COMMON SENSE Thomas Paine edited
by
Edward Larkin
broadview editions
Appendix B: Responses to
Common Sense
1. [Charles Inglis], The True Interest ofAmerica Impartially Stat­
ed, in Certain Strictures on a Pamphlet In titled Common Sense
(Philadelphia: Humphreys, 1776)
[An Anglican minister and later rector of Trinity Church in New
York, Charles Inglis published a number of pamphlets and essays in
opposition to the Revolution. He arr ived in the colonies in 1775
just months before the publication of
The Tme Interest about
Common Sense.
He published
a month after Paine's pamphlet appeared. Like
many Tor ies, Inglis left for Nova Scotia during the War of Indepen­
dence. Below are selected sections of
The True Interest which in its
Common Sense. T hese selec­
entirety was about as long as the text of
tions are taken from the second edition, published by James
Humphreys.]
PREFACE
THE following pages contain an answer to one if the most ariful, insid­
ious and pernicious pamphlets I have ever met with. It is addressed to the
passions of the populace, at a time when their passions are much inflamed.
At such junctures, cool reason and judgment are too apt to sleep: The mind
is easily imposed on and the most violent measures will, therefore, be
thought the most salutary. Positive assertions will pass for demonstration
with many, rage for sincerity, and the most glaring absurdities and falshoods
will be swallowed.
The author if COMMON SENSE, has availed himself if all these cir­
cumstances. Under the mask iffriendship to America, in the present calami­
tous situation of affairs, he gives vent to his own private resentment and
ambition, and recommends a scheme which must i/"!fallibly prove minous. He
proposes that we should renounce our allegiance to our Sovereign, break off
all connection with Great-Britain and set up an independent empire if the
republican kind. Sensible that such a proposal must, even at this time, be
shocking to the ears of Americans; he insinuates that the novelty of his sen­
timents is the only obstacle to their success.-that, "perhaps they are not
yet sr!ificiently fashionable to procure them general favour; that a long habit
f not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance being right,
and raises at first a formidable outcry in d fence if custom. "
COMMON SENSE
151
In this he imitates all other enthusiasts and visiollary assertors if para­
doxes, who were conscious that the common feeli lgs of mankind mllst revolt
against their schemes: TIle author, however, though he did not illte ld it here,
pays compliment to the Americans; for this amounts to a confessiorl that
amidst all their grievances, they still retain their allegiance and
W ith the same lJiew, I presume, to make his pamphlet go down the bet­
ter, he prifixes the title of Common Sense to it-by a figure ill
which is called a Catechresis, that is, in plain English, an abuse of words.
Under this title, he counteracts the clearest dictates f reason, tmtll and com­
mon sense, TIws halJe I seen a book written by a popisll bigot, elltitled,
and Truth; or Charity maintained; in which the allfitor very
and charitably damns all heretics.
I find no Common Sense in this pamphlet, but much uncommon
phrenzy. It is an outrageous insult on the common sense q/Americans; an
insidious attempt to poison their minds, and seduce them from their loyalty
and truest interest. TIle principles of government laid down in it, are IlOt only
but too absurd to have ever entered the 1lead of a crazy politician before.
Even Hobbes would blush to own the author for a disciple.1 He unites the
violellce and rage of a republican, with all the entllUsiasm and folly if a fanat­
ic. If principles f truth and common sense, however, ulould flOt serlJe his
scheme, he could not help that by any other method than by inlJeflting such
as would; alld this he has done.
No person breathin,g, has a deeper sense of the present distresses ifAmer­
thall I halJe--or would rejoice more to see them remolJed, and our liber­
ties settled on a permanent, constitutional foundation. But this author's pro­
posal, instead of remolJing our grievances, would aggravate them a thousand
fold. The remedy is infinitely worse than the disease. It ulould be like wttirlg
off a leg, because the toe happened to ache.
It is probable that this pamphlet, like others, will soon sink in obliv­
ion-that the destructilJe plan it holds out, will speedily be forgotten, and
like the baseless fabric of a vision; yet, while any honest mall is in
danger of beillg seduced by it-whilst there is even a possibility that the
dreadful evils it is calculated to produce, should overtake tiS, I think it a
duty which I owe to God, to my King and Country, to counteract, in this
manner, the poison it contains. Nor do I think it less a duty thus to lJirl­
dicate our honourable Congress, and my injured countrymen in
Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) was one o f the most important English
philosophers of the seventeenth century. His Levial/lan remains one of
the most influential works of political philosophy ever written. In
Leviathan Hobbes presents a somewhat brutal and violent vision of
human nature.
152
from the duplicity and criminal insincerity with which this pamphlet
pirtually (ha J?es them.
The reader, howelJer, must not expect that I should submit to the drtl gery
returning a distinct answer to elJery part of a pamphlet, in which the lines
in many places are out-numbered by falshoods; where the author's malice and
antipathy to monarchical government, misrepresent almost everything relative
fo the sl/bject . I have done, notwithstanding, what I conceilJe to be suffi­
cient-I have developed his leading principles, and obviated such misrepre­
sentations as are aptest to mislead the unwary. I have, moreover, shewn that
this scheme is b(g with ruin to America--that it is contrary to the sentiments
of the colonists, alld that in a Reconciliation with Great-Britain, on solid,
cOllStitutional principles, excluding all parliamentary taxatiorl, the happiness
mId prosperity of this continent, are only to be sought or folltld.
I neither halJe, nor can possibly have any itlterests separate from those of
America--any object itl view but her welfore. My fate is involved in her:,. If
she becomes a conquered country, or an independent republic, I can promise
advantage or emolument in either case; Imt must inevitably share
with millions in the evils that will ensue. TIlis I can declare, bifore the
searcher if hearts, is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth .
Can the autilor f Common Sense do the same? Can he truly and sin­
cerely say, that he has no honour, power, or profit in view, should his darling
republican scheme take place? If not, then he is an interested, prejudiced per­
SOIl, and lJery unfit to advise in this matter. We should /le distrus ful of his
judgment, and on our guard against what he recommends.
The at/thor calls himself an Englishman, but whether he is a native
Old En gland, or New England, is a thing I tleither know nor care about.
I am only to know him by the features he hath here exhibited of himself,
which are those of an avowed, violent Republican, utterly averse and
unfriendly to the English constitution. He hath not prifixed his name to his
pamphlet; neither shall I prifix mine to this. But as I fear his alJilities
as little as I love his republican cause, I hereby pledge myself, that in case he
should reply, and publish his name; I also, should I think it necessary to
shall publish my name. I honour genius wherever I meet with it; but
detest its prostitution to bad purposes. The few faint glimmeriflgs f it that
are thinly scattered through this pamphlet, are but a poor compensation for
its malevolent, pernicious design; and serve only to raise our indignation and
abhorrence.
I hope the reader will distinguish-where there is a real difference-­
between his Republican's cause, and that of America. If not, and if he is not
to listen calmly to tmth, I adlJise him to stop here and lay down this
But if the case be othenvise, I have only to beseech him, whilst
perusing these STRICTURES, to rememiJer, that they were written to promote
APPENDIX n
COMMON SENSE
153
our Reconciliation with a King and nation, whom, not long since,
we sin­
cerely loved and esteemed. The bitterest enmity I know is that which
subsists
between those who were once friends, but have fallen out. On such
occasions,
and while our resentment is high, the advice which tends to
gratify that
resentment may be the most welcome. But when our passions subside,
our for­
mer 4iections will also return; and we shall then look upon him
to be much
more our friend who would calm our resentment than him
who would
inflame it. From our former connection Ivith Great Britain, we
have already
derived numberless advantages and benefits;from a closer union
with her, on
proper principles, we may derive still greater benefits in future.
Duty, grati­
tude, interest, nay Providence, by its all-wise dispensations,
loudly call on
both countries to unite, and would join them together; and may
infamy be
the portion of that wretch who would put them asunder.
February 16, 1776.
petually embroiled with England hereafter, unless we declare for
independency.
For my part,I look upon this pamphlet to be the most injurious,
in every respect, to America, of any that has appeared since these
troubles began.Its natural and necessary tendency is, to produce jeal­
ousy, dissention and disunion among us. The Continental congress,
the several Provincial Congresses and Assemblies, have all unani­
mously and in the strongest terms, disclaimed ever y idea of Inde­
pendency. They have repeatedJy declared their abhorrence of such a
step; they have as often declared their firm attachment to our Sov­
ereign and the Parent State. They have declared that placing them in
the same situation that they were at the close of the last war, was
their only object; that when this was done, by repealing the obnox­
*
*
*
Consider this matter as you will, view the Declaration of Indepen­
dency in what light you please; the win of America must be the
inevitable consequence. Our author's earnestness and zeal therefore,
that we should declare ourselves Independent, serves only to prove
that he himself is desperate; and that he would gladly bring his whole
continent into the same situation.
But our author repeatedly tells us-"That to expend so many
millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, is unworthy
the charge:' Now to pass over the gross insult here offered to the
Continental Congress, who had this important object pr incipally in
view, in the spirited measures they have taken:I answer--That if five
times as many millions had been expended, America would be an
immense gainer, provided those acts are repealed, and her liberties,
property, and trade, are settled on a firm basis, by a Constitutional
Union with Great-Britain. Were that measure once effected, the
peace and prosperity of this continent would be as immutably and
certainly secure as any thing in this world can.We should be the hap­
piest people in the world. The Americans have fully evinced, to the
conviction of the most incredulous, that they have an high sense of
their liberties, and sufficient spirit to vindicate those liberties. Their
numbers, strength, and importance, will be daily increasing; these
will command respect from Great-Britain, and insure to them a mild
and equitable treatment from her. She will not hereafter be over anx­
ious to contend, or come to blows with them. This I think is clear
to demonstration; and hence we may learn to set a proper value on
154
the rant which this author throws out, as if America would be per­
ious acts, our former harmony and friendship would be restored. I
appeal to the reader whether all this had not been done from one
end of the continent to the other.
Yet here steps forth a wr iter, who avers with as much assurance
as if he had the whole continent on his back, and ready to support
his asseverations-That Independency is our duty and interest­
That it was folly and rashness to go to the expence we have been at
for the sake of repealing those obnoxious acts; and moreover, loads
with the most opprobious terms, that Sovereign and Nation to
which we had declared our attachment! In what light can this be
viewed in Britain? Must it not weaken the influence of our
friends--strengthen the hands of the ministry--and give weight to
ever y thing our enemies have said to to our disadvantage? Must it
not induce people to suspect our candour-that all our declarations
were insincere, fallacious-intended only to amuse and deceive?-lt
is as much to vindicate my injured countrymen from this disgrace,
which they deserve not, as to oppose the destructive project ofInde­
pendency, that I appear on this occasioIl-a project which is as
neU!
as it is destructive.
I have now considered every thing in thisIncendiary's pamphlet,
that deserves notice.If some things are passed over, it is not because
they are unanswerable; but because they are not worthy of an
answer. I have on purpose omitted ever y subject, the discussion of
which might tend to raise jealousy among the colonists; such as reli­
gion, the claims of some colonies on other s, besides many more of
the same kind. But it was more difficult to avoid speaking of these,
than to point out what prolifiC sources of animosity, bitterness and
bloody contests they must infallibly prove, were America to become
APPENDIX B
COMMON SENSE
155
independent. The whole is freely submitted to the reader's candid,
dispassionate judgment.
The Author of Common Sense may probably call me "a disguised
tory, a prejudiced man," or what in his estimation will be productive
"
of more calamities to this continent than all others-a moderate man."
But I am too conscious of the sincerity of my own heart, and of the
rectitude of my intentions, to pay any regard to whatever he is pleased
to call me. Who indeed would be ambitious of his approbation, when
he expressly reprobates Moderation-that offspring of true wisdom
and sound judgment? The welfare of America is what I wish for above
any earthly thing. I am fully, firmly and conscientiously persuaded, that
our author's scheme of Independency and Republicanism, is big with
ruin-with inevitable ruin to America. Against this scheme therefore,
which totally changes the ground we set out on, as an honest man, as
a friend to human nature, I must and will bear testimony.
. Let the spirit, design and motives which are undeniably evident in
our respective pamphlets, decide which should be attended to most.
The author of Common Sense is a violent stickler for Democracy
or Republicanism only--every other species of government is
reprobated by him as tyrannical: I plead for that constitution which
has been formed by the wisdom of ages-is the admiration of
mankind-is best adapted to the genius of Britons, and is most
friendly to liberty.
He takes pleasure in aggravating every circumstance of our
unhappy dispute-would inspire others with the same rage that
instigates himself, and would set his fellow subjects to cutting each
others throats. I would most gladly, were it in my power, draw a veil
of eternal oblivion over any errors which Great Britain or the
colonies may have fallen into-I would willingly persuade them to
mutual harmony and union; since on these their mutual happiness
and interest depend.
He is evidently goaded on by ambition and resentment, to seek
for the gratifIcation of those passions in an independent republic
here; which would reduce America to the same desperate state with
himself I have no interest to serve but what is common to my coun­
trymen-but what every American of property is concerned in
trammels of any party, as not to desert it, the moment is deserts the
interests of my country.
He recommends a new, untried, romantic scheme, at which we
would at first have shuddered-which is big with inevitable ruin,
and is the last stage of political phrenzy. I am for pur suing the same
object, and acting on the same principles and plan with which
we
set out, when this contest began, and of whose success there is a
moral certainty.
This, as far as I can know or see, is the true state of our case-let
Heaven and Earth judge between us.
America is far from being yet in a desperate situation. I am confi­
dent she may obtain honourable and advantagious terms from Great
Britain. A few years of peace will soon retrieve all her losses. She will
rapidly advance to a state of maturity, whereby she may not only
repay the parent state amply for all past benefits; but also lay under
the greatest obligations. America, till very lately, has been the happi­
est country in the universe. Blest with all that nature could bestow
with the profusest bounty, she enjoyed besides, more liberty, greater
privileges than any other land. How painful is it to reflect on these
things, and to look forward to the gloomy prospects now before us!
But it is not too late to hope that matters may mend. By prudent
management her for mer happiness may again return; and continue to
encrease for ages t o come, in a union with the parent state.
However distant humanity may wish the period; yet, in the rotation
of human affairs, a period may arrive, when, (both countries being pre­
pared for it) some terrible disa ster, some dreadful convulsion in Great
Britain, may transfer the seat of empire to this western hemisphere­
where the British constitution, like the Phrenix from its parent's ashes,
shall rise with youthful vigor and shine with doubled splendor.
But if America should now mistake her real interest-if her sons;
infatuated with romantic notions of conquest and empire, ere things
are ripe, should adopt this republican's scheme: They will infallibly
destroy this smiling prospect. They will dismember this happy coun­
try-make it a scene of blood and slaughter, and entail wretchedness
and miser y on millions yet unborn.
Quod Deus a nobis procul averta::. 1
equally with me.
He places himself at the head of a party; and spurns from him
FINIS.
with the utmost contempt and indignation, all who will not enlist
under his banner: I am of no party, but so far as the welfare of Amer­
"
ica is aimed at; and I believe there are many who aim at this in every
"Which thing may God avert far away from us ; or, more colloquially,
party. I have not learnt to pace with such intire acquiescence in the
"May God keep this far from us.
156
APPENDIX B
"
COMMON SENSE
157
2.
Candidus [James Chalmers], Plain Truth; Addressed to
the Inhabitants of America, COtJtaining, Remarks on a Late
Pamphlet, Entitled Common Sense (Philadelphia: Bell, 1776)
fA wealthy landowner who had arrived in Maryland in 1
Chalmers would not only write Plain Truth but later become
Lieu­
tenant-Colonel of a Maryland battalion of Loyalist fighters.
Pub­
lished about a month after T11c True Interest, Chalmers' pamphle
t was
dedicated to John Dickinson, who had not yet been persuade
d to
support independence. Unfortunately for Chalmer s , Plain Truth
was
published on the eve of one of the colonies' first significant
victories
in the military confil ct
Boston), which played a crucial role in cementing support
for the
war. Robert Bell, always at the center of Revolutionary controve
rsy,
published the edition of Plain Truth reprinted
INTROD UCTI ON.
IF indignant at the Doctrine contained in the Pamphle
t, entitled
COMMON SENSE:
I have expressed myself, in the following Obser vations, with
some
ardor; I entreat the Reader to impute my indignation, to honest
zeal
against the Author's Insidious Tenets. Animated and impelled
by
every inducement of the Human Heart; I love, and (if
I dare so
express myself,) I adore my Country. Passionately devoted
to true
Liberty; I glow with the purest flame of Patriotism. Silver'd
with age
as I am, if I know myself, my humble Sword shall not be
wanting to
my Country; (if the most Honorable Terms are not tendered
by the
British Nation) to whose Sacred Cause, I am most fervently
devot­
ed. T he judicious Reader, will not impute my honest,
tho bold
Remarks, to unfriendly designs against my Children-again
st my
Country; but to abhorrence of Independency; w hich if
effected,
would inevitably plunge our once pre-eminently envied
Country
into Ruin. Horror, and Desolation.
PLAIN TRUTH;
CONTAINING REMARKS ON A LArE PAMPHLET, ENTITLED, COMMON SENSE I HAVE now before me the Pamphlet, entitled COMMON SENSE; on
which I shall remark with freedom and candour. It may not be
158
APPENDIX II
improper to remind my readers, that the investigation of my subject,
demands the utmost freedom of enquiry. I therefore entreat his
indulgence; and that he will carefully remember, that intemperate
zeal, is as injurious to liberty, as a manly discussion of facts is friend­
ly to it. "Liberty, says the great MONTESQUIEU, is a right of doing
whatever the laws permit; and if a citizen could do what they forhe would no longer be possessed of liberty, because all his fel­
low citizens would have the same power."! In the beginning of his
pamphlet, the Author asserts,"that society in every state is a blessing.
T his in the sincerity of my heart I deny; for it is supreme misery to
be associated with those, who to promote their ambitious purposes,
flagitiously pervert the ends of political society. I do not say that our
with Great Britain (the
Author is indebted to BURGH'S POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS, or to
ROUSSEAU'S Social Compact for his definition of Government, and
his large Tree; although I wish he had favoured his readers with the
following extract from that sublime reasoner. "To investigate those
conditions of society which may best answer the purpose of nations,
would require the abilities of some superior intelligence, who
should be witness to all the passions of men, but be subject itself to
none, who should have no connections with human nature, but
should have a perfect knowledge of it:A Being, in short, whose hap­
piness should be independent of us, and who would nevertheless
employ itself about us. It is the province of Gods to make the laws
for Men."With the utmost deference to the celebrated ROUSSEAU, I
cannot indeed imagine, that laws even so constructed, would mate­
rially benefit our imperfect race; unless omniscience deigned previ­
ously to exalt our nature. T he judicious reader will therefore per­
ceive, that malevolence only, is requisite to declaim against, and
arraign the most perfect governments. Our Political Quack, avails
himself of this trite expedient, to cajole the people into the most
abject slavery, under the delusive name of independence. His first
indecent attack is against the English constitution; which with all its
imperfections, is, and ever will be the pride and envy of mankind.
Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron of Montesquieu (1689-1755) was an
eminent French philosopher and man of letters. His Spirit cif the Laws
is one of the most influential worb in both the history
cal theory and of jurisprudence. It had a profound impact on eighteenth­
century political thought and
was
especially important to American and
French revolutionaries, for whom it provided many of the founding
structures of modern democracy, including the division of political
power into legislative, executive and judiciary.
COMMON SENSE
159
To this panegyric involuntarily our author subscribes, by granting
individuals to be safer in England, than in any other part of Europe.
He indeed insidiously attributes this pre-eminent excellency, to the
sifting and scrutinizing, by every captious rule of logic, in every
or position in which it may be placed."
Say ye votaries of honour and truth, can we adduce a stronger
of our Author's turpitude, than his quoting the anti-philo­
constitution of the people, rather than to our excellent constitution.
is our Author reduced. I would ask
To such contemptible
why did not the constitution of the people afford them supe­
nor safet y, in the reign of Richard the Third, Henry the Eighth, and
other t yrannic princes?i Many pages might indeed be filled with
encomiums bestowed on our excellent constitution, bv illustrious
authors of different nations.
This beautiful system (according to MONTESQUIEU) our constitu­
story
archs. Briefly examining the story of this contemptible race, more
barbarous than our savages: We find their history a continued suc­
cession of miracles, astonishing our imaginations, and exercising our
faith. Mter wandering forty years in horrid desarts, they are chiefly
condemned to perish for their per verseness, although under the
immediat e dominion of the KING OF HEAVEN. At length, they arrive
tion is a compound of Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy. But
in the sterile count ry of Palestine; which they conquer, by extermi­
it is often said, that the Sovereign, by honours and appointments,
influences the Commons. The profound and elegant HUME2 agitat­
the adjoining regions, justly therefore held them in detestation, and
ing this question, thinks, to this circumstance, we are in part indebt­
ed for our supreme felicity; since without such controul in the
C rown, our C onstitution
would immediately
degenerate into
Democracy; a government, which in the sequel, I hope to prove
ineligible. Were I asked marks of the best government, and the pur­
pose of political society, I would reply, the encrease, preservation, and
nating the inhabitants, and warring like Demons. The inhabitants of
the Jews finding themselves constantly abhorred, have ever since
hated all mankind. This people, as destitute of arts and industry, and
humanity, had not even in their language a word expressive of edu­
cation. We might indeed remind our Author, who so readily drags in
the Old Testament to support his sinister measures; that we could
draw from that source, many texts, favourable t o
onscious, that the Mosaic Law,
prosperity of its members, in no quarter of the Globe, are those
marks so certainly to be found, as in Great Britain, and her
dencies. After our Author has
several pages, to break the
way t o the Gospel Dis-
The reader no doubt will be
by the following
extract from a most primitive Christian. "Christianity is a spiritual
bounds of society by deba ing Monarchs: He says, "The plain truth
relative only to celestial objects. The Christian's inheritance
is, that the antiquity of English Monarchy will not bear looking
is not of this world. He performs his duty it is true, but this he does
int o."
HUME t reating of the original contract, has the following melan­
choly, but sensible obser vation, "Yet reason tells us, that there is no
property in durable objects, such as lands, and houses, when careful­
ly examined, in passing from hand to hand, but must in some peri­
od, have been founded in fraud and injustice. The necessities of
human society, neither in private or public life, will allow of such an
accurate enquiry; and there is no virtue or moral duty, but what may,
with facility, be refined away, if we indulge a false philosophy, in
VIII
(1491-1547) ruled England for almost 40 years.
David Hume (17] 1-76) was the foremost
a crucial role in the history
from his essay "Of the Original Contract" which
his Essays. Moral and Political (]748).
160
APPENDIX B
If the state be in a flourishing condition, he can hardly venture t o
rejoice i n the public felicity, least h e should b e puffed up, with the
inordinate price of his country's glory. If the state decline, he bless­
es the hand of GOD, that humbles his people to the dust:'
Having defined the best government, I will humbly attempt t o
describe good Kings b y the following unerring rule. The best
Princes are constantly calumniated by the envenomed t ongues and
'-Af''-.U'-H'-'-.
f'lLU''',Vf'llCl
lightenment. His ideas about causality and his
little consequence to him whether matters go well or ill here below.
pens of the most worthless of their subjects. For this melancholy
from 1483 to 1485.
do I appeal t o the t estimony of
Richard III (1452-85) ruled England briefly
2
with a profound indifference for the good or ill success of his
endeavours: Provided he hath nothing to reproach himself, it is of
skeotlclsm
The noble impartial historian
almost divine Henry the Fourth of France says , "Thus was the god­
like
represented (by the discontented of these days) almost
throughout his whole kingdom, as a furious, and implacable tyrant:
They were never without one set of arguments to engage his
COMMON SENSE
161
catholic nobility in a rebellion against him; and another t o sow sedi­
tion among his protestant officers and gentry."! HUME say s, that the
cruel unrelenting tyrant, Philip the Second of Spain, with his infer­
nal Inquisition, was not more detested by the people of the Nether­
lands; than was the human e Charles, with his inoffensive Liturgy; by
his mutinous subjects.2 The many unmerited insults offered to our
gracious Sovereign; by the unprincipled W ilkes, and others down t o
this late Author; will forever disgrace humanity." For h e say s, "that
monarchy was the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on
foot for the promotion of idolatry. It is the pride of Kings which
throws mankind int o confusion: In short, continues this Author,
monarchy and succession, have laid not this or that kingdom only,
but the World in blood and ashes." How deplorably wretched the
condition of mankind, could they believe such execrable flagitious
jargon. Unhappily inde ed, mankind in every age are susceptible of
delusion; but surely our Author's poison carries its antidote with it.
Attentive to the spirit of his publication, we fancy ourselves in the
barbarous fifteenth century: in which period our Author would have
figured with his "C ommon Sens e---and blood will attend it."
After his t errible anathema against our venerable constitution,
and monarchy ; let us briefly examine a democratical state; and see
whether or not it is a government less sanguinary. This government
is extremely plausible, and indeed flattering t o the pride of mankind.
The demagogues therefore, to seduce the pe ople into their criminal
designs ever hold up democracy to them: although conscious it
never did, nor ever will answer in practice. If we believe a great
Author, "There never existed, nor ever will exist a real democracy in
the World." If we examine the republics of Gre ece and Rome, we
ever find them in a state of war domestic or foreign. Our Author
therefore makes no mention of these ancient States. "When Alexan­
der ordered all the exiles, to be restored throughout the citi es, it was
found that the whole amounted t o t wenty thousand, the remains
probably of still greater slaughters and massacres. 1 W hat an ast onish­
ing number in s o narrow a country as ancient Greece? and what
domestic confusion,jealousy, partiality, revenge, heart-burnings must
tear those cities, where factions were wrought up to such a degree
of fury and despair." Apian's history of the civil wars of Rome, con­
tains the most fright ening picture of mass acres, proscriptions, and
forfeitures that ever were presented to the world.2
The excellent Montesquieu declares, "That a democracy suppos­
es the concurrence of a number of circumstances rarely united, in the
first place, it is requisite that the state itself should be of small extent;
so that the people might be easily assembled and personally known
t o each other. Secondly, the simplicity of their manners, should be
such as to prevent a multiplicity of affairs, and perplexity in discussing
Maximilien de Bethune, Duke de Sully (1560-1641) was the lifelong
friend and loyal minister of Henry IV. Mter Henr y was assassinated in
1610, Sully was forced to retire from the government. In 1638 he pub­
lished his Memoirs, in which he celebrated Henry's vision and accom­
plishments.
2
Chalmers contrasts Philip II of Spain (1527-98), the Catholic monarch
them: And thirdly, there should subsist a great degree of equality
between them, in point of right and authority: Lastly, there should be
little or no luxury, for luxury must either be the effect of wealth, or
it must make it necessary. It corrupts at once, both rich and poor:
The one,by the possession, and the other, by the want of it." To this
may be added continues the same Author, "that n o government is s o
who attempted to eradicate Protestantism from The Netherlands
subject t o CIVIL WARS, and INTESTINE COMMOTIONS, as that o f the
under Spanish rule), with Charles I of England (1600-49), who tried to
democratical or popular form; because, no other tends so strongly
force Presbyterian Scotland to adopt a new liturgy based on the Book of
and so constantly to alter, nor requires so much vigilance, and forti­
Common Prayer (the standard liturgy of the Anglican Church). The
tude t o preserve it from alteration. It is indeed, in such a constitution,
Inquisition was originally a tribunal established by the Catholic Church
in the 13th century to tr y people accused of heresy. It was one of the
instruments used by Philip II to combat the Protestant Reformation
which began in the sixteenth century.
3 John Wilkes (1725-97)
was
particularly, that a Citizen should alway s be armed with fortitude,
constancy ; and should every day, in the sincerity of his heart, guard
against corruption, arising either from selfishness in himself, or in his
a controversial politician and journalist who
became Lord Mayor of London in 1774. As a member of Parliament and
Alexander the Great (356-23 BCE) began his career in Macedon, north
in his newspaper, North Briton, Wilkes promoted a radical political agenda
of Greece, and conquered much of the then-known world before his
and soon became a populist hero. In the end, however, Wilkes seems to
have been not so much a committed reformer as an opportunist who
saw radical popular political views as a way to promote his own career.
162
APPENDIX B
death at the age of 33.
2 Appian. who lived in the 2nd century CE, was an early historian of
Rome.
COMMON SENSE
163
compatriots; for if it once enters into public transactions, to root it
out afterwards would be miraculous."
*
*
*
I shall humbly endeavour to shew, that
our author shamefully mis­
represents facts, is ignorant of the true state
of Great Britain and her
Colonies, utterly unqualified for the arduo
us task, he has presump­
tuously assumed; and ardently intent on seduc
ing us to that precipice
on which himself stands trembling.To elucid
ate my strictures, I must
with fidelity expose the circumstance
s of Great B r itain and her
colonies. If therefore, in the energy of descri
ption, I unfold certain
bold and honest truths with simplicity,
the judicious reader will
remember, that true knowledge of our situati
on, is as essential to our
safety, as ignorance thereof may endan
ger it. In the English
provinces, exclusive of negroe and other
slaves, we have one hundred
and sixty thousand; or one hundred and
seventy thousand men capa­
ble of bearing arms. If we deduct
the people called Quakers,
Anabaptists,l and other religionists averse
to arms; a considerable
part of the emigrants, and those having a
grateful predilection for the
ancient constitution and parent state, we
shall certainly reduce the
first number to sixty or seventy thousand
men. Now admitting those
equal to the Roman legions, can we
suppose them capable of
defending against the power of Br itain,
a country nearly twelve hun­
dred miles extending on the ocean . Suppo
se, our troops assembled
in New-England, if the Britons see not
fit to assail them, they haste
to and desolate our other provinces, which
eventually would reduce
New England. If by dividing our forces
, we pretend to defend our
provinces, we also are infallibly undone.
Our most fertile provinces,
filled with unnumbered domestic enem
ies, slaves; intersected by nav­
igable r ivers, every where accessible
to the fleets and ar mies of
Britain, can make no defence. If without
the medium of passion and
prejudice, we view our other provin
ces, half armed, destitute of
money and a navy: We must confess, that
no power ever engaged
such POTENT ANTAGONISTS, under such
peculiar circumstances of
infelicity. In the better days of Rom
e, she permitted no regular
troops to defend her. Men destitute of
property she admitted not
The Anabaptists were one of the many radical Protestant groups to
emerge during the sixteenth century. Known primarily for their belief in
adult baptism, pacifism, as Chahners suggests, was another one of the key
tenets of their belief.
164
into her militia, (her only army.) I have been extremely concerned
at the separation of the Connecticut men from our army. It augur'd
not an ardent enthusiasm for liberty and glory. We still have an army
before Boston, and I should be extremely happy to hear substantial
proofs of their glory. I am still hopeful of great things from our army
before Boston, when joined by the regiments now forming, which
WANT OF BREAD
will probably soon fIll. Notwithstanding the
predilection I have for my countrymen, I remark with gr ief, that
hitherto our troops have displayed but few marks of Spartan or
Roman enthusiasm. In the sincerity of my heart, I adjure the read­
er to believe, that no person is more sensibly afflicted by hearing the
enemies of America remark, that no General ever fell singly and so
ingloriously unrevenged before the inauspicious affair of Quebec.1 I
am under no doubt, however, that we shall become as famed for
martial courage, as any nation ever the sun beheld. Sanguine as I am,
respecting the virtue and courage of my countrymen, depending on
the history of mankind, since the Chr istian £ra, I cannot however
imagine, the zeal for liberty will to such glorious efforts of heroism,
as religious enthusiasm hath often impelled its votaries to perfor m
[ .. .]
.
With the utmost deference to the honorable Congress; I do not
view the most distant gleam of aid from foreign powers.The princes
alone, capable of succouring us, are the Sovereigns of France and
Spain. If according to our Author, we possess an eighth part of the
habitable globe, and actually have a check on the West India com­
merce of England. The French indigo, and other valuable West India
commodities, and the Spanish galeons, are in great jeopardy from
our power.The French and Spaniards are therefore wretched politi­
cians, if they do not assist England, in reducing her colonies to obe­
dience.
Pleasantry apart! Can we be so deluded, to expect aid
--
from those princes, which inspiring their subjects with a relish for
liberty, might eventually shake their arbitrary thrones.-Natural
avowed enemies to our sacred cause: W ill they cherish, will they
support the flame of liberty in America? Ardently intent, on extin­
guishing its latent dying sparks in their respective dominions. Can
we believe, that those pr inces will offer an example so dangerous to
In one of the early engagements of the War of Independence, colonial
forces invaded Canada. Led by General Richard Montgomery, the expe­
dition, which culminated in the siege of Quebec in the winter of 1775-
76, failed miserably. The plan was largely an attempt to incorporate
Canada into the conflict with Great Britain.
APPENDIX B
COMMON SENSE
165
*
their subjects and colonies, by aiding those provinces to indepen­
dence? If independent, aggrandized by infinite numbers from every
part of Europe, this Continent would rapidly attain power astonish­
ing to imagination. Soon, very soon would we be conditioned to
conquer Mexico, and all their West India settlements, which to
annoy, or possess, we indeed are most happily situated. Simple and
obvious as these truths are, can they be unknown to the people and
princes of Europe? Be it however admitted, that those princes
unmindful of the fatal policy of RICHLIEU'S arming Charles's sub­
jects against him, and the more fatal policy of LEWIS the fourteenth
permitting our glorious deliverer to effect the Revolution.1 I say, be
it admitted, that those princes regardless of future consequences, and
the ineptitude of the times, are really disposed to succour us. Say, ye
friends of liberty and mankind, would no danger accrue from an
army of French and Spaniards in the bosom of America? would ye
not dread their junction with the Canadians and Savages, and with
the
numerous
Roman
Catholics,
dispersed
throughout
the
Colonies?
Let us now briefly view the pre-eminently envied state of Great
Britain.If we regard the power of Britain, unembarrassed with Con­
tinental connections, and the political balance, we may justly pro­
nounce her what our author does, AMERICA;-"A match for all
Europe." Amazing were the efforts of England, in the war of Queen
Ann, when little benefited by colony commerce, and e' er she had
availed herself of the courage, good sense, and numbers of the peo­
ple of Scotland and Ireland.
That England then prescribed laws to Europe, will be long
remembered. Last war, her glory was, if possible, more eminently
exalted, in every quarter of the globe did victory hover round her
armies and navies, and her fame re-echoed from pole to pole. At
present Great Britain is the umpire of Europe.
Armand-Jean du Plessis, Cardinal Richelieu (1585-1642) was leader of
the French royal council under Louis XIII and a powerful advocate of
absolutism who also laid the foundation for France's cultural dominance
of Europe in the late seventeenth century. During Richelieu's tenure as
first minister, Charles I was drawn into war with France, Louis XIV
(1638-1715) ruled France from the age offive until his death four days
before his 77th birthday. "Our glorious deliverer" refers to William III
(also known as William of Orange) whom Louis was forced to recognize
as king of England in spite of his belief that James II was the
appointed heir the British throne.
166
APPENDIX B
*
*
prayers have
"Every quiet method of peace has been ineffectual; our
the people
with
agree
indeed
not
do
I
"
been rejected with disdain.
to
laboured
ully
successf
so
who
those,
of England in saying, that
who
they
That
peace.
than
less
nothing
d
widen the breach--desire
disciplined
shortly were to command the most numerous and best
fleets of
the
with
contend
to
fit
navy
a
army under Heaven; and
I high­
just.
be
to
d
disdaine
us,
found
had
England; imagining, the time
hon­
the
indeed
not
have
I
es.
Delegat
ly venerate a majority of the
Gen­
the
wish
I
r,
howeve
rs;
membe
our of knowing all the worthy
nt charge,
tlemen of the Congress, 'ere they entered on their importa
in par­
iends
fr
our
of
strength
the
had been better acquainted, with
last
the
receive
not
did
King
the
liament. I sincerely lament, that
the
",'.ish,
sincerely
as
I
and
ss;
excellent petition from the Congre
that
at
ves
themsel
d
addresse
not
Gentlemen of the Congress had
' (con­
juncture, to the people ofIreland. "As to government matters;
Con­
this
do
to
Britain
of
power
tinues our Author,) "it is not in the
intri­
and
weighty
too
be
soon
tinent justice:The business of it will
by a
ence,
conveni
of
degree
e
cate to be managed with any tolerabl
they
if
for
us;
of
t
ignoran
very
power so very distant from us, and so
ce between
cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. The differen
d lands,
unlocate
some
ng
Pennsylvania, and Connecticut, respecti
proves,
fully
and
ent,
shews the insignificance of a British governm
ental
Contin
regulate
can
that nothing but Continental authority
nutters."
to
Until the present unhappy period, Great Br itain has afforded
mag­
and
lenient,
wise,
all mankind, the most perfect proof of her
which we
nanimous government of the Colonies-The proofS to
increase.
amazing
and
already have alluded, viz. our supreme felicity,
only
otence
Omnip
s;
Than the affair of the Connecticut invader
for­
our
of
ance
continu
could grant us stronger reasons for praying a
per­
nate
dispassio
every
mer beneficent government. Most certainly,
that the
son, as well as the plundered Pennsylvanians, must confess;
d,
aforesai
oters
Free-bo
Arm of Great Britain alone detained those
doubt,
all
t
withou
from seising the city of P hiladelphia, to which
Pennsylvania,
they have as just a claim, as to those fertile regions in
In wrath to
of.
lves
which they surrreptitiously have possessed themse
govern­
fangled
new
mankind, should Heaven permit our Author's
explore
to
them
advise
,
ment to exist;I, as a friend to Pennsylvanians
expelled
being
of
ation
new settlements, and avoid the cruel mortific
elds.-"But
by the Saints from their delicious abodes and pleasing fi
COMMON SENSE
167
(says the Author) the most powerful argument is, that nothing but
independence, (that is a Continental for m of government) can keep
the peace of the Continent, and preserve it inviolate from civil wars.
I dread the event of a reconciliation now with Britain, as it is more
than probable, that it will be followed by revolt somewhere; the con­
sequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of
Britain. Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity, thousands
sterling. The Nation now indebted nearly thrice that sum; is not
arrived at the zenith of her credit and power. It is perhaps possible
to form a specious system of government on paper which may seem
practicable, and to have the consent of the people; yet it will not
answer in practice nor retain their approbation upon trial. "All plans
of government (says HUME) which suppose great reformation in the
maillers of mankind, are merely imaginar y." 1
The fabricators of Independency have too much influence; to be
more will probably share the same fate. These men have other feel­
ings, than those who have nothing suffered: All they now possess is
entrusted in such arduous and important concerns. This reason
liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and hav­
ing nothing more to lose, they disdain all submission."
stitution. It would be as inconsistent in our leaders in this hour of
Here we cannot mistake our author's meaning, that if one or
more of the middle or southern Colonies reconcile with Great
Br itain, they will have war to sustain with New England; "the con­
sequences of which may be more detrimental, than all the malice of
Britain."This terrible denunciation, fortunately for such Colonies; is
as futile as its author. Should Great Britain re-establish her authori­
ty in the said Colonies by negociation; surely it is not temerity to
add, that the weight of Britain, in the scale of those provinces, would
preponderate against the power of New England. If Britain should
reduce the Colonies by ar ms, (which may Heaven avert!) The New
England provinces will have as little inclination, as ability, to disturb
the peace of their neighbours. I do indeed most sincerely compas­
sionate those unhappy men, who are r uined by our unfortunate dis­
tractions. I do fervently pray, that Britain, and the Colonies may most
effectually consider their peculiar infelicity. Such attention will do
infinite honour to the parent state; who cannot view them as ene­
mies, but as men unhappily irritated by the impolitic measures of
Great Britain.
alone, were sufficient at present, to deter us from altering the Con­
danger to form a government; as it were for a Colonel forming his
battalion in the face of an enemy, to stop to write an essay on war.
This author's Quixotic system, is really an insult to our understandit is infinitely inferior to HUME"S idea of a perfect Common
Wealth, which notwithstanding his acknowledged greatness of genius,
is still reprehensible. It is not our business to examine, in what manner
this author's associates, acquired their knowledge in national affairs; but
we may predict, that his scheme of independency would soon, very
soon give way to a goverrunent imposed on us, by some Cromwell of
our armies. Nor is this sentiment unnatural, if we are attentive to con­
stant experience, and human nature. The sublime MONTESQUIEU, so
quoted by the Congress, unhappily corroborates our doctrine
"from
he) a manner of thinking that prevails amongst mankind.
They set a higher value upon courage than timorouSlless, on activity
than prudence, on strength than counsel. Hence, the army will ever
despise a senate, and respect their own officers. They will
slight the order sent them by a body of men whom they look upon as
cowards, an d therefore unworthy to command them, so that as soon as
the army depends on the legislative body, it becomes a military
*
*
and if the contrary has ever happened, it has been owing to some extra­
*
ordinary circumstances, such as Holland being able to drown her gar­
I shall no longer detain my reader, but conclude with a few remarks
on our Author's scheme. The people of those Colonies would do
well to consider the character, fortune, and designs of our Author,
risons, and the Venetians having it in their power to compel their troops
to obedience by the vicinity of the European armies. Resources to
which we forever must be strangers. If independence takes place, the
and his independents; and compare them with those of the most
amiable and venerable personages in, and out of the Congress, who
abominate such nefarious measures. I would humbly observe, that
the specious science of politics, is of all others, the most delusive.
Soon after the Revolution; the ablest states-men in England, and
other part of Europe; confidently predicted National ruin, infallible
r uin,
168
soon
as
APPENDIX B
the
Public
debt
exceeded
fiftv
millions
This quotation is from Hume's essay on the "Idea of a Perfect Common­
wealth," Essay 16, which he published in Part II of his Political Discourses
In the same essay he proposes his own scheme for a perfect form
of government.
2
The passage is from the chapter of TIle Spirit if the LAws devoted to an
analysis "Of the Constitution of England," (Part 2, Book 11, Chapter 6).
COMMON SENSE
169
New England men by their consequence therein; will assume a supe­
riority, impatiently to be born by the other Colonies.
Notwithstanding our Author's fine words about toleration: Ye
sons of peace and true christianity; believe me, it were folly supreme,
madness, to expect angelic toleration from New-England, where she
has constantly been detested, persecuted and execrated. Even in vain
would our Author: or our CROMWELL cherish toleration; for the
people of New-England, not yet arrived in the seventeenth or eigh­
teenth century, would reprobate her.-It is more than probable to
suppose, that the New-England governments would have no objec­
tion to an Agrarian law; nor is it unreasonable to suppose, that such
division of property would be very agreeable to the soldiers. Indeed
their General could not perhaps with safety to his existence as a
General, refuse them so reasonable a gratification, particularly, as he
will have more than one occasion for their services. Let us however
admit that our General and troops, contradicting the experience of
ages; do not assume the sovereignty. Released from foreign war; we
would probably be plunged into all the misery of anarchy and intes­
tine war. Can we suppose that the people of the south, would sub­
mit to have the seat of Empire at Philadelphia, or in New England;
or that the people oppressed by a change of government, contrast­
ing their misery with their former happy state, would not invite
Britain to reassume the sovereignty.
*
*
*
Volumes were insufficient to describe the horror, misery and deso­
lation, awaiting the people at large in the syren form of American
independence. In short, I affirm that it would be most excellent pol­
icy in those who wish for TRUE LIBERT Y to submit by an advanta­
geous reconciliation to the authority of Great Britain; "to accom­
plish in the long run, what they cannot do by hypocrisy, fraud and
force in the short one."
INDEPENDENCE AND SLAVERY ARE SYNONYMOUS TERMS.
FINIS.
3. Selections from "Cato's Letters" [William Smith] and
"The Forester" [Thomas Paine] Pennsylvania Gazette
(1776)
[From March through June of 1776 the major Philadelphia newspa­
pers all reprinted the debate between "Cato" and "The Forester."
170
APPENDIX B