theinstitutionbegantheprocessofsocializationthatcreated
mistrustandcompetitionamongstwhatwasonceaSouthAfricancommunity.The
DepartmentofHomeAffairswasresponsiblefortheracialclassificationofthe
citizenry.Ifoneattemptedtodefytheseracelawstheywouldbedealtwithharshly.
Allblackswererequiredtocarry“passbooks”whichcontainedinthemfingerprints,
aheadshotandinformationonaccesstonon‐blackareas(Clark,5).
ThecreationoftheBantuAuthoritiesActin1951increasedthedisparity
amongstthevariousracialgroups,whichcreatedAfricanreservesknownas
“homelands”(Clark,3).Homelandswereindependentstateswhere“Blacks”were
placedbythegovernmentaccordingtotheirrecordoforigin.Anypoliticalrights,
includingvoting,wererestrictedbythedesignatedhomeland.“Blacks”livinginthe
homelandsneededpassportstoevenenterSouthAfrica,eventuallybecomingaliens
intheirowncountry.Therewereaseriesofuprisingsandprotests,whichwere
handledbythebanningofoppositionandimprisonmentofanti‐apartheidleaders.
Stateorganizationsthenquicklyrespondedwithrepressionandstate‐sponsored
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violencethatcontinuestoaffectthepeopleofSouthAfricatoday.Inthe1980’s
reformstotheapartheidsystemfailedtopacifytheopposition,whichresultedin
thestartofnegotiationstoendthesysteminthe1990’sbypresidentFrederik
WillemdeKlerk.Thesenegotiationsultimatelyculminatedinamulti‐racial
democraticelectionin1994,whichwaswonbytheAfricanNationalCongressunder
theleadofNelsonMandela.
ThoughSouthAfricahascomealongwaysincethedaysofApartheid,these
boundarieshavebecomesociallyenforced.Asmanyindividualsstillstruggleto
survive,thelargeeconomicdiscrepanciesbetweencommunitieshavecreateda
systeminwhichpeoplearefightingforresourcesinalargerbattleforsurvival.
HavingspentsixmonthsinSouthAfrica,Ihaveseenhowtheapartheidregimestill
affectstheinterworkingsofSouthAfricancommunities.Nyanga,a“Black”township
tenminutesoutsideofthewealthyandflourishingcityofCapeTown,isfilledwith
poverty,diseaseandviolence.Howisonetoexpectcrimetobeararityinan
environmentwhereasmallpercentageofthepopulation,beingpredominantly
“White”,containsthemajorityofthewealthwhileallothers,especially“Blacks”and
“Coloureds”arepredominantlypoorandstrugglingtosurvive?Crimequickly
becomeslegitimizedwhenseeinganenvironmentwheresomeindividualsliveina
stateofluxury,whilethecommunitydirectlynextdoorisfilledwithfamilies
strugglingtostayalive.
Duringmytownshipvisit,thestrengthoftheApartheidsystemtosocialize
multiplegenerationsevenafteritsdemisebecameapparentduringabiketour
throughoutthedirtroadsofSoweto.Duringourbikeride,childreninthetownship
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frequentlyrantowardsus,manyjumpingonourbikeswhileothersgrabbedonto
ourclothestostopusfromriding.Manyofthekidsaskedusformoneyandjokingly
searchedthroughourclothes.Theseactionswerenottakenasbeingthreatening,
andthetourguidesquicklystoppedthem,butthisexperiencewasrather
enlightening.Manyofthechildrenweremuchmoreinclinedtorunuptothewhite
studentsforthereasonthattheyrepresentedwealth.Thiswasverytellinginthat
thesekidsattributedwhiteskintowealth,whichshowsthewaytheyhavelearned
toconceptualizedifferenceinthewakeofapartheid.Thesechildrensawthe“White”
studentsasthe“other”,whichispowerfulandaffluentduetotheirskincolor.
Thoughthesechildrenwerenoolderthansix,theyhavebeeninfluencedand
socializedbyApartheidtoseetheseracializeddifferences,furthershowingtheway
thissystemstillexistsinSouthAfricansocietytoday.
Inafightforpower,peopleareallworkingtomobilizeandfindfinancial
stabilitywithintheircommunities.Thisisthenplacedinasystemwherethe“other”
isconceptualizedasathreattoonesabilitytomobilize,whichcausesissuessuchas
gender‐basedviolence,crimeinandamongstthevariousraciallysegregated
communitiesanddiscriminationagainstmigrantsfromvariousregionsofAfricaas
threateningSouthAfrican’sinafightforresources.
Theeliminationoftheapartheidpoliciesdismantledthesystemunderthe
faceofthelaw.However,asacademicresearchhasshown,SouthAfricanshavenow
beensocializedtoliveinasystemofeconomic,social,andpoliticalseparation.With
theeliminationoftheapartheidregimemuchworkmustbedonetocreateasociety
ofcoexistenceamongstthevariouscollectivesthathavebecomealientoone
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another.NormanDuncandiscussestherealityofpost‐apartheid“race”relationsin
SouthAfricainhisarticleFromTheirPerspectivewhenhewrites,“Theremnantsof
theoldorderstillremainstarklyevident,particularlyintermsofhow‘race’and
racismcontinuetodeterminetheusage,occupation,andownershipofresidential,
recreationalandeducationalspacesinSouthAfrica(Duncan,465).”
Apartheidhascreatedasystemofboundariesthatmustnowbealteredin
thepresentdemocraticsociety.Thiscontinuedsegregationandintrinsicracismhas
ledtoviolenceandcrime,bothintheimpoverishedtownshipsandinthemajor
cities.TheSouthAfricangovernmenthasbeguntocreateaprogramtoencourage
socialcohesiontoaddressconcernsofviolentcrimetoreestablishacollective
nationalidentity.ThisprogramiscalledTheNationalPolicyonSouthAfricanLiving
HeritageanditisimplementedthroughthepromotionofthephilosophyofUbuntu,
whichpromotesanobligationofhumanstowardsthewelfareofoneanother,while
alsocollectivelytakingresponsibilityfortheenvironment.Inaplacewherebillions
ofpeople’shistorieswereabolished,itisessentialtocreateanewlivingheritageto
promotenationalsolidarity.Thispolicyisfocusedonensuringthevitalityof
intangibleculturalheritagetocreateassenseofunityforfuturegenerations
Thoughsomepositivestepshavebeenmadetowardsthehealingofthe
SouthAfricansociety,crimeandmistrustarestillapparentinthesocialfabricof
manycommunities.InhisarticleCrime,CommunityandtheGovernanceofViolence
inPost‐ApartheidSouthAfricaSurenPillayexaminestheimpactofcrimeon
emergentformsofcommunityandhowthiseffectstendenciestowards
fragmentationratherthanunificationwhichunderminealleffortsof“nation‐
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building”.Thiscrime,asaresultoflargeeconomicdiscrepanciesandanguishofill
andimpoverishedcommunities,isdirectlycombatingpoliciesfocusedtowards
unificationandforgiveness.Thesestepscannotbemadeuntilpeoplearereceiving
theassistanceandreparationstheydeservefrombeingdirectlyaffectedbythe
Apartheidregime. ViolenceultimatelyimpactsSouthAfricaataphysical,psychologicaland
structurallevel.Theseviolentcommunitiesarebeginningtocoherearound
conceptionsofmarginalization,xenophobiaandsusceptibilitytogenderandsexual
violence.Onanotherhand,thisviolenceinmiddleclasscommunitiesshowssignsof
creatingenclavecountieswithprivatizedsecurity,whichdividespeopleasaresult
of“fearofthepoor”whichalsolinksto“race.”Thisnowsolidifiesnotonlytheracial
boundariesbutalsoemphasizestheclassdividesintheSouthAfricancommunity.
Pillayexplainsheroverarchingpointwhenshewrites,“Theterrainoftheencounter
between‘Self’andthe‘Other’remainsthereforeaterrainsaturatedwitheveryday
violence,whichmaybeseentorequireanactofviolencetosecuretheself(Pillay,
156).”
Thepsychologicalboundaryofthe“self”and“other”discussedbyPillayis
thefundamentalbasisbywhichthisrealityofmistrusthasstemmedfrom.Theway
oneisclassifiedcompletelydictatedhowtheyweretreatedinsocietyunder
apartheid.Thiscausesanenvironmentinwhich“whites”areforcedtocontinuously
reasserttheirdominanceforafearthattheywouldonedaybeconsideredoneof
“them.”Thisisalsoshowningenderrelationsinthewaymanymenhavebeen
socializedtoplayoutthisconstantreassertionofdominanceinthehouseholdinthe
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formofdomesticviolence.Theapartheidsystemandpostapartheidsocietal
conditionscanbeusedasanidealexampleofasituationinwhichallthreeof
PhilippeBourgeois’formsofviolencearerepresented.TheApartheidregimeserved
asthemajorformofstructuralviolencethatconstructedmentalitiesofseparation,
mistrustandracismthatnowserveassymbolicviolenceintheformofracism,
sexismandafearofthe“other”whichultimatelyplaythemselvesoutthrough
everydayviolenceinSouthAfricansociety.
HelenMoffett,asapartoftheAfricanGenderInstituteattheUniversityof
CapeTown,utilizesanthropologicaltechniquessuchasethnography,toexaminethe
overwhelminglycommonoccurrenceofgender‐basedviolenceinSouthAfrica.“The
ratesofsexualviolenceagainstwomenandchildren,aswellasthesignalfailureof
thecriminaljusticeandhealthsystemstocurtailthecrisis,suggestan
unacknowledgedgendercivilwar(Moffett,129).”Oneofthepredominantissues
thatMoffettseesisthatmanyrape‐narrativeshavebeenrewrittenasstoriesabout
racismratherthengender.Thisworkstodemonize“Blackmen”,thickenracial
barriersandignoreissuesofgender.Moffettsupportstheidealofboundariesand
mistrustasremainingeffectsofapartheidinconcludingthat,“contemporarysexual
violenceinSouthAfricaisfuelledbyjustificatorynarrativesthatarerootedin
apartheidpracticesthatlegitimatedviolencebythedominantgroupagainstthe
disempowered,notonlyinovertlypoliticalarenas,butinsocial,informaland
domesticspaces(Moffett,129).”Theidealsofapartheidexistinandbeyondthe
privatesphere;thiscreatesasystemwherehierarchiesofpowerprevailamongst
andwithinracializedandgenderedgroups.Thissystemworksthentosocialize
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individuals,ultimatelyspreadingidealsofhowtointeractinsociety,whichthen
playthemselvesoutinthehouseholdaswellasinthestreets.
Nowinpostapartheid,democraticSouthAfrica,sexualviolencebecomes
sexuallyendorsedformaintainingapatriarchalorder.“Menuserapetoinscribe
subordinatestatusontoanintimatelyknown‘Other’–women.Thisisgenerallyand
globallytrueofrape,butinthecaseofSouthAfrica,suchactivitiesdrawon
apartheidpracticesofcontrolthathavepermeatedallsectorsofsociety(Moffett,
129.)Forover50yearsSouthAfricansoperatedinasysteminwhichthe“other”
wasunstable,potentiallypowerfulanddangerous,andneededtobekeptinitsplace
throughconstantdemonstrationsofforce.Women,asacurrentsubclass,arealso
seenashavingagencyandthereforeposeapotentialthreat.Today,asunder
apartheid,thereisaconsiderablesocialanxietyaboutapowerful,unstablesubclass
thatmustbecontrolled.Therefore,thelanguageofapartheidisthentranslatedinto
thehome.
AsthesedividesflourishinsidetheSouthAfricancommunity,theyalso
becomeproblematicwhenforeignerstrytomigrateintothesesocialspheres.
CristinaSteekamphasstudiedthecommonoccurrenceofviolenceagainstAfrican
migrantsinSouthAfrica.InMay2008,SouthAfricansmadeinternationalheadlines
byembarkingona,tillnow,unprecedentedcampaignofviolenceagainstAfrican
migrants.Steekamptakesananthropologicalapproachtothephenomenoninlight
ofsocialcapital,whichhighlightstrustasbeingcrucialforsocialdevelopment.
SteekampexplainsthedevastationtheMay2008eventcausedwhenshewrites,
“ Withinweeksatleast62peoplewerekilledandhundredsinjured.
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Housesandbusinessesbelongingtomigrantsweredestroyedor
looted.Around35,000peoplebecameinternallydisplaced,while
thousandsmorequeuedatborderstoreturntotheircountryoforigin.
Withinasinglemonth,notionsofa‘rainbownation’,pan‐African
solidarityandequalityinSouthAfricawereringinghollow.(Steekamp,
439).”
Thisviolenceisapartofawiderpatternofintoleranceandantagonism
againstAfricanmigrantsinpost‐apartheidSouthAfrica.Attheheartofthis
prejudicethereisanexistenceofsocio‐economicdeprivationinwhichthereisa
constantconcernofcompetitionforjobs.Mostoftheexistingknowledgeonthe
matterisintermsofnationhood,citizenshiporpost‐apartheidimmigrationpolicy. Migrantstendtopossessskillsandpresentopportunities,whichcouldbe
usefultolocalcommunitydevelopmentinSouthAfrica.Ifasenseoftrustcanbe
formed,thismigrationcanbeparticularlyuseful.ManySouthAfricansdonot
possessthistrust,especiallyoftheunknown,afterbeingmistreatedbythestate
underapartheidinwhichtheywereforcedtolosetrustinallothers,especially
thosewhoarefromdifferentgeographicalregionsthenthemselves.Trustis
requiredbetweenthoseidentifiedas“self”andthoseknownasthe“other”forthese
foreignerstobewidelyacceptedbySouthAfricansinsociety.Buthowcanthisoccur
inthewakeofApartheidandtheeventsofMay2008?Steekampwrites,“Trust
needstoberebuiltonvariouslevels:betweenSouthAfricans;betweenlocalsand
foreigners;andbetweenthestateandcivilians(Steekamp,446).”
BoundariesanddivideshavebeenthefoundationbywhichSouthAfricans
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havelearnedtonavigatesociety,ultimatelycreatingamistrustingandcompeting
community.Itisthroughthesephysical,mentalandsocialbordersthatissuesof
xenophobia,gender‐basedviolenceandcrimeduetoracializedeconomic
discrepanciesbecomesurfaced.Apartheid,asaformofstructuralviolence,remains
ineffectintheconstructionofsymbolicandeverydayviolencethathasbecomea
normalizedaspectofpresentdaySouthAfrica.Inordertotraverseawayfromthe
murkywatersofapartheid,bordersmustbedismantledineffortsofcreatinga
cohesiveandtrustingsocietyinwhichtheconstructionsofgender,“race”andstatus
arenolongerusedtoconstructthe“other”butratherunderstoodassimplepieces
increatingthe“self.”
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