SociologicalPerspectives
CopyrightC) 1992 PacificSociological Association
Vol. 35, No. 1, pp. 163-182
ISSN 0731-1214
CHICANAS IN WHITE-COLLAR JOBS:
"You Have to Prove YourselfMore"
DENISE A. SEGURA
Universityof California,Santa Barbara
ABSTRACT: Using the theoretical
perspective
originallydevelopedby
Westand Zimmerman
(1987)-wherein genderis viewedas a dynamic,
interactional
ratherthana categorical
accomplishment
status,thisarticle
exploreshow bothgenderand race-ethnicity
are reinforced
and affirmed
among152 selectedChicanawhite-collar
workers
ina majorpublicuniversity.Basedon resultsfroma 1989-1990 mailsurveyand in-depth
interviewswith35 randomly-selected
I findthatthetasksperrespondents,
formed in the workplace,sex-and-race/ethnic
discriminationand
and thefemale-associated
harassment,
tasksChicanascontinueto do at
home,all intensify
theiraccomplishment
ofgenderas well as reinforce
occupationalsegregation
bygenderand gender-race/ethnicity.
Moreover,
Chicanas'attachment
tofamilyis linkedideologically
to thesurvivalofthe
Chicanoculture,rendering
theiraccomplishment
ofgenderan overtact of
racial-ethnic
and culturalpolitics.This particular
findingmaywell be a
truthin manywomen'slives.
neglected
I thinkyouhavetoproveyourself
morejustbecauseyouare-numberonea woman,and then[because]youareLatino.So, it'slikeyouhavetwoforces
thatI thinkpeople subconsciously
or consciously
judge.
[Chicanaprofessional
worker#5a]
Increasingnumbersof Chicanas (women ofMexican descent)1are strivingto get
and keep white-collarjobs. Their effortsare constrainedby a complex interplay
of institutionaland individualfactors:the historicalsubordinationofMexicans in
the United States (Barrera1979); sex and race-ethnicdiscriminationembedded in
large organizations(Baron and Newman 1990; Nelson and Tienda 1985); negative stereotypesheld by employers and coworkers (Ybarra 1988); and family
work overload (Segura 1989a). When Chicanas secure white-collarjobs, they
tend to find work in female-dominatedclericaloccupations. These jobs, often
dismissed by labor-market
researchersas a low-wage ghetto,neverthelessrepreDirect all correspondenceto: Denise A. Segura, Departmentof Sociology,Universityof California,Santa Barbara,
CA 93106-9430. e-mail: [email protected]
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SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume35, Number1, 1992
when theyare
sent a considerablestep upward forChicana workers,particularly
in large, stable organizations(Pesquera 1985; Segura 1986, 1989b).
Approximatelyhalf of all Chicana labor-forceparticipantswork in femaledominated white-collarjobs, mostlyclerical(Malveaux and Wallace 1987; Dill,
Cannon, and Vanneman 1987). While this is an impressive growthfrom1980
levels, substantiallylower proportionsof Chicanas than non-Hispanic women
work in professional/managerial
white-collaroccupations (14.1% and 28%, respectively)(U.S. Bureau of the Census 1991b).
Chicanas' movement into white-collarjobs contributesto growing heterogeneityin the work force,although it has eroded neitheroccupational segregation nor inequality at work and in the family.This paper explores how 152
Chicana white-collarworkersin a major public universityview theiremployment experiencesand familyresponsibilitiesin ways thatcontributeto the proin the labor marketand in the larger
ductionof gender and gender-race/ethnicity
I
ethnic community. explore how job satisfactionamong these women reflects
one aspect of theirreproductionof traditionalgender and race-ethnicrelations.
Specifically,I suggest thatwork activitiescan affirmone's gendered relationto
sense of self,particularlywhen
the world and reinforceone's gender/race-ethnic
I
the clients are racial-ethnicminorities. also examine the workplace barriers
Chicanas encounter,such as sexual harassmentand racial-ethnicdiscrimination,
sense of self.Finally,I
and how theireffectscan strengthena gender/race-ethnic
argue thatChicanas' activitiesat home and theirseeminglyirrationalsatisfaction
with the unequal divisionof household labor actuallyrepresentrationalways of
accommodatingthemselvesto the relativelyrigidconstraintsimposed by gender
offeranotherlens to
and race-ethnicity.
These actions and theirinterpretations
to
the
of
the
ethnic
community,and of
maintenance
view mechanisms critical
gender and labor-marketinequality.
REPRODUCING GENDER AND CHICANO ETHNICITY
The theoreticalreferencepoint forthispaper is the perspectiveoriginallydeveloped by West and Zimmerman(1987), and usefullyapplied to other empirical
data on women's work (Berk 1985).2 This frameworkviews gender and raceethnicitynot just as categoricalstatuses, but as dynamic,interactionalaccomplishments.It presumes thatin the course of dailyaffairs-work, forexampleand reproduceourselves as belongingto, and competently
we present,reaffirm,
representativeof,gender and racial-ethniccategories.Thus, the workernot only
is Chicana, she also "does" Chicana. And, workactivitiesprovide ample opporof membershipin good standing of that group.
tunitiesfor the reaffirmation
Female-dominatedjobs offerunique occasions forwomen to "do gender," or
enact and thus reaffirmwhat we take to be the "essential nature" of women
(Westand Zimmerman1987; Westand Fenstermakern.d.). When an occupation
involves "helping others," or "servingmen," etc., women can simultaneously
affirmthemselvesas competentworkers,and also reinforcesocial conceptualiza-
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CHICANASIN WHITE-COLLAR
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165
tions of their "essential" femininitywithin the organization,for the clientele,
and among themselves.
Fenstermaker,West, and Zimmerman observe: "the demands of gender
do not competefor attentionon the job; togetherthey formone of thedimensionsofthejob thatis daily enacted by participants"(1991:301,emphasis added).
Hochschild's (1983) study of what she terms,"emotional labor" in two occupations-flight attendantsand bill collectors-details the different
expectationsfor
male and female workers required by the employer, clients, and among the
workersthemselves. Unlike femaleflightattendants,males were not sought by
customers (or trained by the organization) for nurturanceor gentleness, nor
were theyexpected to display constantcheerfulness.Male flightattendantsalso
tended to be promotedmorequicklythanwomen. Hochschild's studyoffersone
instance of how both institutionsand workers are held accountable for the
"doing of gender" and affirmsFenstermakeret al.'s contentionthat,"regardless
of position,the practiceof gender and its complexrelationto the practiceof work
will support inequalityon the job" (1991:299).
The notion of gender as an accomplishmentacquires other nuances when
women have children and familiesto care for. In the United States, women
continue to do the vast majorityof household labor even when they are employed full-time(Berk 1985; Hochschild 1989). Moreover,most household members view the typical asymmetricdivision of household labor as "fair" (Berk
1985). One explanationforthe tenacityofthisattitudeamong men and women is
thatsuch judgments concerningequityinvolve many more considerationsthan
efficiencyor effort.Berk(1985:204) argues that,when women engage in housework and child care, one social product is "a reaffirmation
of one's gendered
relationto the work and to the world. In short,the 'shoulds' of genderideals are
fused with the 'musts' of efficient
household production."The resultis what we
have in the past thought of as "irrational"and "unfair" household arrangements.
The notion of gender as a situatedaccomplishmentallows forreal interaction
between gender and variations in women's material conditions or circumstances, including race-ethnicity.
Zinn defines "racial ethnic" groups as referring to:
groupslabeledas racesin thecontext
ofcertainhistorical,
social,and material
conditions.Blacks,Latinos,and AsianAmericansare racialgroupsthatare
formed,
defined,and givenmeaningbya variety
ofsocialforcesin thewider
society,mostnotablydistinctive
formsof laborexploitation.
Each groupis
also bound togetherby ethnicity,
thatis, commonancestryand emergent
culturalcharacteristics
thatare oftenused forcopingwithracialoppression.
The conceptracialethnicunderscoresthe social construction
of race and
forpeople ofcolorin theUnitedStates(1990:80,note1).
ethnicity
Ethnicityis markedby a set of norms,customs,and behaviorsdifferent
fromthe
dominant or majorityethnicgroup as well as "a shared feelingof peoplehood"
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SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume35, Number1, 1992
encompasses both
(Gordon 1964; Keefe and Padilla 1987). Chicano race-ethnicity
psychological processes of group attachment(identity,attitudinalorientation,
and preferences)and behavioral manifestations(culturalknowledge, language
use, and traditions)(Garcia 1982:296).While no singlereason can accountforthe
persistence of Chicano culture and the racial-ethniccommunity,causal factors
stem fromtreatmentby the majoritygroup and the racial-ethnicminoritygroup
and from the interactionbetween them that occurs within social institutions
(e.g., the labor marketand the family)(Keefe and Padilla 1987; Zinn 1980). This
is sociallyconstructedthrough
suggests that,like gender,Chicano race-ethnicity
interactionand dynamicallymaintained by both institutionsand individuals.
Thus, withthisframework,we can pose notjust the "intersection"ofrace-ethnic
in the truesense of the term.Chicanas
and gender categories,but an interaction
nor just women workers. And, theirexperibecome not just female Chicanos,
ences at work-as theysimultaneouslyproduce both workerandChicana-are
unique (Fenstermaker,personal communication).
Zinn observes that,in general,"ithas been assumed thatone's ethnicidentity
is more importantthan one's gender identity"(1980:23). Moreover, she notes
have been limitedin scope and
that discussions of gender and race-ethnicity
typicallysituated withinthe contextof the family.Withinthe racial-ethniccomis affirmedin the familywhen Spanish is taught,
munity,Chicano race-ethnicity
cultural values instilled, racial-ethnicpride emphasized, and interactionwith
other Chicanos esteemed.
is reinforcedby discriminaWithinthe labor market,Chicano race-ethnicity
tion (both objective and perceived) and social exclusion from the dominant
group (Barrera1979; Nelson and Tienda 1985). In addition, thereare other,less
may be affirmed.Even as occupations
obvious ways thatChicano race-ethnicity
contain a dimension for"doing gender," theremay be a dimension for"doing
Chicano race-ethnicity"as well. That is, organizations may structurejobs in
Chicanos' sense of themselvesas membersof a unique racialways thatreaffirm
ethnic group (e.g., using bilingual workers as interpreterswithoutadditional
pay). Or, Chicanos may themselvesact in ways thateitherconsciouslyor unconsciously serve the Chicano community.As one example of the firstpossibility,
Chicanos who work in jobs structuredto "serve" a racial-ethnicclientele(e.g.,
minoritystudents) may encounter a reward system that affirmstheir racialethnic identificationwhile doing theirjob. In the second case, Chicanos who
may
work in jobs that are not overtlystructuredto accomplish race-ethnicity
often
remain
in
whiteracial-ethnic
identity.They
nonetheless reaffirmtheir
collar jobs despite experiencingsocial isolation or discomfortbecause theyfeel
thatsuch "success" indirectlyenlarges the options forothersin the racial-ethnic
community.
is even more complex since their
For Chicanas, accomplishingrace-ethnicity
social identityinvolves gender and embracesthe familyand the labor marketin
ways thatmay have profoundimplicationsforChicano culture.That is, insofar
as women's employmentis typicallyviewed as "forthe family,"such employ-
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CHICANAS
IN WHITE-COLLAR
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167
ment may not offera dynamicavenue forchallenginggender inequalityor male
privilegeat home (Zavella 1987; Segura 1989a). This possibilityis strengthened
when Chicanas work in jobs that affirmboth theirtraditionalgender and/or
gender-race-ethnic
sense of themselves. Also militatingagainst a forcefulchallenge to gender inequalityis women's household work, ofteneulogized as part
of a distinctculturalheritageunder assault by outside social pressures (Mirande
and Enriquez 1979; Zinn 1982, 1979, 1975; Segura 1989a). For Chicanas to challenge traditionalpatternsinvolves integratingpersonal empowermentwith the
politically-charged
issue of culture-ethnic
maintenance.Thus, the need or motivation to continue "traditional"patterns may be more complex for Mexican
women inasmuch as doing housework or child care is the site of accomplishing
not only gender, but culture-race/ethnicity
as well. This dilemma adds another
dimension to our understandingof the tenacityof Chicana inequality.The following section explores the ways gender and gender-race/ethnicity
are affirmed
in the lives of Chicana white-collarworkers.
METHOD AND SAMPLE
In Fall 1989/Winter
1990,in collaborationwithBeatrizPesquera of the University
of California,Davis, I administereda 20-page questionnaire on "women and
work issues" to all Hispanic-identifiedwomen employed at a large public universityin California.3The questionnaire included a batteryof closed-ended
questions concerningwork, the intersectionof familyand work, gender ideology, feminism,ethnicity,and political ideology. One hundred and fifty-two
women completed the questionnaire,representinga response rate of 47.5 percent. In addition, we conducted follow-upinterviewswith35 randomly-selected
informants.4The purpose of the interviewswas to explore in greaterdepth the
meanings of work,gender,and ethnicityforthisgroup of women. This paper is
an exploratoryanalysis of these surveyand interviewdata fortheirimplications
for the reproductionof gender, race-ethnicity,
and labor-marketstratification.
Background Characteristics
Most of the surveyrespondentsare of Mexican (Chicano) descent (85%) with
the resteitherLatin Americanor Spanish (Hispanic) origin.All but fifteenwomen were born in the United States. All ofthe women expressa greatdeal ofpride
in theirethnicityand a majorityalso feel that maintainingChicano culture is
important.Sixty percent of the respondents are bilingual in Spanish and English.
All but three women received high school diplomas; 118 have educations
beyond high school; 43 have a B.A. degree or above. Theireducational levels are
much higher than the Californianorm for Chicanas (llth grade). Ninety-four
women (61.8%) are presentlymarriedor partnered,45.8 percent (n = 43) are
marriedto Chicano men, 10.6 percent(n = 10) are marriedto "otherHispanic"
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SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume35, Number1, 1992
men, and 40.4 percent (n = 38) have non-Hispanic husbands. Three women
declined to state theirhusband's ethnicity.The respondents'ages range from20
to 60 years old, with an average age of 36.5 years. One hundred and eleven
women have children.The mean number of childrenis 2.1.
Occupations
Chicanas' employmentprofilesand my textual analysis of their interviews
reveals thattheirexperiencesat work-their social experiences,discrimination,
harassment,or acceptance-all took on gendered and/orracial-ethnicfeatures.
By and large, the women work in environmentsthatare both homogeneous in
termsof gender (59.2% reportall-femalecoworkers)5;race-ethnicity
(80% report
all-Anglo coworkers); and reproduce gender/race-ethnic
hierarchies(only 29
women have minoritywomen supervisors).
Of the 152 respondents, 41.4 percent (n = 63) work in jobs we classifiedas
"lower-levelclerical";28.9 percent(n = 44) are "upper-levelclericalworkers";5.9
percentare "technicalaides and serviceworkers"(n = 9); while 19.7 percentare
"professional/managerialworkers" (n = 30).6 Six women declined to provide
informationabout theiroccupations. The mean income of the respondents is
$23,288 annually.7
The informants'average incomes are above those of many women workers.8
This income profileallows me to explore the intersectionof gender and raceethnicityamong Chicanas in the more privilegedtiersof the workingclass. It is
importantto note, however, that the form and contours the intersectionof
gender and race-ethnicitytake among this group of women probably differs
fromthat of Chicanas in different
jobs with lower incomes. The benefitof the
presentanalysis is thatit atteststhe pervasive significanceof gender and raceethnicityto Chicanas' lives.
FINDINGS
Job Satisfaction
Exploringwhat Chicanas like and dislike about theirjobs offersone way to
gain insightinto how labor-marketmechanismsmaintainoccupational segregation. When jobs withlimitedopportunitiesoffercertainsubjectiverewards(e.g.,
quality personal interaction,"helping others") or help meet instrumentalneeds
(e.g., economic subsistence),theyprovide importantreasons forwomen to stay
in them, therebyreinforcingexistinglabor-marketboundaries (Segura 1989b;
Zavella 1987;Pesquera 1985).The job characteristics
valued by Chicanas may also
provide insightintoways in whichtheyaccomplishgenderand/orrace-ethnicity.
That is, when a Chicana indicates pleasure or displeasure with a specificjob
she engages in self-reflection-aprocess thatinvolves interaction
characteristic,
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CHICANASIN WHITE-COLLAR
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withherselfand the largergroup to which she holds herselfaccountable.Insofar
hergendered
as a Chicana connectsherjob to a largergroup,she maybe affirming
relationto the world and reinforceher racial-ethnicsense of self.
Contradictoryaccounts existregardingthe role gender plays in workers'evaluations of theirjobs (see England and Browne 1992 fora review of this topic).
Some argue that women value social aspects of theirjobs more than men and
also place less emphasis on pay and career-relatedvalues (Crewley,Levitin,and
Quinn 1973). Other research finds no significantgender differencein what
workers value about theirjobs when occupation and organizationallevel are
taken into account (Briefand Aldag 1975). Using similarcontrolvariables, still
other investigatorsfind that women are more likely than men to emphasize
competence to do the job and good personal relations on the job (Neil and
Snizek 1987; Agassi 1979). Whether women and men like or dislike different
aspects of theirjobs overlooks one criticalpossibility:what workersdo at work
It is equally possible that
may reaffirmtheirgender and/ortheirrace-ethnicity.
may provide
the intrinsicreward of ably "doing gender and/orrace-ethnicity"
them with an additional incentiveto stay on the job.
In the present study, 70.4 percent of the Chicana workers (n = 107) report
being satisfiedwith theircurrentjobs; only 21.7 percent(n = 33) indicatedissatisfaction.When asked to selectthreefeaturesof theirjobs theyliked most (out of
a list of 10 items),60.3 percentof the women replied "having controlof my own
work"; 56.3 percent chose "the pay"; 39.7 percent replied, "it makes me feel
thingsat work"; 30.5 percentlisted
good"; 38.4 percentselected "doing different
"my coworkers";and 25.8 percentindicated "abilityforme to make meaningful
changes." I should note that about one-sixthof the women reportedthat they
enjoyed more than threework featureswhile seven replied they liked nothing
about theirjobs.
There were a fewinterestingvariationsby occupationalgroups. A much higher proportionof lower-levelclericalworkersand technicalaides/serviceworkers
listed "coworkers" as importantto theirjob satisfaction(42.9% and 44.4%, respectively) than did either upper clerical (18.2%) or professional workers
(17.2%). On the otherhand, professionaland upper clericalworkerswere much
more likelyto indicatetheirjob "makes me feelgood" (55.2% and 43.2%, respectively).Few women indicated theyvalued theirjobs because of the "prestige"or
"chances forpromotions."Professionalworkerswere the least likelyto mention
promotion as a valued featureof theirjobs. Insofar as they esteem the social
aspects of the job and place less emphasis on occupational prestigeor promotion, survey respondents appear to confirmprevious researchon women's job
satisfaction.
The in-depthinterviewsprovide insightinto the meanings women attach to
social aspects of work as well as job features that make them "feel good."
Women's accounts of theirjobs reveal two major patterns.First,women discuss
job featuresand job satisfactionin termsthataffirmsocial conceptualizationsof
or connectionwith
femininity.
Second, theiraccounts reveal a sense of affinity
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SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume35, Number1, 1992
Chicano ethnicity.For example, when I asked an upper clericalworkerwhat she
valued about her job, she replied:
I need todo thatbecauseforyourself-esteem
to feelthatyou'redoingsomethingand you'rehelpingotherpeopleaccomplish
themselves
[is important].
In thatsense it'sgood formyhealthand also formykids.I thinkiftheysee
thatyou'reinvolvedwithsomething,
ithelpsthemreachbeyondtheirown
worldtosee thatthereis an outsideworldthere.And,thatthere'sthingsthat
theycan pursuethattheyenjoy.
[upperclericalworker#64a]
This informantvalues her job forallowing her to "help others,"a traitsocially
ascribed to the "femininenature." Her commitmentto affirmthe feminineis
captured by her insistence that helping others is "good" forher health and is
maternallynurturant.Her subsequent opinion thather job enables her children
to "reach beyond their own world" demonstratessolidaritywith her racialethnicgroup's politicizedview thatChicano youthhave limitedoptions (Ogbu
1978; Garcia 1981; Keefe and Padilla 1987). Moreover,gainfullyemployed in an
upper clericaljob, she sees herselfas a role model forthe largerChicano community.Finally,her words underscore the centralityof "family"among the
respondents-a dynamicconsistentwiththe politicsofChicano culturalmaintenance (Williams 1990; Keefe and Padilla 1987).
Other respondents worked in jobs structuredto do "gender and raceethnicity,"or "help" racial-ethnicminoritystudentsor staff.One Chicana professional workeremployed in this type of job stated:
It is verysatisfying
whenyou'reworkingwitha Chicanostudentor witha
blackstudentwho reallywantsto becomea veterinarian.
To see thembeing
and to see themgraduateis
admittedto a Vetschoolis reallyverysatisfying
I justgraduatedmysecondclass,and everyyearthey'llsay,
justincredible.
'Thanks!'And, God-the parentswillsay,'We neverthoughtwe'd have a
doctorinthefamily!'
So, that'sreallyneattofeelthatway,butI'm stilllimited
in thatI'm notdoingenough.
worker#10]
[professional
This informant,like others employed in jobs structuredto "help" racial-ethnic
minoritystudentsor staffis satisfiedwhen she is able to do thejob competently.
Criticalhere is that the gendered act associated with women-that of "helping
others" intersectswith betteringthe racial-ethniccommunity,therebyallowing
the respondent to simultaneouslyaccomplishgender-and-race-ethnicity.
Many of the respondents (60.3%) reportedthey liked feeling"in control"of
theirjob. When I explored what this meant, I found thatChicanas filteredtheir
evaluation of theirjobs througha gender and/orrace-ethniclens. That is, they
valued job control as a means to betterhelp others (a value associated with
women) and also expand the job range of Mexican Americanwomen (a value
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CHICANAS
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171
associated withthe ethniccommunityand women). As one lower clericalworker
(#4) succinctlystated: "You're helping in some ways helping people in helping
make a difference."In thisway, the preferenceforon-the-job"control"implies a
politicizedsense of themselvesas racial-ethnicwomen strivingforsocial change.
About one-fifthof the respondents are dissatisfiedwith theirjobs. Women
with children tended to dislike theirjobs if their supervisors were inflexible
about takingtimeoffand makingup work. Since women bore the major responsibilityfortakingchildrento doctorappointmentsor caringforthemwhen they
were sick or on vacation, women valued jobs that offeredthem a degree of
flextime.Women employed in lower-levelclericaljobs tended to be unhappy
with theirpay. In general, women disliked theirjobs when theyfelttheywere
not doing anythingthey perceived as "helpful" or "useful." As one woman,
workingin a laboratorysetting,said:
I need something
that'susefuland relatedto something
thatis happeningin
theworldnow.Andwhatwe'redoingis reallycloselyrelatedtobasicscience
and, forme has no practical
purpose.So, I don'tfeel-I was goingto study
plantsciencesto save theworldand I'm notdoinganything
now.I findthat
myresearchis notusefulat all forpeopleso I reallywantto moveout.
worker#212a]
[professional
This informant'swords implythatnot only was doing "useful" work criticalto
job satisfaction,it also enabled her to affirmher femininityand accomplish
gender.
In general, the job characteristicsChicanas enjoy (e.g., "control,"and "helping others") are not necessarilyengaged in voluntarily,but ratherformintegral
parts of the jobs as structuredby this particularorganization.Thus, Chicanas
who "feel good" about helping minoritystudents obtain informationabout financial aid or other resources are actually performingtasks essential to their
jobs. In helping others, Chicanas affirmtheirgender and theirrace-ethnicity.
The organization structuresthis enactment(e.g., specificationsof the job description)and they are held accountable forit by theircoworkersand clients
(e.g., through performanceevaluations). Chicanas' impetus to continue this
process is intertwinedwith the process of identityas well as the largerpoliticof
accessing jobs outside the purview of most Chicana workersin the state.
Sexual Harassmentand Race-Ethnic
Discrimination
Women's gendered and race-ethnicsense of themselvesis reinforcedby other,
unrewardingfeaturesof the job. In this study,about one-thirdof the respondents reportedexperiencingsexual harassment(n = 50), while nearly44 percent
(n = 67) said theyhad encountereddiscriminationbased on gender and/orraceethnicity.Sexual harassment and discriminationreinforcesChicanas' sense of
on-the-jobvulnerabilityand theirsocial inequality.In addition,theway in which
women describe sexual harassment and employment discriminationreveals
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SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume35, Number1, 1992
how gender and gender-race-ethnicboundaries are maintainedin the organizationalsetting.While maintainingthese boundaries is not the same as the accomplishmentof gender on the job, it provides a contextin which it occurs.
Women interviewedin this studybelieve thatsexual harassmentis one of the
most underreportedproblemsof the organization.They aver thatwomen often
do not know the definitionof sexual harassmentand are reluctantto pursue a
complaintout of fearof recrimination.Or, as one informant(#155a) put it: "You
have to pick your battles."
Sixtypercentof the women who indicatedhaving experiencedsexual harassment reported "doing something about it." Usually this meant, "telling the
person to stop," "talkingwithfriendsand family,"or "complainingto the appropriate personnel officer."Eleven women did "nothing"and anothernine women acted as though nothinghad happened.
Chicanas voiced outragewhen women (especiallythemselves)were cast in the
role of instigatorsratherthan victimsby coworkersand/orsupervisors:
Everyonelikesto pretendit [sexualharassment]
doesn'thappen.Whenyou
it'sso smallthatbosses
go fromone positionto thenextin thisuniversity
knoweachotherand say,'hey,thiswoman-watchoutforher.'So, youget
blackmailedthatway. And so you sortof have to be carefulin how you
handleit-you don'twantto givethatpersona chanceto getoutofit.So, if
theproperchannelsand
youreallywanttonailhim,you'dbettergo through
makesurethatwhenyou do ityou do itwell.
worker#102a]
[professional
Implicitin this informant'swords is the sense that women who assert themselves in ways thatdirectlyconfrontmen riskretaliationby those participatingin
the interpersonalnetworksof supervisorsand otherworkers.Bosses warn each
other.In her assertiveness,the Chicana workerviolatesall relevantexpectations
of the group: as a worker,as a woman, and as a Chicana; she becomes a threatto
the organization, and especially vulnerable to informalworkplace sanctions.
Sexual harassmentreinforcesChicanas' sense of vulnerabilityand subordination to men withinthe organization.Women express anger when sexual harassment occurs, but view it as a job hazard that needs to be handled with care.
Withinthisconstrainedsetting,women are expected to meet debilitatinggender
expectationsin a way that denigratestheirsense of self even as it reconfirms
theirsecondary standing in the institution.
A problemof equal or greatermagnitudeis discriminationbased on Chicanas'
It is noteworthythatwith few exceptions(n =
combined gender-race/ethnicity.
9), survey respondents did not privilege one formof discriminationover the
other.Rather,theyfelttheirexperiencesreflectedbothgenderand race-ethnicity.
During theirinterviews,Chicanas spoke passionatelyoftheirfirsthandexperiences with on-the-jobdiscrimination.Almost to a woman, they argued that
employers,coworkers,the organization,and societyitselfmaintainpejorative,
stereotypedimages of Chicana and Hispanic women:
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CHICANAS IN WHITE-COLLAR JOBS
Whenpeople look at us theydon'tsee us [heremphasis].Theyjust see the
stereotypesthat they have gotten fromthe movies or somewhere .
.
. they
thinkwe are all uneducated.Theyhave this'indito'underthecactusplant
idea. I've had peoplesay,'I didn'tknowthattherewereanyeducatedpeople
in Mexicothathave a graduatedegree.'I thinkwe stumbleagainstthewall
becausethey'relookingat us acrossa barrierthatis theirimagination.
worker#212a]
[professional
One lower clericalworkerdescribed negative stereotypesmore succinctly:
Thatwe liketo be pregnant.Wedon'tliketo takebirthcontrol.We're'manana' [tomorrow]
oriented.We'reeasy.We'reall overweight
and I guesswe're
hot [laughs]-and submissive.
[lowerclericalworker#153a]
Chicanas feel they are held accountable or judged in terms of theirdeviance
fromor conformityto these one-dimensional stereotypes.Chicanas claim that
supervisors,coworkers,and the institutiondraw on these negativeimages when
they evaluate theircredentialsor previous work experience:
I thinkthatsocietyas a wholesees Mexicanwomenas thegood familyrole
models,buttheydon'tsee themas also beingjustas good in theworkplace.
Justas capable.So, I thinkthattheyhavea viewthat'slimiting
theirrolewhatthey[Chicanas]can do.
worker#176a]
[professional
Another Chicana declared:
I thinkyouhavetodemonstrate
thatyoucando a job-I meanI've seenit!In
interviews
witha whitecandidate.Theysee itwritten
on thepaperand they
say, 'isn't this great!'But,when you bringa Latina woman in, it's almost like
they'redrilled:'Tellus'; 'Giveus examples';'How longdid you do it?'Some
and that'swhatI feel.Youalwayshavetoproveyourself
saytoproveyourself
thatyou arejustas good evenwhenit'sall there.It'sall written.
You almost
have to fightharderto demonstrate
thatyou can do a job justas well!
[upperclericalworker#64a]
This particularinformanttold me that she had resistedinterpreting
her experience as evidence of gender/racial-ethnic
discrimination.In this regard, she is
very similar to the majorityof the women interviewed. Survey respondents
typicallytriedto downplay the salience of gender/racial-ethnic
discriminationin
theirpersonal lives although most (70%) considered it a featureof the organization and society at large. All the women interviewedbelieve that women of
Mexican descent have a "hardertime" gettinggood jobs than eitherAnglo men,
Anglo women, or Latino men.
Women who believed theyhad experienceddiscriminationcondemned it and
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SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume35, Number1, 1992
174
described its nuances at length. Several told of "subtle discrimination,"i.e.,
comments that devalue their culture and/or features of their combined
gender/race-ethnicity:
I haven'tgottena job becauseof,or I don't
... it's subtlediscrimination.
knowifI havegottena job becauseofmycolor.Youknow,subtlestuff-that
subtlebaloneythatpeoplepass you overbecausetheythinkthatwomenof
they
as they[Anglos]are.Thatsortofthing.Actually,
coloraren'tas brilliant
to me.
can be condescending
[upperclericalworker#155a]
Another said:
I'm usuallyaskedbecauseofmyaccent-theysay 'youhavea funnyaccent.'
And,I alwayssay,'I'm Mexican.'And peoplearereallysurprised.Theysay,
'You don'tlookMexican.'And so I ask, 'how manyMexicanpeopledo you
know?'And theysay,'Oh, justyou.'
worker#212a]
[professional
The Chicana respondents argued that differencesin skin color, accents, language skills, and culturalmannerismsshaped theiroccupational chances. One
respondent said: "They want someone to fitthe mold, and if you don't fitthe
mold . . . " (#102a). Interestingly, many of the women reporting that they had
not personally experienced job discrimination(although they were careful to
note theirbeliefin its importance),attributedit to theirfair,or lightcomplexions:
becauseI'm not-I'm kindoffair
MaybeI haven'tfeltas muchdiscrimination
complected.So, a lot of people don'tknow,or don'teven assumethatI'm
Mexican.They'rerealsurprisedwhenI say,'yeah,I'm Mexican.'
worker#5]
[professional
Many women also offeredanalyses of the consequences ofgender-race-ethnicity
forChicana employmentinequality.Some women argue that discriminationis
the primaryreason Chicanas are overrepresentedin lower-levelpositionsin the
organization. Other women assert that the organization often "punishes"
Chicanas who tryto "push" theirway into a promotioneitherby denyingthem
the job or actuallydowngradingit. For example:
Supervisor.9
ThispositionthatI havenow,beforemewas a WordProcessing
had theworkload thatI havenow.
None ofthem[previousjob incumbents]
In fact,theyjustsurveyedmyjob, and it'sincreased130percent.Yet,I'm a
back.
SeniorWordProcessor.I've had to fighttoothand nailto be classified
Theyknowithas tobe done,butwhyis it
Eventhen,it'sbeenprocrastinated.
takingso long?It's just obvious.It just makesyou think-thosewere all
whitewomenpriorto me. What'sthedifference?
[upperclericalworker#64a]
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CHICANAS
IN WHITE-COLLAR
JOBS
175
This informant'scase was being investigated.Few women, however,feltable to
officiallychallenge job discriminationwithinthe organization.Integralto their
reluctanceis theirsense thattheylack credibilityin the institutiondue, in part,
to pejorative stereotypesthat symbolize essential parts of the gendered and
raced expectationsthatare constantlybeing played out in social interactionand,
ultimately,situate Chicanas in a socially subordinateposition.10As one upper
clericalworkersaid:
. . . one timeI wanteda job at [unitx] and a whitewomangotit because
she'd alreadybeen in theposition.I shouldhave gottenthejob. Butthey
me becausetheyknewI was completely
didn'teven interview
qualifiedfor
butifyou takeit
theposition.And so I thought;
well,I couldtakeitfurther,
further
thatmeans [unitx] would neverhireme becauseI was a troublemaker.
[upperclericalworker#155a]
This respondent's words point to the power of real or imagined social control
mechanisms to cap instances of discriminationas well as maintaininequalityat
work. In everyinstance,the burden of proofis on the woman. Further,whether
or not she succeeds in provingdiscriminationat work,she will be stigmatizedas
a "troublemaker." As a troublemaker, she risks incurring the wrath of
coworkers,supervisors,and the organizationitself.This reactionmay be even
strongerin the case of Chicanas, given their social image as "passive" and
"nurturinggood mothers"thatis reinforced,moreover,by theirresponsibilities
at work.
Discriminationat work plays an importantrole in reinforcinggender and/or
race-ethnicboundaries in the organization.Research on ethnicityindicates that
discriminationhelp maintaina "sense of peopleindividual and institution-level
hood" among the group. Chicanas interprettheirpersonal experiences of discriminationas part of the shared experiences of the larger racial-ethniccommunity.While most of the Chicanas in this study assert thatmaintainingtheir
cultureis importantto them,discriminationwithinan institutionserves to hold
them accountable to this resolution. In this way, the organization reinforces
Chicanas' gender-race-ethnicsense of themselves.
Chicanas' racial-ethnicidentityis not only maintainedby negativeevents such
as discriminationor by intrinsicrewardson thejob. Womenin the presentstudy
also affirmtheirrace-ethnicity
by organizingand/orparticipatingin a varietyof
culturalactivitiesin the community.In addition,one-thirdof the surveyrespondents belonged to an Hispanic WorkersAdvocacygroup at theirworksite.Women feel this group promotesa positive image of Chicanos/Latinosand will help
erode the power wielded by negative culturalstereotypescurrentlyembedded
in the institution.
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176
SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume35, Number1, 1992
The IntersectionOf Family and Work
An analysis of social dynamicsthatcontextualizeChicanas' options and maintain theirsocial inequalitywould be incompletewithoutconsideringthe family
(Smith 1987; Zavella, 1987). Motherhoodis simultaneouslya source of joy and a
powerfulconstrainton employmentand occupationalmobility.Coltraneargues
that"the routinecare of home and children... provide opportunitiesforwomen to express and reaffirmtheirgendered relationto men and to the world"
(1989:473).Among the 111 Chicana respondentswithchildren,familycaretaking
constrainstheirchances formobilityin the world ofwork. It also formsone way
they accomplish gender and culture.
One way Chicanas striveto manage the contradictionsof overworkis to try
carvingout two separate worlds where, in reality,thereis butone world and one
woman tryingto meet the expectationsof children,coworkers,supervisors,and
her own ambitions. As one woman said:
Forthe mostpart,myjob doesn'tinterfere
too muchwithhome. WhenI
leavework,I leavemywork.I switchstationstodo whatever
I needtodo for
thefamily.
But,therearetimeswhen,yes,workdoes tendtotireyououtand
you do carryit homewithyou in termsof less energyand nothavingthe
energytodealwiththefamily.
That'sreallyhard,especially
whenbothofyou
come in verytiredand you sortof want the otherone to do something
becauseyou'retoo tiredto deal withit. Thenit'shard.The poorkids,they
don'tunderstand.Theyjust knowthatthey'rehungryand 'how comeyou
guyswon'tfeedus?'
worker#102a]
[professional
This woman speaks to the dilemma of reconcilingwhat Hochschild refersto as
the "competing urgencies" of familyand work.1"Interestingly,
women in this
studydownplayed the spilloverbetween work and family.In the surveysand in
their interviews,women consistentlyreported that theirjobs "almost never"
(27%) or only "occasionally" (47.7%) interferedwith theirabilities to manage
theirfamilyresponsibilities.Yet, theirdiscussions of the intersectionof family
and work reveal they are experiencingconsiderable tension and stress in this
relationship.
Ironically,ideological changes that have expanded the domain of women's
competencies may impede women's articulationof theirstress meetingfamily
and work responsibilities.As one woman argues:
I thinkas women,maybetheprogresshas been kindof negativein some
aspects.Youknow,we go outand saythatwe cando this-we canwork,we
can raisea family,
and all that.And yetat thesame time,I feellikemaybe
we've hurtourselvesbecausewe can'tdo itall. I don'tbelievethereis superwoman.
worker#5a]
[professional/managerial
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CHICANASIN WHITE-COLLAR
JOBS
177
An additional constraintfeltby manyofthe Chicana workersis theirresponsibility to maintainChicano culturaltraditionsand forms.One woman said:
In orderto be valued we have to be wivesand mothersfirst.Thatcultural
pressureis themostdifficult
to overcome.
worker#101
[professional
This informantstruck a chord that resonated throughoutthe study: Mexican/Latinawomen take on much of the caretakingwork in the household as an
expression of Mexican culture.12Charged with cultural socialization of offspring,Chicanas oftenavoid debating theirpartnersabout the household division of labor. An overwhelmingmajorityof our survey respondents reported
"little"(39.4%) or "no" (40.4%) differenceof opinion on the household division
of labor between marriedwomen and theirspouses. Yet,when asked about the
actual division of labor, women reported doing most of the housework and
wished theirhusbands/partnerswould do more.
Traditionalgender roles and gender ideologies are particularlyresistantto
change when they are framedwithinwhat Caufield (1974) termsa "culture of
resistance." Consistently,Chicanas refuseto engage in sustained strugglewith
husbands/partnersover the divisionofhousehold labor even thoughtheyadmit
they are, as one Chicana professionalworker(#6) said "too stressed and torn
between career and familyresponsibilitiesto feel good about the accomplishments!" Rather,Chicanas conformto theircommunity'sgendered expectations
reaffirming
both theirwomanhood and theirculture:
I'm justhappy[about]whoI am and whereI comefrom.Ourwomen,Latino
becauseofwhowe areand where
women,do thingsjusta littlebitdifferently
we camefrom.Therearecertainthingsthatwe do . .. forourhusbandsthatI
know that otherwomen, white women have problemsdoing ... for
instance-and I've seenitbecausemybrother-in-law
was married
toa white
woman.You'reeatingand yougo tothestovetomaybeserveyourself
a little
more.It's just normal,I think.You'rebroughtup withthatreal nurturing
with,'honey,do youwantsomemore?'. . . Andhercomment
was, 'well,he
can getup byhimself.'
Justtherealindependenceon theirside,and I think
we're broughtup a littlemorenurturing
to our male counterparts.
Maybe
there'smoremachismotheretoo-whatever.It'sthewayyou'rebroughtup.
[upperclericalworker#64a]
The desire to affirmtheirgender and theirrace-ethniccultureis strengthenedin
those cases where women work in jobs that value services to other women
and/orChicanos on the campus. As one Chicana professionalworker(#6) said:
Chicanasfeelthatworking-wesee ourselvesas socialchangeagents.Wesee
itas beingdoneina partnership
Wegethurtbythings
basiswithourfamilies.
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178
SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES Volume35, Number1, 1992
thatpeople in our culturedo, butwe don'tturnagainstthem.Maybethat
and a
hurtsin the end, butI thinkwe wantto keep a forgedrelationship
partnership.
As painfully
as it maybe. And that'swhereI wantto be. Yes.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
are afThis study has demonstratedways in which gender and race-ethnicity
firmedin the labor marketamong selected Chicana white-collarworkers. By
consideringboth the featuresof jobs that Chicanas value and dislike and the
perceived barriersto success at work thattheyencounterin the organization,I
have identifiedmechanisms that reinforceoccupational segregationby gender
and gender-race-ethnicity.
There is, however, another outcome of Chicana employment.Chicanas' job
of familyresponsibilitiesmutually
performancesand theirconcurrentfulfillment
reinforcethe accomplishment of culture and ethnicity.Whereas traditional
Marxistand feministanalyses view marketlabor as potentially"liberatory"by
increasingwomen's economic clout (e.g., Engels [188411968;Smith1987; Moore
and Sawhill 1978; Hartmann 1981; Ferree 1987), this study finds the opposite.
That is, while women usually enjoy theirjobs, work is not so much "liberatory"
as intensifying
theiraccomplishmentofgenderboth in the tasks theydo at work
as well as the sex-typedtasks they continue to do at home. Moreover, their
attachmentto familyis linkedideologicallyto the survivalofthe culture,rendering their accomplishmentof gender an overt act of racial-ethnicand cultural
politics.This particularfindingmay well be a neglectedtruthin many women's
lives.
The Chicanas of this study also tend to work with Chicano studentsor assist
male facultyunder the supervision of white women or males (in academic
hierdepartments)-a dynamic that reinforcesgender and gender-race-ethnic
archies at work. This scenario does not provide a strongpoint of departureto
engage in gender critiqueseitherat home or in the workplace.
Chicana workers in this study have a clear sense of their socially-imposed
limits, but struggle to survive and wrest meaning fromworlds where their
multidimensionalexperiencesand constraintsdefyeasy solutionsand answers.
The complexityof theirstruggleis capturedby an informant'sobservationthat
became the subtitleof thispaper: "you have to prove yourselfmore." But,while
Chicanas prove their competence at work and in the family,they not only
reproduce gendered social relationsbut simultaneouslyaffirmtheircultureand
racial-ethnicidentityas well.
Acknowledgments: I gratefullyacknowledge the constructivecriticism
and supportofferedby Sarah Fenstermaker,Karen Miller-Loessi,and Beatriz M. Pesquera on earlier draftsof
thispaper and theresearchassistance
provided by Marisela Marquez. I
alone am responsible for whatever
shortcomingsremain. This research
was supported in part by funding
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179
CHICANAS IN WHITE-COLLAR JOBS
grantsfromthe Academic Senates of
the Universityof California, Davis,
and the Universityof California,Santa Barbara,as well as theUniversityof
CaliforniaConsortiumon Mexico and
the United States (University of
California, Mexus). A Ford Foundation Postdoctoral Fellowship is currentlysupportingthe finalphases of
the project.
NOTES
1. The terms,"Chicana"and "Chicano"
referrespectively
to a woman and to a
man of Mexicandescentresidingin the
imUnitedStateswithoutdistinguishing
migrant
status."Chicano"also refersgenerically
to thecategory
ofpersons(male
and female)who claimMexicanheritage
These
(e.g., the "Chicano"community).
labelsoffer
an alternative
tothemorecommon ethnicidentifiers,
"Mexican"and
"MexicanAmerican"(Garcia1981).Other
termsassociatedwithpeople ofMexican
descentinclude"Hispanic"and "Latino."
Both of these terms typicallyinclude
Spaniardsand a varietyofethnicgroups
whowerecolonizedat one timebySpain.
and sigReadersinterested
in thehistory
labels used by the
nificanceof different
to
Mexican-origin
populationarereferred
Tienda(1981),Garcia(1981),and Penalosa
(1970).
2. I gratefullyacknowledge Sarah
thetheFenstermaker's
helpin clarifying
of genderas dyoreticalunderpinnings
I
namic,interactional
accomplishments.
ellipsesare
also add thatany remaining
myresponsibility.
ofthisstudyis thatI
3. One shortcoming
do not distinguish
native-born
Chicanas
fromforeign-born
Mexicanwomen.There
is littlepublishedworkonwomenofMexican descentthatmakesthisdistinction.
in
Also, relatively
fewof theinformants
bothstudiesindicatedtheywereforeign-
born Mexicans or Latinas. Readers interested in the differencesbetween nativeborn and foreign-bornMexican women
are referred to Tienda and Guhleman
(1985) and Ortiz and Cooney (1984).
4. At present,BeatrizPesquera and I are
planning to interview an additional 15
women. We do not expect to findmeaningfuldeparturesfromthe interviewdata
reportedhere. Our intentionis to expand
and enrich our existing qualitative
database forfuturework on gender ideology and ethnic identityamong Chicana
workers.
5. It is importantto note thatwe believe
that many of the women had a rather
broad interpretationof "coworkers" that
embraced academic personnel. Strictly
speaking, facultyare not coworkersofthe
white-collarworkers of this study. Our
knowledge of the research site indicates
thatthe gender of administrativesupport
staff(which includes our categoriesofupper clerical and lower clerical) is overwhelminglyfemale. Professionaland service/technician occupations are more
heterogeneousby gender.
6. Our occupational categorieswere derived in consultationwith the personnel
manual of the research site and two personnel analysts. In general,lower clerical
occupations (levels 1-3 in this organization) are nonsupervisory.Upper clerical
occupations (levels 4-6) are oftensupervisory. Professional occupations include
managers of academic and staffunits as
well as a varietyofspecialized jobs thatare
mainly administrative (e.g., counselor,
personnel analyst) or scientific(staffresearch associate). Service and technicians
tended tobe lower-paidworkersin laboratories (laboratoryhelper) or custodians.
One important limitation of this case
study is thatrelativelyfew women in the
latter category answered the questionnaire (n = 9) or answered our call foran
oral interview.
7. These figures obscure the income
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180
SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES
range of the respondents.Fourteenwomen earned less than $15,000; 33 earned
between $15,000-$19,999;57 earned between$20,000-$24,999;21 earned between
$25,000-$29,999; 13 earned between
$30,000-$34,999; 11 earned more than
$35,000.
8. National median incomes in 1989 for
white female full-time workers was
$19,873 and $16,006 forHispanic females
(U.S. Bureau of the Census 1991a).
9. The specific occupations and units
mentioned by this informanthave been
changed to protecther anonymity.
10. One example of how gendered and
raced expectationsare played out in interactionis a Chicana being called to account
forwhy her skinis so light.This "accounting" is one way in which,throughinteraction, stereotypesor the staticpartof masterstatusesare actuallycreated,recreated,
and reproduced.
11. This phrase was coined by
Hochschild and quoted in Rubin (1983).
12. It is importantto note thatthe literature that focuses largely on samples of
white women reports similar findings.
Gender, culture, race, and ethnicityare
readily and easily invocable to justifyan
asymmetricaldivisionofhousehold labor.
Nevertheless, the Chicanas in this study
are unique insofar as they invoke their
gendered responsibilitiesto Chicano culture.
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