Commentary
Back to the future: Islamic
Spain as a model for
marketing efflorescence
Marketing Theory
1–8
ª The Author(s) 2013
Reprints and permission:
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DOI: 10.1177/1470593113499699
mtq.sagepub.com
Elizabeth C. Hirschman
Rutgers University, USA
Abstract
Spain during the time period 711 to 1492 was one of the most brilliantly creative and affluent
nations in the Western Europe. During this epoch, Spain was populated by Muslims, Christians, and
Jews who served as rulers, military leaders, scientists, philosophers, mathematicians, astronomers,
and merchants, as well as consumers. The highest levels of cultural creativity and affluence are
traceable to those rulers who encouraged religious tolerance, regardless of their own religious
affiliation. I propose that this historical pattern is a valid one for marketing systems in contemporary Muslim–Christian–Jewish societies. Enforcement of religious orthodoxy by the government
appears to discourage cooperative entrepreneurial activities and to reduce affluence, whereas
government support of interfaith endeavors is linked to advances in science, business, and the arts.
Keywords
Islamic Spain, Jews, Muslims, Christians, Innovativeness, Cooperation
The editors of this special issue of Marketing Theory on Islamic marketing have asked me to write
a commentary on the current state of affairs in marketing theory as it relates to Muslim countries
and to Muslim consumers. My perspective on these topics is probably a bit different from most
academicians currently writing on them. A glance at the references and authors in this issue reveals
that most fall into two groups: (1) Muslim academicians who are very knowledgeable about Islam
as a religion and about Islamic culture, but who are perhaps less exposed to western-style marketing and consumer behavior theories and (2) western-educated and acculturated marketing and consumer behavior researchers who have had little exposure to or knowledge of Islam as a religion or
culture. Then there are those few unique and ambidextrous individuals who grew up in Muslim
countries, have Muslim religious identities, but are graduates of western marketing PhD programs.
Corresponding author:
Elizabeth C. Hirschman, Marketing at School of Business, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ 08901, USA.
Email: [email protected]
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These individuals are presently at the forefront of research and theorization on Islamic marketing
topics and would include scholars such as Ozlem Sandikci and Guliz Ger.
My perspective aligns with none of these. Born in the Appalachian Mountains of the United
States, I was raised as a Protestant Christian (see Jafari et al., 2011 discussion of Protestantism and
Islam). I knew virtually nothing about Islam or Muslims while I was growing up. My only exposure
to the Middle East was on the television (e.g., the Six-Day War between Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and
Israel in 1967) and the presence of a Syrian girl and a Lebanese girl in my high school, both of whom
came from Christian families. Notably, they were both very beautiful and bright but had a difficult
time socially, because they were considered ‘‘not really American’’ and ‘‘not really White.’’ My state
of knowledge about Islam, therefore, could be labeled as ‘‘profoundly ignorant’’—a label likely
appropriate for many contemporary westerners.
Then about 12 years ago, I discovered some major anomalies in my ancestry. Rather than being
English and Scottish Christians (and therefore archetypically ‘‘White’’ and ‘‘American’’), my
ancestors had actually arrived in North America during the early 1500s through the early 1600s and
intermarried with the Native Americans. Where did they come from?—Spain. They were
Sephardic Jews and Muslim Moors who had been banished from Spain under threat of death (or
forced conversion to Christianity) from 1492 forward. This new knowledge presented me with a
large psychological conundrum—I had been raised as a Christian, only to discover that ‘‘they’’
were the pursuers and persecutors of my ancestors.
However, this discovery did help to explain some of the unusual marital and naming practices in
my family over the generations—that is, cousin to cousin pairings were the norm, and the names
included Allafar, Farabba, Alzina, Jaell, Palestine, Percia, Raisa, Gamaliel, Juanita, Dovey, and
Omar—not your normal British names! Significantly, not only did these intermixed Arabic,
Hebrew, and Spanish names appear generation after generation in the same families, religious
practices also suggested a blending of Jewish, Islamic, and some Christian behaviors. As late as the
1800s, women in our community were photographed wearing black hijabs covering their hair and
black or dark dresses with long sleeves and lengthy skirts. Prayers were sometimes offered by men
kneeling to the floor and houses of worship maintained gender segregation, with the men seated on
the right and women to the left, together with two gendered entry doors. (Hirschman, 2005).
Clearly, though little recognized or acknowledged by historians, there were Muslims (and
Sephardic Jews) dwelling in North America prior to the formation of the United States—and prior
even to the first British colony at Jamestown (Hirschman and Yates, 2012)
Perhaps even more importantly—given current political and religious tensions—these early
Muslim and Jewish settlers got along very well with one another and later got along well with their
Christian neighbors. Why was this possible then, but not now? Certainly the necessity of forming a
‘‘critical mass’’ of Spanish-speaking settlers in a strange, new environment might have been one
causal factor for their original coalescence, but I believe a stronger argument can be made for the
cooperative relationships between Muslims, Jews, and Christians in the land from which my ancestors came—Medieval Spain.
In 711, a small army crossed the Mediterranean Sea at its narrowest point between Muslim
North Africa and Christian Spain. The army consisted of a few trained Syrian Muslim troops and
a larger contingent of recently Islamicized Berber tribesmen. The force was led by Tariq Ibn
Ziyad, governor of Tangier. Remarkably, this expeditionary force managed to defeat the
Christian Visigothic government that had been in power since 410. Within a few years, Muslims
were firmly in control of the Iberian Peninsula and large portions of the population converted to
this new religion. However, the Muslim rulers were not adept at making the social and economic
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changes necessary to improve their new domain. Social life was chaotic and international trade
shrank.
Then, in 750, a refugee prince from the recently deposed Umayyad dynasty in Damascus, Syria,
the center of Islamic culture and political power, made his way to the new Muslim Spain (termed
Al Andalus, ‘‘the land of the Vandals’’ in Arabic) and became its ruler. If contemporary stereotypes
about the fundamental incompatibility among Muslims, Jews, and Christians were in any way
accurate, the next 700 years would have been a bloodbath. It was not. In fact, the next seven
centuries witnessed the creation of some of the most sophisticated work on philosophy, medicine,
astronomy, and mathematics to take place during the Middle Ages, together with the development
of a culture of extraordinary affluence, greatly expanded international trade, and monumental
architecture.
However, these same centuries also witnessed periods of violent ethnic conflicts, violent
internecine conflicts, and even prototypical slanders of the religious ‘‘Other.’’ What caused these
differences? Using historical documents from the Muslim presence in Spain as my guide, I distilled
three propositions relevant to those who desire to create marketing harmony among consumers
practicing these three Abrahamic religions. These propositions are put forward in brief below and
then each is discussed with supporting historical evidence.
Proposition 1: Persons sharing the same religious affiliation may disagree more about the nature of
consumption and the marketing system than those belonging to another religion. This proposition calls
needed attention to the fact that Muslims, Christians and Jews may disagree on marketing issues
more within their religious traditions than between religions. In other words, historically and presently
there are intrafaith religious conflicts that can complicate marketing activities. As we shall see, this was
quite true in Spain from the period 711 to 1492. Even during periods of Muslim rule, external invasions
by other Muslim groups occurred. Most frequently, these took place when an external conservative,
ascetic Islamic sect believed the prevailing Muslim regime in Spain was too liberal, too materialistic,
and too ‘‘worldly.’’ I will argue that the same pattern is often found today, when Western stereotypes
cast extreme, conservative Islamists as representing all of Muslim culture and when those same hyperascetic Islamic groups oppose democratization and secularization of contemporary Muslim states (see
e.g. Izberk-Bilgin, 2012).
Notably, throughout the centuries in Europe, Jews and Christian sects have followed this same
pattern of internecine struggle for the ‘‘soul’’ and body and lifestyle of their religions. Even today
there are hyper-conservative Jewish and Christian denominations which, for example, eschew
women’s full participation in their communities, oppose consumerism, and try to avoid participating in the marketing system, for example, Orthodox Judaism, Mormonism. It is probable that a liberal/materialist—conservative/ascetic spectrum can be found in all human religious systems.
Marketers need to become more aware of the finely nuanced aspects of religious belief, regardless
of denomination, so that they can present their offerings in the most acceptable ways. At present,
this does not seem to be the case.
Proposition 2: The ruler (or ruling party), not the religion, dominates the orientation of the national
culture. During the 711 to 1492 time period in Spain, there were a number of political transitions
between Muslim and Christian rulers. Regardless of the religious affiliation of a given ruler, Spanish
success in local and international markets either flourished or withered, depending upon the attitude of
the ruler toward religious and ethnic minorities. Leaders who encouraged and supported cultural
diversity created periods of economic expansion and spectacular technological and scientific
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innovativeness in Spain. Rulers who enforced strict adherence to the dominant religion and prevented
minorities from participating fully in the life of the country encountered economic recession and a
downturn in societal creativity.
Proposition 3: Muslim, Christian, or Jewish religious affiliation, per se, does not lead to affluence or
poverty, brilliance or mediocrity, success or failure in a nation. Rather, the willingness to permit
variation in worldview among all members of the population and to support individual and group
entrepreneurial efforts, regardless of religion, is the engine of cultural efflorescence.
Now we examine the documentation supporting these proposals.
Proposition 1: You are not Muslim-/Christian-/Jew-enough for me
Having converted to Judaism as an adult, I can testify to the fact that there are some Jews for whom
I will never be ‘‘Jewish-enough.’’ Some tell me that one can never be ‘‘really Jewish’’ unless she or
he is born to Jewish parents. Others will tell me that even if someone is born Jewish, they are still
not Jewish-enough, unless they are Orthodox Jewish and maintain a fully kashrut lifestyle. Then
there are others who insist that even if you are born Jewish and lead a strict kashrut lifestyle, you
are still not Jewish-enough unless you ‘‘were born a Jew, live a completely kashrut lifestyle AND
live in Israel—and your ancestors founded the state of Israel!’’ As ridiculous as this reasoning is
(and despite the fact that it would then reduce the number of Jewish-enough Jews to around
5000 people), there are Muslims who seem to follow the same logic (Izberk-Bilgin, 2012).
(And to be fair, the same judgments are directed by Evangelical and Roman Catholic Christians
toward other Christian denominations.) In the United States, there is even a cultural saying for this
type of invidious comparison, ‘‘Holier than thou,’’ which refers to persons who try to compete with
one another on the rigor of their religious observance.
Let us now take a look at Medieval Spain. In 749, the ruling family for all Islamic territories was
the Umayyad dynasty (Mann et al., 1992) that had been in power in Damascus, Syria, since 644.
But in that year, a competitive family, the Abbasids (Mann et al., 1992), took control in a bloody
coup that left every member of the Umayyad clan dead, save one. The sole survivor, a young prince
named Abd al Rahman escaped the coup and fled to North Africa, the homeland of his Berber
mother. In 2 years, he had raised a Syrian/Berber army and set out on a military campaign—not to
Damascus to take back his birthright but rather across the Strait of Gibraltar to Al Andalus where
he defeated the reigning Muslim caliph in 756. Now ensconced in Muslim Spain, Abd reestablished the Umayyad family as a powerful presence within Islam—albeit a great distance from his
former home in Damascus. The capital of this new Umayyad realm was named Cordoba and
became known as the ‘‘ornament of the world’’ by the 10th century (Menocal, 2002). As will be
discussed under Proposition 3, Cordoba and Al Andalus under the Umayyad rulers served as a
center of higher learning and international trade with personal freedom and wealth unmatched
anywhere else in Europe (Mann et al., 1992).
But the gentle reader may protest that all this extravagant affluence was gained by bloody coups
and internecine violence among Muslims. Doesn’t that show that Muslims are ‘‘not normal’’;
surely Christians and Jews have never engaged in such unsavory activities. However, if we turn our
attention to Britain half a millennium later, we find Tudor England, a famed Christian realm,
engaging in even more violent intrafaith machinations.
Tudor King Henry VIII (1491–1547), after murdering two of his wives and fathering only two
legitimate children, Mary and Elizabeth, died in 1547, leaving a realm torn between the Protestant and
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Catholic forms of Christianity. His daughter Mary Tudor’s reign brought strict Catholicism to dominance and led to the execution by beheading, burning, and hanging of over 284 English citizens who
happened to be Protestant. Mary died childless and her younger half-sister Elizabeth, a Protestant
(whose mother, Ann Boleyn, was beheaded by their father, Henry VIII) assumed the throne in
1558. Subsequent uprisings by English Catholics led to the violent deaths of 400 of her subjects.
Among those Elizabeth additionally had killed on religious grounds was her royal Catholic
cousin, Mary, Queen of Scots, whom she ordered beheaded in 1587. After Elizabeth’s death in
1603, the throne passed to Mary of Scotland’s son, James Stewart, a Catholic. By 1638, England,
Scotland, and Wales were embroiled in a Christian-on-Christian civil war that would cost over
100,000 lives, lead to the beheading of the monarch, and plunge the nation into bankruptcy for
decades. It is not a given religion, per se, which creates social chaos—it is persecution of those
whose opinions and beliefs differ from the majority viewpoint.
Proposition 2: it is not the religion, it is the ruler
Our second proposition states that societal prosperity and productivity are not a function of the
religion of the ruler but of the ruler’s leadership skills and attitude toward other faiths. Over the
period from 711 to 1492 in Spain, rulers varied in religious affiliation (Muslim, Christian),
competency (high, low), and attitudes toward other religions (positive, negative). Virtually all
historians of the period come to the same conclusion: the several Spanish ‘‘Golden Ages’’ within
this span of time occurred under rulers who were both competent and tolerant (Mann et al., 1992).
Perhaps the two most remarkable examples occurred under the Umayyad dynasty, 750 to 1031,
when the ruler was Muslim; and under Alfonso X, 1250 to 1284, who was Christian.
Historians note that Abd al Rahman’s ‘‘clear sighted governance transformed al Andalus into a
marvel . . . His reign marked the critical turn in Muslim Iberia’s fortunes. [Prior] erratic rule yielded to
the Umayyid’s steadying dynastic hand . . . The first four Umayyids ruled for a combined 80 years’’
(Lowney, 2005: 65). During this time period, Muslims, Jews, and Christians led a generally harmonious existence in Al Andalus, even at the village level. As Lowney (2005: 208) remarks, ‘‘ The few
anecdotes that can be pieced together suggest that ordinary Muslims, Jews and Christians sometimes
triumphed to forge accommodations with neighbors of different faiths, creating a common life unlike
any achieved or even imagined elsewhere on Europe’s continent in the Medieval era.’’
We turn now to a comparable Christian ruler, Alfonso X who ruled Spain from 1252 to 1284;
called Alfonso the Wise, he was a scholar and a competitive intellectual who desired to make
Castilian Spain the center of the arts, sciences, classical scholarship, and new literature for all of
Europe (Mann et al., 1992). Alfonso’s ‘‘brilliant gambit’’ as Menocal (2002: 22) puts it was to
replace Latin—the prevailing European language since the Roman Empire held sway—with a
written and spoken form of Castilian Spanish. He desired for the Spanish vernacular to become ‘‘a
written language that could serve the institutions of a civilized and modern society: to record the
history and the laws, extend science and education, and become the appropriate vehicle of literary
and even religious texts’’ (Menocal, 2002: 224).
Translating the treasure trove of documents housed in the Iberian libraries required a squadron
of multilingual, multifaith scholars. Concurrently, new works on technology, philosophy, and
literature were produced and inscribed in the new ‘‘Spanish’’ language. Many of these new works
were developed from materials collected by the earlier Muslim rulers and dated from the eighth
century forward. Included among them were the Indian cycles of animal fables and the Persianbased and Babylon-adapted master text of A Thousand and One Nights.
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Among the other culturally significant texts made available in Spanish were Jewish philosopher
Moses Maimonides’ Guide for the Perplexed one of the most important works on rationalism then
in existence and Mohammed’s Book of the Ladder translated from Arabic into Castilian by a
scholar named ‘‘Abraham the Jew’’ of Toledo. Surely this is evidence of a culture that valued
knowledge above religious orthodoxy.
Proposition 3: Life is better when we all get along
We now consider the third proposition: Tolerance of religious diversity contributes to intellectual
advancement and economic prosperity. Spain between the years 711 and 1492 provides us with a
unique and compelling example of what can be accomplished when religious diversity is
embraced, rather than restricted. Menocal, a historian of the period, writes of the Umayyad dynasty
in Spain (2002: 27):
Within the stability of the of the long reigns and orderly successions of Abd al Rahman’s sons,
grandsons and great grandsons, there was a vast economic revival . . . even in the once decimated
countryside, where the introduction of new crops and new techniques, including irrigation, made
agriculture a prosperous concern . . . The pan-Mediterranean trade and travel routes . . . vital to cultural
contacts and continuities were reconfigured and expanded . . . The new Islamic polity not only allowed
Jews and Christians to survive, but following Quranic mandate, by and large protected them.
The result was an extraordinary expansion of both agriculture and trade channels on the Iberian
Peninsula. The introduction of Islamic irrigation systems permitted much more land to be brought
under cultivation. Crops such as oranges, lemons, spinach, and watermelons were adopted from the
Middle East and improved the local diet. Due to irrigation, fewer laborers were required to tend the
crops, and the economic surplus permitted these workers to learn trades such as pottery, leatherworking, and metalworking, thereby enhancing marketing opportunities.
Consumerism was celebrated in the affluent cities. Lowney (2005: 66–67) reports that a royal
court musician named Ziryab arrived in Cordoba from Baghdad in 822 and opened a music
conservatory. His many students studied song, dance, and poetry. His arrival also stimulated a new
hairstyle ‘‘parted in the middle, not covering the forehead, and smoothed behind the ears.’’ Ziryab
additionally instructed the Cordobans on harvesting wild asparagus, using deodorant, introduced
the use of bleach to make linen clean and white, and pioneered the fashion of seasonal apparel
changes. Style consciousness swept into Spain.
By 1031, however, the Cordoban caliphate had fallen—a victim of in-fighting among rival
Muslim factions. But the fall of Cordoba led to the development of several smaller realms throughout Al Andalus. Within cities such as Seville and Toledo, religious tolerance prevailed and so did
creativity. Muslim mathematicians adopted and improved upon the Hindu-Indian numerical
system, while the rest of Christian Europe was still tied to cumbersome Roman numerals. These
same Andalusians introduced the zero to mathematics and developed the algorithm for algebra.
As Lowney(2005: 77) tells it:
The Persian Muslim mathematician al-Khwarzimi . . . grasped the potential uses of the numerical
system pioneered by Indian mathematicians. While Europeans were still unsure of what the zero was or
why it mattered, Arab scholars were cranking through quadratic equations and complex geometric
proofs . . . Al Kwarzimi’s treatise, Al-jabr wal-Muggbula (‘‘Completing and Balancing’’), introduced
algebra.
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Needing writing material on which to compute all these novel equations—as well as to
reproduce philosophical and scientific tracts—Muslim Spain imported papermaking technology
from China, which they had reached through their overland trade routes. The Muslim paper
manufactory was centered in the small town of Jativa in Valencia. During this same time period,
the Jewish philosopher and physician Moses Maimonides served as the physician to Saladin’s son
and successor, al-Afdal Nur al-Din Ali in Spain. By the late 1300s, the medical libraries in Al
Andalus contained books by some 70 Islamic scholars, in contrast to the total of 9 medical treatises
possessed by the University of Paris medical school (Lowney, 2005).
After that point in time, the Christian reconquest of Spain began in earnest, but several of the
new rulers welcomed the presence of both Jews and Muslims in their re-taken territories. The most
prominent of these was Alfonso X whom we already mentioned as a tolerant and learned king. Perhaps the outstanding scientific endeavor authorized by Alfonso was the Muslim/Jewish/Christian
ensemble he assembled to construct a new set of astronomical tables to be used in international
shipping. Updating the work of Muslim astronomer al Zarkali, Jewish astronomers Isaac ben Sid
and Jehuda ben Moses Cohen worked alongside Italian Christian astronomer John of Cremona and
Spanish Christian astronomers Juan Daspa and Garci Perez to produce a celestial map that became
the standard astronomical text for the next three centuries—replaced only in the 1600s by Kepler’s
development of the telescope (Lowney, 2005).
Civil documents from this same time period depict a similarly cooperative set of norms at the
local level in Spain. Towns on the Spanish frontier with France had militias composed of both
Muslims and Christians who defended against foreign interlopers—whether the invaders were
Muslim or Christian. Lowney (2005: 202), for instance, reports, ‘‘When French [Christian] armies
attacked Gerona in the late 1280s, hundreds of Muslim archers and lancers from nearby
towns hurried to assist the city’s besieged Christian and Muslim defenders.’’ What these behaviors
indicate is that nationality had come to dominate religious identity in the minds of Spanish citizens.
This same pattern held during peaceful times, as well. In Valencia, for example, shared bread
bake ovens were used by members of all three faiths. These same interfaith partnerships helped pay
for night watchmen to guard community crops during harvesting time, for grist mills to grind the
gathered grain, for water wheels and irrigation sluices to distribute water among the villages’
fields, and even for bath houses shared by the community members (Menocal, 2002). Perhaps most
remarkably, Jewish, Christian, and Muslim merchants, traders, and shopkeepers would form
business partnerships under which the Sabbaths of each member would be ‘covered’ by one of the
other members, permitting commercial activities to continue throughout the week.
Conclusions
It is remarkable that marketers in a medieval country could find ways to use creatively their religious
differences to enhance their offerings to the community and to the world, whereas we seem to be still
struggling with these same issues in the present day (see e.g. Alserhan, 2010; Mahajan, 2012;
Sandikci, 2011; Sandikci and Ger, 2007; Tarlo, 2010; Temporal, 2011; Varul, 2008; Wong, 2007).
Books are written to ‘‘guide’’ western marketers in the intricacies of Islamic thought and practice, as
if all Muslims were a unified bloc of consumers (see e.g. Alserhan, 2010; Rudnycky, 2009: Schielke,
2010; Temporal, 2011). Books are written which make Muslims seem irretrievably foreign and
oppositional to western capitalism. Articles are written, which make the western world seem cravenly materialistic and absent a soul (Imran Khan, ‘‘Why the West craves Materialism and the East
seeks Religion’’). Muslim Spain—and later Christian Spain with Muslim inhabitants—stands as
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models that ‘‘we can all get along’’ to paraphrase Rodney King. All that is required is the cultural
commitment to permit individuals, whatever be their religious orientation, to live their lives—and
spend their incomes—as they desire. Marketers who approach Muslim consumers with this attitude
in mind will flourish, just as they did in Medieval Spain.
Finally, I want to thank the editors for giving me an opportunity to put forward my opinions on
this topic. I hope my ancestors are happy that their commitment to cooperation and toleration has
been carried forward over time.
References
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Elizabeth C. Hirschman is a professor II of Marketing at School of Business, Rutgers University,
New Brunswick, NJ 08901, USA. [email: [email protected]]
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