Lesson
7
Reading
Lesson
Title
Historical
Documents
H
T
istorical documents, such as the pamphlet
and speech you are about to read, are
texts that influenced events and impacted
K
history. Thomas Paine wrote the pamphlet
TK
Common Sense in support of the Declaration
TK
of Independence.
The publication made a
strong case for independence as America’s
destiny and helped convince many Americans
that a break with Britain was necessary and
would allow Americans to create a better
society. In the pamphlet, Paine ridiculed the
idea that kings ruled by God’s will, and argued
that all monarchies were corrupt. He also
disagreed with the economic arrangements
between Britain and America. By breaking
with Britain, he argued, Americans could
trade freely with other nations.
Franklin D. Roosevelt’s “First Inaugural
Address” (March 4, 1933) came at another
moment of crisis in American history. This
time, the United States stood on the brink of
financial ruin, in the throes of the worldwide
economic upheaval known as the Great
Depression (1929–1939). His task was to
convince the American people that his
leadership as president of the United States
would effectively rescue the country from
the ravages of the Great Depression.
As you read these texts, try to determine
the historical significance of each and how
the historical context influences the way each
argument is made.
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Consider
Why does Paine return so often to the idea of what is “right”?
What does he intend by calling his pamphlet Common Sense?
abridged from
COMMON SENSE
by Thomas
Paine
Introduction
1
WorD CHoICE The words
authors choose to repeat and
emphasize in their work often
signal their main point. In
paragraphs 1 and 2, Paine introduces his pamphlet as a question
of “RIGHT” versus “WRONG.”
Why do you think he uses those
words? What does Paine want
people to do or understand?
HIstorICal DoCumENts
To understand historical documents, you must consider the
context in which they were
written. Common Sense was
published in 1776, at the beginning of the American Revolution.
How does that knowledge help
you understand Paine’s point in
paragraph 2?
Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages, are
not YET sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favour; a
long habit of not thinking a thing WRONG, gives it a superficial
appearance of being RIGHT, and raises at first a formidable outcry
in defense of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes
more converts than reason.
As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of
calling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which might
never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated
into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in
his OWN RIGHT, to support the Parliament in what he calls
THEIRS, and as the good people of this country are grievously
oppressed by the combination, they have an undoubted privilege
to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally to reject the
usurpation of either.
The Palace of Westminster in London, England, has served as the
home of Parliament, the seat of supreme legislative power in Britain,
for centuries. Thomas Paine believed that Parliament had too much
power and that the people should be trusted to decide how they
were governed through regular elections.
124
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In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided
every thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as
well as censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and
the worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose
sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves
unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion.
The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all
mankind. Many circumstances hath, and will arise, which are
not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all
Lovers of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their
Affections are interested. The laying a Country desolate with
Fire and Sword, declaring War against the natural rights of all
Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face
of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath
given the Power of feeling; of which Class, regardless of Party
Censure, is the AUTHOR.
5
tHEmE A theme is an underlying
message about people or society.
Writers of historical documents
often address a theme in their
work. How does Paine connect
the theme of natural rights with
his argument for independence
from England?
P.S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed,
with a View of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt
to refute the Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet
appeared, it is now presumed that none will, the Time needful for
getting such a Performance ready for the Public being considerably past.
Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to
the Public, as the Object for Attention is the DOCTRINE ITSELF,
not the MAN. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is
unconnected with any Party, and under no sort of Influence public
or private, but the influence of reason and principle.
Philadelphia, February 14, 1776
autHor’s PurPosE An
author’s purpose is the reason why
he or she decides to write about a
particular topic. In paragraph 6,
Paine claims that his identity is
beside the point. How does his
insistence on anonymity further
his purpose?
Vocabulary Strategy
o ain
pe i i o a
lary
Authors will often use words that belong to a particular area
of experience. Here, Paine uses words that pertain to the political
and historical climate of an America on the verge of declaring
independence from British rule.
continental
reconciliation
subjection
constitution
parliament
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Thoughts on the Pr esent State
of A m e r ic a n A f fa i r s
In the following pages I offer nothing more than simple
facts, plain arguments, and common sense; and have no other
Preliminaries to settle with the reader, than that he will divest
himself of prejudice and prepossession, and suffer his reason and
his feelings to determine for themselves; that he will put ON, or
rather that he will not put OFF the true character of a man, and
generously enlarge his views beyond the present day.
ClaIm An author makes a
claim when stating something
he or she believes to be true.
In paragraph 8, Paine makes a
claim about his ideas on American
independence. Why might his
choice of “plain” and “common”
reinforce his claim?
PoINt oF VIEW An author’s
point of view refers to his or her
ideas and feelings that influence
the way he or she views a topic.
What is Paine’s point of view?
toNE The tone of a work is the
author’s attitude toward the subject or audience. Although Paine
argues for a violent course of
action, his tone is steady and balanced. Underline examples of this
balanced tone in paragraphs 8–10.
CENtral IDEa The central idea
of a text is the most important
idea. Paine’s central idea is that
the time for American independence has come. How does
Paine support his central idea
in paragraph 11?
126
Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle
between England and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in
the controversy, from different motives, and with various designs;
but all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed.
Arms, as the last resource, decide this contest; the appeal was the
choice of the king, and the continent hath accepted the challenge.
10
It hath been reported of the late Mr. Pelham (who tho’ an able
minister was not without his faults) that on his being attacked in
the house of commons, on the score, that his measures were only
of a temporary kind, replied “THEY WILL LAST MY TIME.” Should
a thought so fatal and unmanly possess the colonies in the present
contest, the name of ancestors will be remembered by future
generations with detestation.
The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. ’Tis not
the affair of a city, a county, a province, or a kingdom, but of a
continent—of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe. ’Tis
not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually
involved in the contest, and will be more or less affected, even to
the end of time, by the proceedings now. Now is the seed-time of
continental union, faith and honour. The least fracture now will
be like a name engraved with the point of a pin on the tender rind
of a young oak; the wound will enlarge with the tree, and posterity
read it in full grown characters.
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Whole Class
This print shows
British troops firing
upon the Minute Men
during the Battle of
Lexington on April 19,
1775. The Battles of
Lexington and Concord
were the first military
engagements of the
American Revolution.
By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new area for
politics is struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen. All plans,
proposals, &c.1 prior to the nineteenth of April, i. e. to the commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacs of the last year;
which, though proper then are superseded and useless now.
Whatever was advanced by the advocates on either side of the
question then, terminated in one and the same point. viz2 a union
with Great-Britain: the only difference between the parties was the
method of effecting it; the one proposing force, the other friendship; but it hath so far happened that the first hath failed, and the
second hath withdrawn her influence.
CoNNECtIoNs Authors often
make connections between
events in order to support their
ideas. In paragraph 12, Paine
makes a reference to the Battles
of Lexington and Concord that
occurred on April 19, 1775. How
does referring to these events help
support his appeal to fight for
independence from England?
As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation
which, like an agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as
we were, it is but right, that we should examine the contrary side of
the argument, and inquire into some of the many material injuries
which these colonies sustain, and always will sustain, by being
connected with, and dependent on Great Britain: To examine that
connection and dependence, on the principles of nature and common sense, to see what we have to trust to, if separated, and what
we are to expect, if dependant.
CHECK IN Make sure you understand what you have read so far by
answering the following question: What is Paine asking his readers to do?
I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former connection with Great Britain that the
same connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and
will always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious
than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a
child has thrived upon milk that it is never to have meat, or that
the first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the
next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true, for I
answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much,
DEVEloPING IDEas An author
may develop ideas by bringing up
counterarguments and then
refuting them as “fallacious” or
false. What counterargument does
Paine bring up in paragraph 14,
and how does he prove it to
be false?
1
&c et cetera
2
viz namely
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Boston Harbor was one of the
busiest ports of Colonial America.
This image shows the retreat of
British ships after the Revolutionary
War. This image is part of the
National Archives collection.
and probably much more, had no European power had any thing
to do with her. The commerce, by which she hath enriched herself,
are the necessaries of life, and will always have a market while
eating is the custom of Europe.
15
arGumENt An author’s
argument is based on his or her
perspective on an issue and the
relevant, supporting evidence.
Paine makes arguments throughout his pamphlet for the sensible
nature of his proposal. Is Paine’s
reasoning in paragraph 16
convincing? Explain.
DEtaIls Details support the
central idea of a text. In paragraphs 16–17, Paine references
the countries of France and Spain
as enemies of the American colonies only by way of the colonies’
allegiance to England. Why is this
detail important to Paine’s argument for American independence?
128
But she has protected us, say some. That she has engrossed us
is true, and defended the continent at our expense as well as her
own is admitted, and she would have defended Turkey from the
same motive, viz. the sake of trade and dominion.
Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices,
and made large sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the
protection of Great Britain, without considering, that her motive
was INTEREST not ATTACHMENT; that she did not protect us
from OUR ENEMIES on OUR ACCOUNT, but from HER ENEMIES
on HER OWN ACCOUNT, from those who had no quarrel with us
on any OTHER ACCOUNT, and who will always be our enemies
on the SAME ACCOUNT. Let Britain wave her pretensions to the
continent, or the continent throw off the dependence, and we
should be at peace with France and Spain were they at war with
Britain. The miseries of Hanover’s last war ought to warn us
against connections.
It has lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have
no relation to each other but through the parent country, i.e. that
Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest, are sister colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a very round-about
way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way
of proving enemyship, if I may so call it. France and Spain never
were, nor perhaps ever will be our enemies as AMERICANS, but
as our being the subjects of GREAT BRITAIN.
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But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more
shame upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young,
nor savages make war upon their families; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or
only partly so and the phrase PARENT or MOTHER COUNTRY
hath been jesuitically3 adopted by the king and his parasites, with
a low papistical4 design of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous
weakness of our minds. Europe, and not England, is the parent
country of America. This new world hath been the asylum for the
persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from EVERY PART
of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of
the mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true
of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants
from home, pursues their descendants still.
In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow
limits of three hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England)
and carry our friendship on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood
with every European Christian, and triumph in the generosity of
the sentiment.
20
It is pleasant to observe by what regular
gradations we surmount the force of local
prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance
with the world. A man born in any town in
England divided into parishes, will naturally
associate most with his fellow-parishioners
(because their interests in many cases will
be common) and distinguish him by the
name of NEIGHBOUR; if he meet him but a
few miles from home, he drops the narrow
idea of a street, and salutes him by the
name of TOWNSMAN; if he travel out of
3
jesuitically in this context, deceptively
4
papistical in this context, authoritarian
FIGuratIVE laNGuaGE
Figurative language is the words
and phrases an author uses
that are not meant to be taken
literally. Personification is a kind of
figurative language that attributes
human characteristics to something that is not human. Underline
examples of personification in
paragraph 18.
ClaIm Writers often use details
to support a claim. What details
does Paine use in paragraph 18 to
refute the argument that Britain is
mother country to America?
Denmark
British
Isles
United
Provinces
Germany
France
Switzerland
Paine rejected arguments for
reconciliation with England and
set his sights on establishing
friendly ties with other European
powers, such as Spain and France.
Portugal
Italy
Spain
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The Boston Tea Party, an action of protest
by colonial Americans against what they
saw as unfair British tax policy, occurred
on December 16, 1773. The taxes imposed
on the colonists by Britain was one of the
factors that led to the Revolutionary War.
arGumENt An author uses
sound reasoning to to demonstrate
a valid argument. What argument
is Paine making in paragraph 20?
Is his reasoning valid? Explain.
EVIDENCE Evidence refers
to facts and examples that help
prove an author’s points. In
paragraph 21, Paine argues that
the fact of “English descent” of
the American colonials is not a
good reason for reconciling with
England because the royal line of
Britain traces back to France. Why
is this piece of evidence relevant
here? How does it help make
Paine’s case?
130
the county, and meet him in any other, he forgets the minor
divisions of street and town, and calls him COUNTRYMAN, i. e.
COUNTRYMAN; but if in their foreign excursions they should
associate in France or any other part of EUROPE, their local
remembrance would be enlarged into that of ENGLISHMEN. And
by a just parity of reasoning, all Europeans meeting in America, or
any other quarter of the globe, are COUNTRYMEN; for England,
Holland, Germany, or Sweden, when compared with the whole,
stand in the same places on the larger scale, which the divisions of
street, town, and county do on the smaller ones; distinctions too
limited for continental minds. Not one third of the inhabitants,
even of this province, are of English descent. Wherefore I reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country applied to England
only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous.
But admitting, that we were all of English descent, what
does it amount to? Nothing. Britain, being now an open enemy,
extinguishes every other name and title: And to say that reconciliation is our duty, is truly farcical. The first king of England, of the
present line (William the Conqueror) was a Frenchman, and half
the Peers of England are descendants from the same country;
therefore, by the same method of reasoning, England ought to be
governed by France.
Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the
colonies, that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world.
But this is mere presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither
do the expressions mean any thing; for this continent would never
suffer itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British
arms in either Asia, Africa, or Europe.
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Besides what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? Our
plan is commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the peace
and friendship of all Europe; because, it is the interest of all Europe to
have America a FREE PORT. Her trade will always be a protection,
and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her from invaders.
I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew,5 a
single advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected
with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is
derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and
our imported goods must be paid for, buy them where we will.
25
But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, are without number; and our duty to mankind at large, as
well as to ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because,
any submission to, or dependence on Great Britain, tends directly
to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets
us at variance with nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom, we have neither anger nor complaint. As
Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any part of it. It is the true interest of America to steer
clear of European contentions, which she never can do, while by
her dependence on Britain, she is made the make-weight in the
scale of British politics.
autHor’s PurPosE The
author’s purpose is what he or
she attempts to achieve in the
text. In Common Sense, Paine
argues passionately for the
American colonies to declare their
independence from Britain. Why
does Paine include this discussion
in paragraphs 23–24 on trade
with Europe? How does it help
serve his overall purpose in writing
this piece?
CHECK IN Make sure you understand what you have read so far by
answering the following question: What are the benefits of gaining independence from Britain that Paine has described?
TO CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or
however unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many
strong and striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing
can settle our affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined
declaration for independance. Some of which are,
5
summarY Summarizing is an
important skill that may be used to
check comprehension. Summarize
Paine’s argument in 1–2 sentences.
shew archaic spelling of “show”
Paine’s argument is partly an
economic one, emphasizing the
possibility of expanded trade
with Europe for an independent
America. Trade ships such as
this were used in the 1700s.
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FIRST. It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war,
for some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as
mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but
while America calls herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power,
however well disposed she may be, can offer her mediation.
Wherefore, in our present state we may quarrel on for ever.
loGICal rEasoNING One
persuasive technique used in argument is logic. Logic refers to using
valid evidence or clear reasoning
to prove a claim. How does Paine
use logic in paragraphs 27 and 28
to prove that “other powers”
will not help settle the conflict
between the American colonists
and Britain until America declares
independence?
SECONDLY. It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain
will give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use
of that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and
strengthening the connection between Britain and America;
because, those powers would be sufferers by the consequences.
THIRDLY. While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain,
we must, in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The
precedent is somewhat dangerous to THEIR PEACE, for men to be
in arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the
paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection, requires an idea
much too refined for common understanding.
30
Members of the Continental Army
fought for independence during
the Revolutionary War after Paine’s
Common Sense helped set the stage
for the adoption of the Declaration
of Independence.
EVIDENCE Evidence is the proof
an author uses to convince the
audience of his or her argument.
What evidence does Paine use
in paragraph 32 to support his
overall argument that declaring
independence is “common sense”
and should be done without delay?
Explain whether this evidence
is relevant.
FOURTHLY. Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched
to foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and
the peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress;
declaring, at the same time, that not being able, any longer, to live
happily or safely under the cruel disposition of the British court,
we had been driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections
with her; at the same time, assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition towards them, and of our desire of entering into
trade with them: Such a memorial would produce more good
effects to this Continent, than if a ship were freighted with
petitions to Britain.
Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can
neither be received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is
against us, and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank
with other nations.
These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult;
but, like all other steps which we have already passed over, will
in a little time become familiar and agreeable; and, until an
independance is declared, the Continent will feel itself like a man
who continues putting off some unpleasant business from day to
day, yet knows it must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over,
and is continually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity.
from A ppendix
. . . I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest
and most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE;
With some occasional remarks.
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He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his
argument, and on that ground, I answer GENERALLY—THAT
INDEPENDANCE BEING A SINGLE SIMPLE LINE, CONTAINED
WITHIN OURSELVES; AND RECONCILIATION, A MATTER
EXCEEDINGLY PERPLEXED AND COMPLICATED, AND IN
WHICH, A TREACHEROUS CAPRICIOUS COURT IS TO
INTERFERE, GIVES THE ANSWER WITHOUT A DOUBT.
35
The present state of America is truly alarming to every man
who is capable of reflexion. Without law, without government,
without any other mode of power than what is founded on, and
granted by courtesy. Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which, is nevertheless subject to change,
and which, every secret enemy is endeavouring to dissolve. Our
present condition, is, Legislation without law; wisdom without a
plan; a constitution without a name; and, what is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance contending for dependance. The
instance is without a precedent; the case never existed before; and
who can tell what may be the event? The property of no man is
secure in the present unbraced system of things. The mind of the
multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object before
them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing is
criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one
thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases. The Tories dared not
have assembled offensively, had they known that their lives, by
that act, were forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of distinction
should be drawn, between, English soldiers taken in battle, and
inhabitants of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but
the latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his head.
EVIDENCE The evidence an
author offers in support of an
argument must be relevant as
well as sufficient. In paragraph 35,
underline the evidence Paine uses
to support his claim that independence is the natural choice for
America. Is his evidence sufficient?
HIstorICal DoCumENts A
historical document is a document
that significantly impacted events
or ideas. What is the historical
significance of Paine’s Common
Sense? What events or ideas did
it impact?
The American Revolutionary War began in 1775, but only after
the adoption of the United States Declaration of Independence
on July 4, 1776, was the irrevocable nature of the break with
Britain made clear.
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Rhetori
Rhetori refers to the way in which authors or speakers use different techniques
to persuade their audience. Common rhetorical devices include analogy, repetition,
and metaphor.
• Analogy: An analogy is a comparison meant to shed light on the point the
author is making. For example, Paine uses an analogy in the following
sentence from paragraph 11 to compare a physical scar in the bark of a
young oak tree, to the increasingly detrimental effects over time of disunity in
throwing off British rule:
The least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point of a
pin on the tender rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge with the
tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters.
• Repetition: By repeating key words or phrases, an author can emphasize
the main point. For example, in paragraphs 8 and 34, Paine frames his
argument as a “simple” one: “simple facts” (paragraph 8); “SIMPLE LINE”
(paragraph 34).
• Metaphor: A metaphor is a figure of speech by which a thing or situation is
described in a way that cannot be taken literally. Metaphors are direct
comparisons and do not use the words like or as. For example, in paragraph
18 Paine writes of “the king and his parasites.” “Parasites” refers to those
associates of the king who live off of his wealth without contributing anything
of worth to the king or his subjects in return.
Try It
Create a chart like the one below on a separate sheet of paper. For each
rhetorical device, identify one or two examples from the text where Paine uses
the device. Then explain the effect of the device.
Rhetorical Device
Example from Text
Effect of Device
Analogy
Repetition
Metaphor
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Vocabulary Strategy
o ain
pe i i o a
lary
Authors often use words from a certain domain, or area of experience, in their
writing. Use each of the following words in a sentence related to the domain of
American history.
1.
ontinental
2. re on iliation
3. parlia ent
4.
5.
e tion
on tit tion
o prehen ion he
Answer these questions about the selection you have just read. Use details from
the selection to support your responses.
1. How does Paine use rhetoric to advance his point of view?
2. How does Paine use specific details to support his argument?
3. What persuasive techniques does Paine use to appeal to his readers and
influence them to agree with his argument? Are these techniques effective?
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Consider
What was the historical context of the United States in 1933?
How might this influence our reading of Roosevelt’s speech?
First Inaugural Address
by Franklin
D. Roosevelt
March 4, 1933
autHor’s PurPosE Reread
paragraph 1. Restate the author’s
main purpose.
toNE How does Roosevelt’s tone
in paragraph 1 match his purpose?
WorD CHoICE Circle the words
in paragraph 1 that Roosevelt uses
to help inspire hope.
CoNNECtIoNs In paragraphs
2–3, what connections does
Roosevelt make between events
and the current state of the
American economy?
1
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my
induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor
and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth,
frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it
has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me
assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear
itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes
needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour
of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met
with that understanding and support of the people themselves
which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again
give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common
difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values
have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to
pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents
of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every
side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of
many years in thousands of families are gone.
Franklin D. Roosevelt delivered
his first inaugural address as
president of the United States
in 1933.
136
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More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim
problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with
little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities
of the moment.
Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are
stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which
our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not
afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers
her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our
doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of
the supply. Primarily this is because rulers of the exchange of
mankind’s goods have failed through their own stubbornness
and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and
have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers
stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the
hearts and minds of men.
5
True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have
proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of
profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for
restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of
self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the
people perish.
EVIDENCE Underline the
evidence Roosevelt gives in
paragraph 4 to help prove his
view of what is causing food
shortages. Is it relevant to
his claim?
PoINt oF VIEW How does
Roosevelt’s position as newly
sworn in president of the United
States affect his speech?
The money changers have fled from their high seats in the
temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to
the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the
extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere
monetary profit.
In 1929, there was a stock market
crash in New York City that led to
the sharp reduction in value of many
stocks held by private individuals and
larger investors alike, signaling the
beginning of the Great Depression.
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The Great Depression led to high
levels of unemployment in the United
States for approximately ten years.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in
the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and
moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad
chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they
cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered
unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.
CENtral IDEa Underline key
phrases in paragraphs 6–7 that
show Roosevelt’s central idea.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard
of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false
belief that public office and high political position are to be valued
only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and
there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business
which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous
and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes,
for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without
them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in
ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no
unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can
be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government
itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war,
but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing
greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our
natural resources.
ClaIm What claim does
Roosevelt make in paragraph 9?
10
138
Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a
national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use
of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped
by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and
with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be
helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss
through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be
helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments
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act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.
It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are
often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by
national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a
definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can
be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it.
We must act and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require
two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order: there
must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments, so that there will be an end to speculation with other
people’s money; and there must be provision for an adequate but
sound currency.
These are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new
Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the several
States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting
our own national house in order and making income balance
outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important,
are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment
of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the
putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world
trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency
at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national
recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first
consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements
in and parts of the United States—a recognition of the old and
permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of
the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is
the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.
15
WorD CHoICE In paragraph 10,
how does Roosevelt refer to the
problem of home and small farm
foreclosure? What is the effect of
this word choice?
DEVEloPING IDEas What
two “safeguards” does Roosevelt
advocate for in paragraph 11 as
he lays out his ambitious recovery
plan for the nation? Do these
address the “evils of the old
order” that he describes in
paragraphs 4–8? Explain.
FIGuratIVE laNGuaGE
What figurative language is
used in paragraph 13? What
theme does Roosevelt suggest
by using this phrase?
loGICal rEasoNING
How does Roosevelt use logic
in paragraph 14 to explain his
confidence in the long-term
prospects for his recovery plan?
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the
policy of the good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects
himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others—the
neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of
his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
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If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as
we have never realized before our interdependence on each other;
that we cannot merely take but we must give as well; that if we are
to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to
sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without
such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and
property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership
which aims at a larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that
the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation
with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.
tHEmE What theme does
Roosevelt emphasize in
paragraph 16? Why is this
theme important to his speech?
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership
of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack
upon our common problems.
FIGuratIVE laNGuaGE
Underline the figure of speech
Roosevelt uses in paragraph 17.
What is the effect of this
language?
arGumENt In paragraphs 19
and 20, why does Roosevelt begin
to discuss the balance of power
inherent in the United States
Constitution?
140
Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form
of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our
Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to
meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional
system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political
mechanism the modern world has produced. It has met every
stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter
internal strife, of world relations.
It is to be hoped that the normal balance of Executive and
legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented
demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary
departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
20
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the
measures that a stricken Nation in the midst of a stricken world
may require. These measures, or such other measures as the
Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek,
within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
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But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these
two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still
critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then
confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining
instrument to meet the crisis—broad Executive power to wage a
war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be
given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the
devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
rHEtorIC In paragraph 21, how
does Roosevelt develop the metaphor of war he introduced in
paragraph 17? How is this rhetorical device important to making his
case for potentially expanding
executive power?
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old
and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes
from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We
aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The
people of the United States have not failed. In their need they
have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.
They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.
They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In
the spirit of the gift I take it.
25
In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of
God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me
in the days to come.
DomaIN-sPECIFIC
VoCaBularY Circle the words
Roosevelt uses in paragraph 24
that pertain specifically to the
context of governance.
summarY Summarize
Roosevelt’s argument in his
speech. Pay particular attention to his final remarks in
paragraphs 21–24.
HIstorICal DoCumENts
What makes this speech historically significant? How might its
theme have affected Americans at
that time?
The White House is not only home to the sitting president
and family, but it also houses the top executive offices of
the United States Government.
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i
ion
Discuss these questions with your group, and together write a paragraph in response to each
question. Provide evidence to support your responses.
1. Are you inspired by Roosevelt’s speech to aim for a higher ideal of happiness? Explain.
2. What parallels are there between the concerns that Roosevelt addresses in his speech and
the concerns of many Americans in the present day?
3. What does Roosevelt mean in paragraph 21 when he promises to “wage war against the
emergency” of the depression? Do you think he is justified to exercise this power in the face
of an economic crisis, rather than a military crisis? Explain.
o prehen ion he
Answer these questions about the selection you have just read. Use details from the selection
to support your responses.
1. What evidence does Roosevelt use to support his central ideas? Is his reasoning valid?
2. Analyze Roosevelt’s plan for the nation as described in his speech. What are its main points?
3. How does Roosevelt use rhetoric to appeal to the American people? How does his use of
rhetoric make clear his point of view or purpose?
Independent Projects
On Your Own Your teacher may assign you one or both of the following performance tasks.
Investigate other pamphlets and propaganda from the American
Revolution.
Apply what you know about historical documents and speeches to another
president’s inaugural address.
Inquiry
Research other pamphlets and
propaganda that were released during
the American Revolution. Then write
an essay explaining the effects of
those documents. Be sure to compare
documents from both Patriots and
Loyalists.
Application
Read another inaugural address
by a United States president. Use
the reproducible your teacher has
provided to record and organize
your notes about the address. Then,
evaluate the effectiveness of the
speech in a written response and
slide show presentation.
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